The re-publication by the Hakluyt Society of the first true polar
voyage ever made, is very opportune, now that the people of England
have revived their interest in maritime enterprise and are waiting with
anxiety the results of the Government expedition up Smith’s Sound,
where the brave explorers in the Alert and Discovery are enduring the
hardships of an Arctic winter. A deep interest in this expedition,
manifested in various ways, is felt throughout the whole civilised
world, and never did ships sail to the Arctic Regions which were
followed with greater sympathy or warmer wishes both at home and
abroad. While we are waiting with increasing impatience for the first
news of their proceedings, the voyages of the stout-hearted Dutch
pioneers of Arctic exploration will be found exceedingly interesting,
showing what the human constitution can endure under good leadership,
and stimulated and controlled by faith and discipline. They have set an
example to all other Arctic navigators, by showing the necessity for
being well prepared to sustain a winter in the polar pack. If future
explorers should find themselves surprised amidst the ice, and
consequently be obliged to winter, let them bear their hardships as
those Dutchmen did, under the command of Heemskerck and the leadership
of William Barendsz.
The narrative of the three voyages undertaken by the Dutch, towards the
close of the sixteenth century, with a view to the discovery of a
north-east passage to China, was printed for the Hakluyt Society in
1853. Then the learned Dr. Beke, the eminent traveller and geographer,
wrote the introduction. But since that time Novaya Zemlya has been
circumnavigated, the house in which Barendsz and his gallant companions
wintered has been found, whilst its true position and those of many
other points along the coast have been accurately determined. Moreover,
the researches into the Archives and old State papers of the
Netherlands have thrown much new light on the proceedings of the early
Dutch Arctic explorers, and on the circumstances under which these
voyages were undertaken.
For these reasons, it has been thought advisable, in this second
edition, to lay before the members of the Society the results of
subsequent research.
It will not be necessary to recall to mind the condition of the
Netherlands at the close of the sixteenth century, now that the
fascinating work of Motley, on the Rise of the Dutch Republic, is
familiar to every one. The heroic Dutchmen, assisted by their not less
gallant English friends, had to fight against superior forces, composed
of the best soldiers and led by the ablest generals of Philip of Spain.
Disposing of resources such as no other prince of the period possessed,
backed by the most renowned captains of the age, and aided by the
religious fanaticism of his subjects, Philip was nevertheless unable to
maintain his hold over the United Provinces, which sought to render
their land independent of Spain, as they had formerly freed it from the
sea. This land had been reclaimed by their fathers in ever recurring
struggles, not only with the ocean, but likewise with the rivers Rhine,
Maas, and Scheldt, which discharge their ice and waters into the North
Sea. Their descendants still continue fighting against heavy odds to
keep their land and property above water, notwithstanding the progress
made in engineering and hydraulics. As an old ship at sea is kept
afloat by continual pumping, caulking, and repairing, so, too, are the
Low Countries preserved from destruction. This constant labour and
enormous expense may be rendered useless at any moment by a sudden rise
in the rivers, an equinoctial storm from the ocean, the breaking up of
the ice, or the melting of the snow on distant mountains; so that,
notwithstanding the indefatigable industry of the people, the bulwarks
may be destroyed behind which they are never safe. In such a school
were the old Dutchmen trained. They knew by sad experience that their
country could only be held by hard fighting with the sea, and it was
also by hard fighting that they were enabled to gain their political
independence, and the liberty to worship God as they pleased. But the
war against Philip was very expensive, and laid a heavy charge upon the
already over-burdened shoulders of the people. Agriculture and dairy
farming could scarcely supply the means to cover the indispensable
outlay necessary for keeping their land above water. Already, in a
petition for the remission of taxes, addressed by the States of Holland
to the Emperor Charles V, we read as follows:—
“That Holland is very small, both in length and breadth, almost
with three sides exposed to the sea, and full of downs, swamps,
turf-moors, lakes, and other unfruitful places, where one can
neither sow corn nor graze cattle; wherefore the inhabitants, to
find food for their wives and children, are obliged to go and trade
and traffic in foreign ports, and to export certain tissues, for
which reasons the principal profession of the country is the art of
navigation and the sea trade.”
Thus from the earliest times they had looked upon navigation and
commerce as the great source of their wealth, and from this source they
expected to get the means to carry on the war. It may be true that they
worshipped the “almighty dollar”, but not for itself, not only from a
hope of gain, but also from the purest patriotism, because they could
not continue their struggle for independence without money, and this
could only be gained by giving more expansion to commerce, and not
despising small advantages. Hence their natural resolution to search in
every direction for new trade routes, and to risk so many lives and
ships on their desperate exploring expeditions in frozen latitudes,
hoping to reach Cathay and the Spice Islands by going north-about. In
that direction they expected to avoid the superior Spanish naval
forces, which in the infancy of the great struggle they could not
expect to conquer, as very soon afterwards, in 1609, was done by
Heemskerck. He burned the Spanish fleet on their own shores, and thirty
years later the gallant Admiral Marten Harpertszoon Tromp carried his
broom at the mast-head. The cosmographers of the Netherlands were among
the very best in the world, and were well acquainted with all the
fruitless endeavours to find a shorter route to the Indies by the
north-west.
Several voyages had been made by Englishmen, mentioned in Dr. Beke’s
introduction, towards the north-east, concerning which every particular
was known in the Netherlands. This has since been proved by an
irrefutable fact; for the so-called journals of Barendsz, which were in
1875 brought back to Norway, turned out to be a Dutch translation of
the journals of the English navigators, Pet and Jackman, who, in 1580,
endeavoured to find the north-east passage. This translation was found
in the old wintering house of Barendsz in Novaya Zemlya, and
consequently he must have taken it with him on his last voyage. There
can, therefore, be no doubt that the Netherlanders had watched eagerly,
and with intense interest, the attempts made by the English to find the
north-east passage to the Indies. This may be the reason why a few
Netherlanders tried at first to penetrate over-land in that direction,
for a certain Olivier Brunel succeeded in reaching as far as the Obi
river, travelling all the way on terra firma. Thanks to the industrious
and intelligent researches of the historian of “De Noordsche
Compagnie”, Mr. S. Muller, Fz., we now know a great deal more of this
Olivier Brunel than Dr. Beke did in 1853.
The history of Brunel has especially roused Mr. Muller’s interest, and
the facts discovered during his researches are so surprising that we
think we cannot do better than give them nearly verbatim.
At the time that the English settled themselves at the mouth of the
Dwina river, in the neighbourhood of the monastery of St. Nicholas,
they had spared no trouble to maintain themselves continually in the
exclusive possession of the trade in these regions. In this they
succeeded but for a short period.
Twelve years after their arrival on the shores of the White Sea, the
Dutch had found, at least partially, the track of their predecessors.
In the year 1565, a certain Philip Winterköning, an exile from
Wardöhuis, entered upon a negotiation with the Netherlanders. By his
intervention a ship was sent out from Enkhuizen, and arrived at a spot,
where a settlement was soon formed, to which they gave the name of
Kola.
In the following year, 1566, two merchants of Antwerp, Simon van
Salingen and Cornelis de Meyer, steering from Kola along the coast,
ventured to follow in the track of the English to the White Sea. They
landed at the mouth of the Onega, and travelled, disguised as Russians,
overland to Moscow. This courageous voyage was undertaken for no other
object than to settle private affairs; and they did not avail
themselves of the opportunity that thus occurred of establishing
commercial relations with the White Sea.
However, the settlement at Kola now existed, and from thence efforts
were made to carry on a direct trade with the Dwina. A trustworthy
person was sent for that purpose on board of a Russian ship to
Kholmogory, a town situated in the neighbourhood of the English
settlement of Rose Island. He was instructed to learn the Russian
language, and to try to obtain all possible information respecting the
best manner of establishing commercial relations. That man was no other
than Olivier Brunel, a character well known at that time, but in these
days almost forgotten.
His name ought to be remembered and honoured as it deserves, for Brunel
was not only the founder of the White Sea trade of the Dutch, but he
was also their first Arctic navigator. For this reason a better account
of him than has been given in the former edition, will not be found out
of place here. Dr. Beke saw in Olivier Brunel and Alferius two distinct
persons, and did not agree with Hamel that they were the same
individual. It is, therefore, necessary in the first place to give Mr.
S. Muller’s arguments as to why he considers Hamel’s opinion the most
trustworthy.
We know (he says) that, in 1581, two persons, both going under the
uncommon name of Olivier (of whom the one was “natione Belga”, the
other “domo Bruxella”), lived on the shores of the White Sea. When it
is remarked that, in 1578, only a few Netherlanders went to those
shores, this conformity of name and country is indeed very remarkable.
The scholarship of both was the same. The one, Alferius, was, as Balak
says, no scholar, but a man of skilful practice; the other, Brunel, had
passed his life as a commercial discoverer in the north. There is also
a striking conformity in the condition of life of the two men.
Alferius, “captivus aliquot annos vixit in Moscovitarum ditione, apud
viros illic celeberrimos Jakonius et Unekius.” Brunel was for a few
years a prisoner in Russia, and was delivered from his captivity by the
Ameckers, who were very clever Russian merchants, living at
Coolwitsogda, whom Brunel afterwards served. Jakonius and Unekius had
already been taken by Lütke, who probably knew nothing of Brunel, to be
the same as Jakov and Grigory Anikiew.
Hamel was convinced that by the “Ameckers” the Anikiews from
Sol-Wütschegodsk only could be meant, although Scheltema, his
authority, had changed arbitrarily “Coolwitsogda” (Sol-Wütschegodsk)
into “Cool” (Kola).
To continue:—Alferius was sent to the Netherlands in 1581; Brunel went
there every year. We find Alferius journeying along the coast of the
Baltic; Brunel often travelled overland to Europe. Alferius, in the
service of his masters, had often been at the Obi; Brunel had been for
years commercial agent of the Russians, who yearly traded with the Obi.
Alferius started from the Netherlands with the design of seeking out
the north-east passage; Brunel is known as the first Dutch Arctic
traveller.
In fine:—Brunel was one of the inciters of the Dutch Arctic voyages,
and spoke, therefore, with the South-Netherlander Moucheron. Alferius
is known to have had the intention of visiting the South-Netherlander
Mercator, with whose co-operation Moucheron gave that impulse which
resulted in the first expedition of the Netherlanders to the Arctic
regions.
From all this circumstantial evidence we must draw the conclusion that
Alferius is the same personage as Olivier Brunel, and, based upon this
conclusion, the following history of Brunel has been given by Mr. S.
Muller.—
Olivier Brunel was born at Brussels in the first part of the sixteenth
century. Of the early years of his life absolutely nothing is known. It
may be that he went in 1565 with the first ships of Enkhuizen to Kola,
or that, escaping from the tyranny of the Spanish Duke of Alva, he came
over to Holland, together with a number of South Netherland merchant
families, such as the Moucherons, the Le Maires, the Usselins, and
others. However, it is quite certain that, soon after the establishment
of the Netherlanders at Kola, he undertook the voyage to Kholmogory
already alluded to. He was not lucky on that occasion, for, watched by
the English, who feared him as a rival, he was handed over to the
Russian Government as a spy, and remained for several years a captive
at Jaroslav. At last assistance made its appearance in the persons of
the brothers Jakov and Grigory Anikiew, who belonged to the celebrated
commercial house of the Strogonoffs at Solvitchegodok. These latter
asked and obtained his liberty of the Czar.
The generous merchants had every reason to felicitate themselves on the
benefit conferred upon Brunel. Their protégé took a zealous and active
part in the yearly expeditions which were made by the Russians towards
the East.
Brunel passed overland through the territory of the Samoyeds to
Siberia, as well as by sea along the coast, and in one of his voyages,
crossing the river of Petchora, at last he reached the long-desired Obi
river. In one of these expeditions, which probably now and then went
through the Matthew’s Strait, a passage well known to the Russians, his
guide, a Russian, brought him to Kostin Shar, a strait which by this
means became known to Europe.
Soon, however, Brunel rendered himself of greater use to his masters by
opening new roads for their trade. Being acquainted with the Dutch
colony at Kola, and with the requisites for Dutch commerce, Brunel
urged the plan of seeking towards the west for a mart to dispose of
Russian produce. To put his plan into execution he himself started,
accompanied by two relations of the Anikiews, and provided with
passports from the Czar. He hired a Dutch ship, and arrived safely at
the city of Dort. There the Russian visitors found a ready market for
the greater part of their goods. The rest was advantageously sold at
Antwerp and Paris, and when Brunel next year returned to his patrons,
the latter were well contented with the results of the voyage. They
decided upon entering into a negotiation with Kola, and from thence
with the Netherlands. In this manner Brunel, as commercial agent of the
Anikiews, yearly visited both places. This state of things did not last
long. Brunel made use of his favourable position to put into execution
the plan to accomplish which he had gone years before to Russia but
with such bad success. He made arrangements with a certain Jan van de
Walle, and in 1577 persuaded him to make a journey overland to Russia,
accompanied by Brunel himself. Van de Walle made excellent use of the
knowledge gained by him on this expedition, for the year following a
Dutch ship under Captain Jan Jakobszmette Lippen, of Alkmaar, anchored
for the first time in the Pudoshemsco mouth of the Dwina. This ship,
having on board Van de Walle as agent, had sailed from Flushing and
belonged to an Antwerp merchant named Gilles van Eychelenberg. Almost
at the same time another ship arrived, belonging to the well-known
Balthazar de Moucheron, and under the command of Adrian Crijt, a
captain in the service of Balthazar. Thus the commerce of the
Netherlands with the White Sea was established.
Soon after this, Melchior de Moucheron, as commercial agent of his
relation Balthazar, settled at the mouth of the Dwina, and the trading
establishment was then transferred to a harbour in the neighbourhood of
the monastery of Saint Michiel. On this spot, a few years subsequently,
rose the city of Nova Kholmogory, commonly known as Archangel.
After some hesitation the English left their settlement on Rose Island
and betook themselves to the young, but already prosperous, city of
Archangel.
Two years had hardly passed after Brunel had set the Dutch trade with
Russia on a secure footing, when we find him occupied with still more
gigantic and adventurous designs.
As we know, in the year 1580 the English expedition, under the
commanders Pet and Jackman, set out in search of the north-east
passage. It was accompanied by the good wishes of thousands of persons
who assembled to see it start, whilst the whole scientific world
awaited with breathless expectation the result of this further effort.
The Russians, also, who at the mouth of the Dwina daily came into
contact with the servants of the Muscovy Company, doubtless heard of
the expectations which were fostered about the north-east passage.
This being the case, surely it is not surprising that the Russians,
possessing much more accurate knowledge of the Siberian coast than the
English, should try to make use of that knowledge and also form plans
to find the desired passage.
A Swedish ship-builder, who had for some years been occupied in the
service of the Anikiews, received the order to construct two ships
fitted up with everything requisite for the exigencies of an Arctic
expedition; and, on the other hand, Brunel, the Dutch voyager, was
instructed to proceed to Antwerp and there hire, at almost any price,
hardy sailors and mates, with whom these vessels were to be manned.
On his way thither, Brunel, in 1581, arrived at the Island of Oesel, in
the Gulf of Riga. Here he had an interview at Arensburg with a
cosmographer named John Balak, a friend of the renowned Gerard
Mercator.
Balak, who took much interest in voyages of discovery, and who seems to
have appreciated the enterprising genius of Brunel, gave him a letter
of recommendation to Mercator at Duisburg. From that letter, happily
preserved by Hakluyt, we know the plans and intentions of Brunel. [1]
But Brunel desired that his native country, and not his Russian
benefactors, should have the advantage of his researches. Acting upon
this impulse, he, immediately after his arrival in Holland, tried to
find acceptance for his favourite scheme.
It may, therefore, be supposed that a few merchants, and amongst them,
beyond all doubt, De Moucheron, influenced by the zealous persuasions
of Brunel, proposed to the noble Prince William the Taciturn a project
for sending out an expedition in order to try and discover the
north-east passage to the Indies. Probably they claimed the aid of the
Government to support their efforts; but the political situation of the
country was too unsettled to allow the States to risk their money in so
doubtful an undertaking. Nevertheless, the prince himself was greatly
in favour of the expedition; yet, to support it with the funds of the
nation was out of the question.
However, two such enterprising men as Brunel and De Moucheron were not
so easily daunted; for the first Netherland Arctic voyage was
undertaken in 1584, and, in all probability, was fitted out entirely at
the expense of De Moucheron. But to Brunel belongs the honour of the
voyage. This indefatigable traveller sailed with a ship belonging to
the city of Enkhuizen, towards the north, to reach the far-off Empire
of Cathay. Brunel, like a true Dutchman of the period—for the Dutch
were then merchants to the very core—occupied himself on the way with
entering into commercial relations with the Samoyed tribes.
In the records of the Archives of Utrecht, among the papers of
Buchelius, Mr. Muller has discovered an old letter, in which it is
recounted that Brunel had tried in vain to pass through Pet Strait.
Be this as it may, it is quite certain that his expedition was most
unfortunate. On his return home, his ship, freighted with a rich cargo
of valuable furs, mountain-crystal, and Muscovy glass, was wrecked in
the shallow mouth of the Petchora river. Brunel, after this sad
occurrence, being perfectly aware that his country was unable at the
moment to assist him in making a new effort, and not daring to return
to the service of his former masters, the Russians, resolved to seek a
new scene of action. Accordingly he presented himself to the King of
Denmark, and offered him his services, in order to try and find the
long-lost Greenland colonies. The proposal of the able Arctic traveller
was eagerly accepted. Brunel immediately entered into the Danish
service, and did not abandon the task before three vain attempts, made
one after another, convinced him of the fruitlessness of his
endeavours. But little more is known of the remaining period of his
life.
Mr. Muller has called attention to some information furnished by
Purchas’ Pilgrimes iii, p. 831, of which the following is an
extract:—“The rest of this journall, from the death of Master John
Knight, was written by Oliuer Browne” (or Brownel, [2] this last letter
l is unfortunately not distinct).
It may appear strange that so distinguished a seaman should have been
on board a ship in a subordinate position. Yet, in all likelihood, this
is the true Brunel, for other reasons justify the idea that he was in
English service.
Firstly, Josiah Logan, in 1611, knew very accurately how to describe
the manner in which Brunel had found “Kostin Shar”. [3] Those
particulars he could not have known from the very brief details given
in the Dutch accounts. Either he must have been personally acquainted
with Brunel or have read something that was written by him.
And, secondly, the fact that Brunel, after his failure in his Arctic
voyage (1584), had been constantly in Danish and English service, would
account for his absence in the later Dutch Arctic voyages, and would
sufficiently explain the want of acquaintance of Hessel Gerritsz with
Brunel’s further researches.
It, therefore, is by no means impossible that Brunel, together with
Knight, quitting the Danish for the English service, again visited the
north-west. After this we lose sight of Brunel. It is a great pity that
the evening of the life of this great man should be lost in total
obscurity. Even the year of his death is not exactly known. However, it
is supposed to have taken place in the first years of the seventeenth
century, because, in 1613, Hessel Gerritsz wrote of Brunel’s voyage, as
that of “Oliverii cuiusdam Brunelli”.
The above is the history of Brunel, as related by Mr. S. Muller.
If his views are correct, then, in all probability, the first Dutch
Arctic expedition took place in 1584. Now, in that same year, the King
of Spain prohibited to the inhabitants of the Netherlands all trade
with Portugal. Thus it is easy to comprehend that attention was drawn
towards the finding of a northern passage, which would have enabled the
Dutch to open a direct trade with the Indies. Consequently during three
successive years we see different expeditions leaving the Netherland
ports, and boldly penetrating into the Arctic seas.
Dr. Beke has given, in his introduction, the principal outlines of the
route taken by these expeditions. However, led away by the example of
the German geographer, Petermann, Dr. Beke has made a mistake in laying
down the track of Barendsz in his third voyage. This can be proved
almost mathematically by an extract taken from a log, probably of
Barendsz himself, which is preserved in the very rare work, “Histoire
du Pays, nommé Spitsbergen, etc., par Hessel Gerard, à Amsterdam,
1613.” This extract runs thus:—
“May 18, New Style. We set out from the Texel, and arrived on the
22nd at Fayril, [4] and in the neighbourhood of the Orkneys.
“June 5. We encountered ice, which, according to our estimation,
came from Greenland; for we judged from our calculations that we
were about 100 nautical miles distant from the said Greenland. The
water was green with a brownish colour. Sounded without finding any
bottom. The ice extended the whole length of the sea, south-east
and north-west, and was either in pieces or in floes. [5]
“The next day we made our way N.E. and N.E. ¼ N. for a distance of
36 miles, and came upon a great ice-field, through which it was
impossible to pass. Found no bottom at 120 fathoms. In our opinion,
we were N.W. 220 miles off Luffoden Island, and 400 to 460 miles
from the North Cape.
“Turning thence towards the east, we arrived at Bear Island on the
10th of June, in 74° 35′ latitude, and sailing N.E. we came upon an
ice-field, against which we were anchored, and were obliged to
return under the island.
“From Bear Island we set out, shaping our course W.N.W., thinking
to find towards the north a better passage; for those of the other
vessel wished constantly to draw towards the west, whilst I desired
to go more eastwardly. We made until night, W.N.W., 64 miles, and
during the night till the morning, N.W., 60 miles.
“June 14. Made till night, N. ¼ W., 88 miles. Then the weather
clearing up, we found ourselves in the neighbourhood of ice, and we
fancied we could see land to the north, but we were not certain.
“June 15. We hove to, sounded, without finding bottom with 150
fathoms. Sailed until noon S.E. and S.E. ¼ E., 20 miles, having
attained 78¼° latitude. Then we sailed, wind aft east, 28 miles;
and afterwards, till night, N.N.E., 20 miles. We passed a large
dead whale, on which were several sea-gulls.
“June 16. Foggy weather, wind west, we sailed until noon, N.N.E.,
84 miles. Came into the ice, and we had to keep away in order to
follow the edge of the ice, N.E. 20 miles. Again we had to put back
S.E. 24 miles, clear of the ice, till shaping a course S.S.W. 16
miles, we came again in the ice, which was in the morning.
“June 17. Weather calm until noon. We then found the latitude of
80° 10′. We tacked, having the wind right ahead to keep clear from
the ice (estoyons passe si, ou 6 lieues?) Wind till night, west;
found bottom at 90 fathoms. During the whole watch we continued
steering S.S.W. 16 miles, having wind from the S.E. We then saw
land, but still kept on towards the W.S.W. The land trended for
about 32 or 36 miles, from W. ¼ S., towards E. ¼ N. It was high
land, and entirely covered with snow, and it extended from the N.W.
to another point.
“June 18. S.W. ¼ W. 24 miles, and there we found the latitude of
80°. With wind W. and N.W. we sailed against the wind along the
land till noon, the 20th. Then we had the western point of the land
S.S.W. 20 miles. Continued to sail S.S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 20 miles,
and came close to a large bay, which extended into the land towards
the south; and another bay, before which was an island, and that
bay extended far towards the south. Then sailed anew from the land,
and till night continued steering N.W. ¼ N., 8 miles, and came
again in the ice, owing to which we had to return towards the
south.
“June 21. It blew very hard and snowed much from the S.W., and we
steered close to the wind, until night, anchored close under the
land, near our companion, just before the entry of the channel. At
18 fathoms sandy bottom. At the east point of the mouth was a rock,
which was moreover split, a very good landmark. There was also a
small island or rock, about 1⅓ from that eastern one. On the west
point also, was a rock, very near.
“June 22. Took in ballast of 7 boatsful of stones, thus much
because our ship was little ballasted. And came a great bear,
swimming towards the ship, which we pursued with three boats. He
was killed, and his skin was 12 feet long. This day we entered with
the boat into the entry, to find a better port, which was
necessary, and found inside the land all separated and broken and
some islands, where was good anchorage in several spots.
“June 23. Looked for our true meridian by means of the Astronomical
Circle, and found before noon 11, and after noon 16 degrees
declination, that the compasses, or the needle turned towards the
N.W., so that the circle proved not correct. We went out of the bay
to seek how far the coast could extend itself, for the weather was
very clear. Could not perceive the end of the land, which extended
itself S. ¼ E., 28 miles, as far as a high and mountainous cape,
which looked as if it was an island. At midnight took the altitude
of the sun 13°, so that we were at the latitude of 79° 24′.
“June 24. Before noon it was calm, with the wind S.W. The land
(along which we shaped our course) was for the greatest part
broken, rather high, and consisted only of mountains and pointed
hills; for which reason we gave it the name of ‘Spitsbergen’. [6]
We sailed about S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 28 miles, and then we were
about 40 or 48 miles from the spot where we had anchored the first
time more easterly.
“In the evening, we again kept out from the land, the north-western
point of it was N.E. of us, and steered out of the coast W. and W.
¼ S., 32 miles. Until the end of the first watch, sailed towards
the east, and steered S.E., 32 miles, until noon of the 25th. Then
came close to the land, and sailed with wind aft, N.N.E., 8 miles.
And anchored behind a cape in 18 fathoms sandy bottom; and it
seamed to us there was ebb and flow, for we found in the time of 12
hours a current running from the S.W. and another running from the
N.E., so strong that the buoys of our anchors hid themselves under
the water. This bay, in which we were, ran rather far inland, with
still another interior creek; on the south side there was a low
cape, behind which one could sail, keeping along the northern coast
and stopping behind the cape, having shelter from all winds. Our
men found there teeth of walrus or sea-cows, for which reason we
called that bay ‘Teeth-bay’. We also found there much dung of
stags, and some wool as of sheep. Just south of the cape was a
little creek, like a harbour.
“June 26. We had the wind north, made sail, and steered S. ¼ E., 40
miles. At noon we arrived between the mountainous cape and the
terra firma, thinking that the mountainous cape was an island. We
sailed within S. ¼ E. and S., and being a little distance inside
the cape, we found the depth 12 and 10 fathoms good sandy bottom,
and being entered, 32 miles; there was a depth of 50 fathoms stony
bottom, and the land was all covered with snow. Entering about 20
miles between the cape and the coast of the terra firma, we found
that the cape, which we thought to be an island, was attached by a
sand-bank to the land; for we found a depth of 5 fathoms. There was
ice on the shallows, so that we were obliged to return. That cape,
which we thought to be an island, lies at 79° 5′ latitude; we
called it ‘Cape Bird’, because there were so many birds upon it and
in the neighbourhood.
“June 27. It was calm, so that we remained floating, without being
able to advance between Cape Bird and the land.
“June 28. We rounded it, and then sailed S.S.W., 24 miles, always
keeping along the land, which was very mountainous and sharp, with
a beautiful shore. We sailed south and S. ¼ E., 24 miles, and
afterwards S. ¼ W., 12 miles. Found, at noon, the latitude to be
78⅓°, and we were then in the neighbourhood of ice. Sailed same
distance seaward, to keep clear of the ice, and sailed thus along
the edge of the ice and in the neighbourhood of the land S.E. ¼ S.,
28 miles. And then we were close to a large bay, which extended
itself in the land E.N.E., and was on both sides high and
mountainous. Sailed with N.N.E. wind abaft till night all along the
coast, S.S.E. and S. ¼ W., 20 miles. Then again there was a large
bay, in which was much ice under the land. To keep out of the ice
we steered a little W.S.W., and sailed S. ¼ W., 16 miles. Came into
the ice, for which reason we sailed S.W. 12 miles.
“June 29. Continued, with a north wind, to sail S.E. ¼ E. and
S.S.E. 20 miles. All along the coast, till noon, south 16 miles,
and found at noon the latitude of 76° 50′. Sailed south and S.S.E.
without finding land, until we saw Bear Island, on the first of
July.”
This is all that Hessel Gerritsz has copied out of the log of Barendsz
himself, as he earnestly assures us.