Slavery Days And After

I'se Marshal Butler, [HW: 88] years old and was born on December 25. I

knows it was Christmas Day for I was a gift to my folks. Anyhow, I'se

the only niggah that knows exactly how old he be. I disremembers the

year but you white folks can figure et out.

[Illustration]

My mammy was Harriet Butler and my pappy was John Butler and we all was

raised in Washington-Wilkes.

Mammy was a Frank Collar niggah and her man was of the tribe of Ben

Butler, some miles down de road. Et was one of dem trial

marriages--they'se tried so hard to see each other but old Ben Butler

says two passes a week war enuff to see my mammy on de Collar

plantation. When de war was completed pappy came home to us. We wuz a

family of ten--four females called Sally, Liza, Ellen and Lottie and six

strong bucks called Charlie, Elisha, Marshal, Jack, Heywood and little

Johnnie, [TR: 'cuz he war' marked out] de baby.

De Collar plantation wuz big and I don't know de size of it. Et must

have been big for dere war [HW: 250] niggahs aching to go to work--I

guess they mus' have been aching after de work wuz done. Marse Frank

bossed the place hisself--dere war no overseers. We raised cotton,

corn, wheat and everything we un's et. Dere war no market to bring de

goods to. Marse Frank wuz like a foodal lord of back history as my good

for nothing grandson would say--he is the one with book-larning from

Atlanta. Waste of time filling up a nigger's head with dat trash--what

that boy needs is muscle-ology--jes' look at my head and hands.

My mammy was maid in de Collar's home and she had many fine

dresses--some of them were give to her by her missus. Pappy war a field

nigger for ole Ben Butler and I worked in the field when I wuz knee high

to a grasshopper. We uns et our breakfast while et war dark and we

trooped to the fields at sun-up, carrying our lunch wid us. Nothing

fancy but jes' good rib-sticking victuals. We come in from the fields at

sun-down and dere were a good meal awaiting us in de slave quarters. My

good Master give out rations every second Monday and all day Monday wuz

taken to separate the wheat from the chaff--that is--I mean the victuals

had to be organized to be marched off to de proper depository.

Before we uns et we took care of our mules. I had a mule named George--I

know my mule--he was a good mule.

"Yes, I hollow at the mule, and the

mule would not gee, this mornin'.

Yes, I hollow at the mule, and the

mule would not gee.

An' I hit him across the head with

the single-tree, so soon."

Yes, Boss-man I remembers my mule.

Marse Frank gave mammy four acres of ground to till for herself and us

childrens. We raised cotton--yes-sah! one bale of it and lots of garden

truck. Our boss-man give us Saturday as a holiday to work our four

acres.

All the niggers worked hard--de cotton pickers had to pick 200 pounds of

cotton a day and if a nigger didn't, Marse Frank would take de nigger to

the barn and beat him with a switch. He would tell de nigger to hollow

loud as he could and de nigger would do so. Then the old Mistress would

come in and say! "What are you doing Frank?" "Beating a nigger" would be

his answer. "You let him alone, he is my nigger" and both Marse Frank

and de whipped nigger would come out of the barn. We all loved Marse and

the Mistress. No, we wuz never whipped for stealing--we never stole

anything in dose days--much.

We sure froliked Saturday nights. Dat wuz our day to howl and we howled.

Our gals sure could dance and when we wuz thirsty we had lemonade and

whiskey. No sah! we never mixed [HW: no] whiskey with [HW: no]

water.--Dem dat wanted lemonade got it--de gals all liked it. Niggers

never got drunk those days--we wuz scared of the "Paddle-Rollers."

Um-m-h and swell music. A fiddle and a tin can and one nigger would beat

his hand on the can and another nigger would beat the strings on the

[HW: fiddle] [TR: 'can' marked out.] with broom straws. It wuz almos'

like a banjo. I remembers we sung "Little Liza Jane" and "Green Grows

the Willow Tree". De frolik broke up in de morning--about two

o'clock--and we all scattered to which ever way we wuz going.

We put on clean clothes on Sunday and go to church. We went to de white

church. Us niggars sat on one side and de white folks sat on the other.

We wuz baptized in de church--de "pool-room" wuz right in de church.

If we went visiting we had to have a pass. If nigger went out without a

pass de "Paddle-Rollers" would get him. De white folks were the

"Paddle-Rollers" and had masks on their faces. They looked like niggers

wid de devil in dere eyes. They used no paddles--nothing but straps--wid

de belt buckle fastened on.

Yes sah! I got paddled. Et happened dis way. I'se left home one Thursday

to see a gal on the Palmer plantation--five miles away. Some gal! No, I

didn't get a pass--de boss was so busy! Everything was fine until my

return trip. I wuz two miles out an' three miles to go. There come de

"Paddle-Rollers" I wuz not scared--only I couldn't move. They give me

thirty licks--I ran the rest of the way home. There was belt buckles all

over me. I ate my victuals off de porch railing. Some gal! Um-m-h. Was

worth that paddlin' to see that gal--would do it over again to see Mary

de next night.

"O Jane! love me lak you useter,

O Jane! chew me lak you useter,

Ev'y time I figger, my heart gits bigger,

Sorry, sorry, can't be yo' piper any mo".

Um-m-mh--Some gal!

We Niggers were a healthy lot. If we wuz really sick Marse Frank would

send for Doctor Fielding Ficklin of Washington. If jus' a small cold de

nigger would go to de woods and git catnip and roots and sich things. If

tummy ache--dere was de Castor oil--de white folks say children cry for

it--I done my cryin' afterwards. For sore throat dere was alum.

Everybody made their own soap--if hand was burned would use soap as a

poultice and place it on hand. Soap was made out of grease, potash and

water and boiled in a big iron pot. If yo' cut your finger use kerozene

wid a rag around it. Turpentine was for sprains and bad cuts. For

constipation use tea made from sheep droppings and if away from home de

speed of de feet do not match de speed of this remedy.

No, boss, I'se not superstitious and I'se believe in no signs. I jes'

carry a rabbits' foot for luck. But I do believe the screeching of an

owl is a sign of death. I found et to be true. I had an Uncle named

Haywood. He stayed at my house and was sick for a month but wasn't so

bad off. One night uncle had a relapse and dat same night a screech owl

come along and sat on de top of de house and he--I mean the

owl,--"whooed" three times and next morning uncle got "worser" and at

eleven o'clock he died.

I does believe in signs. When de rooster crows in the house it is sign

of a stranger coming. If foot itches you is going to walk on strange

land. If cow lows at house at night death will be 'round de house in

short time. If sweeping out ashes at night dat is bad luck for you is

sweeping out your best friend. Remember, your closest friend is your

worst enemy.

If you want to go a courtin'--et would take a week or so to get your

gal. Sometimes some fool nigger would bring a gal a present--like

"pulled-candy" and sich like. I had no time for sich foolishness. You

would pop the question to boss man to see if he was willing for you to

marry de gal. There was no minister or boss man to marry you--no

limitations at all. Boss man would jes say: "Don't forget to bring me a

little one or two for next year" De Boss man would fix a cottage for two

and dere you was established for life.

"If you want to go a courtin', I sho' you where to go,

Right down yonder in de house below,

Clothes all dirty an' ain't got no broom,

Ole dirty clothes all hangin' in de room.

Ask'd me to table, thought I'd take a seat,

First thing I saw was big chunk o'meat.

Big as my head, hard as a maul,

ash-cake, corn bread, bran an' all."

Marse Frank had plenty of visitors to see him and his three gals was

excuse for anyone for miles around to come trompin' in. He enterained

mostly on Tuesday and Thursday nights. I remembers them nights for what

was left over from de feasts the niggers would eat.

Dr. Fielding Ficklen [TR: earlier, 'Ficklin'], Bill Pope, Judge

Reese,--General Robert Toombs and Alexander Stephens from

Crawfordville--all would come to Marse Franks' big house.

General Robert Toombs lived in Washington and had a big plantation 'bout

a mile from de city. He was a farmer and very rich. De General wuz a big

man--'bout six feet tall--heavy and had a full face. Always had

unlighted cigar in his mouth. He was the first man I saw who smoked ten

cent cigars. Niggers used to run to get "the stumps" and the lucky

nigger who got the "stump" could even sell it for a dime to the other

niggers for after all--wasn't it General Toombs' cigar? The General

never wore expensive clothes and always carried a crooked-handled

walking stick. I'se never heard him say "niggah", never heard him cuss.

He always helped us niggars--gave gave us nickles and dimes at times.

Alexander Stephens wuz crippled. He was a little fellow--slim, dark hair

and blue eyes. Always used a rolling chair. Marse Frank would see him at

least once a month.

I'se saw a red cloud in de west in 1860. I knew war was brewing. Marse

Frank went to war. My uncle was his man and went to war with him--Uncle

brought him back after the battle at Gettsburg--wounded. He died later.

We all loved him. My mistress and her boys ran de plantation.

The blue-coats came to our place in '62 and 63. They took everythin'

that was not red-hot or nailed down. The war made no changes--we did the

same work and had plenty to eat. The war was now over. We didn't know we

wuz free until a year later. I'se stayed on with Marse Frank's boys for

twenty years. I'se did the same work fo $35 to $40 a year with rations

thrown in.

I lived so long because I tells no lies, I never spent more than fifty

cents for a doctor in my life. I believe in whiskey and that kept me

going. And let me tell you--I'se always going to be a nigger till I die.

[HW: Dist. 5

Ex. Slave #13]

AN INTERVIEW ON SLAVERY OBTAINED FROM

MRS. SARAH BYRD--EX-SLAVE

Mrs. Sarah Byrd claims to be 95 years of age but the first impression

one receives when looking at her is that of an old lady who is very

active and possessing a sweet clear voice. When she speaks you can

easily understand every word and besides this, each thought is well

expressed. Often during the interview she would suddenly break out in a

merry laugh as if her own thoughts amused her.

Mrs. Sarah Byrd was born in Orange County Virginia the youngest of three

children. During the early part of her childhood her family lived in

Virginia her mother Judy Newman and father Sam Goodan each belonging to

a different master. Later on the family became separated the father was

sold to a family in East Tennessee and the mother and children were

bought by Doctor Byrd in Augusta, Georgia. Here Mrs. Byrd remarked

"Chile in them days so many families were broke up and some went one way

and der others went t'other way; and you nebber seed them no more.

Virginia wuz a reg'lar slave market."

Dr. Byrd owned a large plantation and raised such products as peas

potatoes, cotton corn (etc). There were a large number of slaves. Mrs.

Byrd was unable to give the exact number but remarked. "Oh Lordy Chile I

nebber could tell just how many slaves that man had t'wuz too many uv

em."

The size of the plantation required that the slaves be classified

according to the kind of work each was supposed to do. There were the

"cotton pickers", the "plow hands," the "hoe hands," the "rail

splitters," etc. "My very fust job," remarked Mrs. Byrd, "wuz that uv

cotton picking." Mrs Byrd's mother was a full [TR: field?] hand.

Houses on the Byrd Plantation were made of logs and the cracks were

daubed with mud. The chimnies were made of mud and supported by sticks.

Each fireplace varied in length from 3 to 4 feet because they serve the

purpose of stoves; and the family meals were prepared in those large

fireplaces often two and three pots were suspended from a rod running

across the fireplace. Most of the log houses consisted of one room;

however if the family was very large two rooms were built. The

furnishings consisted only of a home-made table, benches, and a

home-made bed, the mattress of which was formed by running ropes from

side to side forming a framework. Mattresses were made by filling a tick

with wheatstraw. The straw was changed each season. Laughing Mrs. Byrd

remarked, "Yessirree, them houses wuz warmer than some are ter day."

Doctor Byrd was rather kind and tried to help his slaves as much as

possible, but according to Mrs. Byrd his wife was very mean and often

punished her slaves without any cause. She never gave them anything but

the coarsest foods. Although there of plenty of milk and butter, she

only gave it to the families after it had soured. "Many a day I have

seed butter just sittin around in pans day after day till it got good

and spoiled then she would call some uv us and give it ter us. Oh she

wuz a mean un," remarked Mrs. Byrd. Continuing Mrs. Byrd remarked "she

would give us bread that had been cooked a week." Mr. Byrd gave his

slave families good clothes. Twice a year clothing was distributed among

his families. Every June summer clothes were given and every October

winter clothes were given. Here Mrs. Byrd remarked "I nebber knowed what

it wuz not ter have a good pair uv shoes." Cloth for the dresses and

shirts was spun on the plantation by the slaves.

The treatment of the slaves is told in Mrs. Byrd's own words:

"We wuz always treated nice by Master Byrd and he always tried ter save

us punishment at the hands uv his wife but that 'oman wuz somethin'

nother. I nebber will ferget once she sent me after some brush broom and

told me ter hurry back. Well plums wuz jest gitting ripe so I just took

my time and et all the plums I wanted after that I come on back ter the

house. When I got there she called me upstairs, 'Sarah come here.' Up

the steps I went and thar she stood with that old cow hide. She struck

me three licks and I lost my balance and tumbled backward down the

stairs. I don't know how come I didn't hurt myself but the Lord wuz wid

me and I got up and flew. I could hear her just hollering 'Come back

here! come back here!' but I ant stop fer nothing. That night at supper

while I wuz fanning the flies from the table she sed ter the doctor.

'Doctor what you think? I had ter whip that little devil ter day. I sent

her after brush broom and she went off and eat plums instead of hurrying

back.' The doctor just looked at her and rolled his eyes but never sed a

word. There wuz very little whipping on Byrd's plantation, but I have

gone ter bed many a night and heard 'em gittin whipped on the plantation

next ter us. If dey runned away they would put the hounds on 'em."

Concluding her story on treatmeant Mrs. Byrd remarked "Yessirree I could

tell that 'oman wuz mean the first time I seed her after we came from

Virginia cause she had red eyes." "Pader rollers" stayed busy all the

time trying to find slaves off their plantations without passes.

Marriages were performed by having the couple jump the broom. If the

[TR: 'couple' deleted, handwritten words above illegible] belonged to

different masters oftentimes one master would purchase the other; but

should neither wish to sell the man would then have to get passes to

visit his wife on her plantation. "Dey would leave the plantation on

Saturday afternoons and on Sunday afternoon you could see 'em coming in

just lak they wuz coming from church," remarked Mrs. Byrd.

There were frolics on the Byrd plantation any time that the slaves chose

to have them. "Yes sir we could frolic all we want ter. I use ter be so

glad when Saturday night came cause I knowed us wuz go have a frolic and

I wouldn't have a bit 'uv appetite I would tell my ma we gwine dance ter

night I dont want nothin teet. Yes sir us would frolic all night long

sometimes when the sun rise on Sunday morning us would all be layin

round or settin on the floor. They made music on the banjo, by knocking

bones, and blowing quills."

The Byrds did not provide a church on their plantation for their slaves

neither were they allowed to attend the white church; instead they had

prayer meetings in their own cabins where they could sing pray and shout

as much as they wished. "I nebber will fergit the last prayer meeting us

had," remarked Mrs. Byrd. "Two woman named Ant Patsy and Ant Prudence

came over from the next plantation. I believed they slipped over there

wid out gittin a pass. Anyway, they old master came there and whipped

'em and made 'em go home. I reckin he thought us wuz praying ter git

free." Continuing--

I nebber will fergit the fust time I set eyes on them thar Yankees. I

done already heard 'bout how they wuz going round ter the different

plantations taking the horses and carrying away the money and other

valuable things, but they had nebber come ter our place. So this day I

saw 'em coming cross the railroad track and they look jest lack thunder

there wuz so meny 'uv em. When they got ter our house every body wuz

sleep and they knocked and knocked. We had a bad dog that didn't take no

foolishness off nobody, so when he kept barking them Yankees cursed him

and do you know he heshed up? I sid, 'Dear Lord what sort of man is that

all he got ter do is curse that dog and he don't even growl.' Well, when

they finally got in all they wanted wuz ter know if Mr. Byrd could help

feed the soldiers until Monday. Mr. Byrd told 'em he would. Soon after

that the war ended and we wuz called ter gether and told us wuz free.

Some uv'em stayed there and some uv'em left. Us left and moved ter

another plantation."

Mrs. Byrd who had previously given the writer an interview on folk-lore

asked the writer to return at a later date and she would try to think up

more information concerning superstitions, conjure, etc. The writer

thanked her for the interview and promised to make another visit soon.

Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume IV, Georgia Narratives, Part 1 · 第 28 / 46 题