THE TUSKEGEE NEGRO CONFERENCE.
Tuesday, February 23, 1892, was a day memorable in the lives and
fortunes of the great bulk of the Negro population in the “Black Belt”
of the South. It was a strange and altogether new movement in which the
Negro was called upon to participate.
From the time I first began working at Tuskegee I began to study closely
not only the young people but the condition, the weak points and the
strong points, of the older people. I was very often surprised to see
how much common sense and wisdom these older people possessed,
notwithstanding they were wholly ignorant as far as the letter of the
book was concerned.
About the first of January, 1892, I sent out invitations to about 75 of
the common, hard-working farmers, as well as to mechanics, ministers and
teachers, asking them to assemble at Tuskegee on the 23d of February and
spend the day in talking over their present condition, their helps and
their hindrances, and to see if it were possible to suggest any means by
which the rank and file of the people might be able to benefit
themselves. I quote a portion of the printed invitation which was sent
out to those invited to attend the Conference:
“In the Conference, two ends will be kept in view: First, to find out
the actual industrial, moral and educational condition of the masses.
Second, to get as much light as possible on what is the most effective
way for the young men and women whom the Tuskegee Institute, and other
institutions, are educating to use their education in helping the masses
of the colored people to lift themselves up.
“In this connection, it may be said in general, that a very large
majority of the colored people in the Black Belt, cotton district, are
in debt for supplies secured through the ‘mortgage system,’ rent the
land on which they live and dwell in one-room log cabins. The schools
are in session in the country districts not often longer than three
months and are taught in most cases in churches or log cabins with
almost no apparatus or school furniture.
“The poverty and ignorance of the Negro, which show themselves by his
being compelled to ‘mortgage his crop,’ go in debt for the food and
clothes on which to live from day to day, are not only a terrible
drawback to the Negro himself but a severe drain on the resources of the
white man. Say what we will, the fact remains, that in the presence of
the poverty and ignorance of the millions of Negroes in the Black Belt
the material, moral and educational interests of both races are making
but slow headway.”
In answer to this invitation we were surprised to find that nearly 400
men and women of all kinds and conditions came. In my opening address I
impressed upon them the fact that we wanted to spend the first part of
the day in having them state plainly and simply just what their
conditions were. I told them that we wanted no exaggeration and did not
want any cut and dried or prepared speeches, we simply wanted each
person to speak in a plain, simple manner, very much as he would if he
were about his own fireside speaking to the members of his own family. I
also insisted that we confine our discussion to such matters as we
ourselves could remedy rather than in spending the time in complaining
or fault-finding about those things which we could not directly reach.
At the first meeting of this Negro Conference we also adopted the plan
of having these common people speak themselves and refused to allow
people who were far above them in education and surroundings to take up
the time in merely giving advice to these representatives of the masses.
Very early in the history of these Conferences I found that it meant a
great deal more to the people to have one individual who had succeeded
in getting out of debt, ceasing to mortgage his crop and who had bought
a home and who was living well, occupy the time in telling the remainder
of his fellows how he had succeeded than in having some one who was
entirely out of the atmosphere of the average farmer occupy the time in
merely lecturing to them.
In the morning of the first day of the Conference we had as many
representatives from various parts as we had time in which to tell of
the industrial condition existing in their immediate community. We did
not let them generalize or tell what they thought ought to be or was
existing in somebody’s else community, we held each person down to a
statement of the facts regarding his own individual community. For
example, we had them state what proportion of the people in their
community owned land, what proportion lived in one-room cabins, how many
were in debt and the number that mortgaged their crops, and what rate of
interest they were paying on their indebtedness. Under this head we also
discussed the number of acres of land that each individual was
cultivating and whether or not the crop was diversified or merely
confined to the growing of cotton. We also got hold of facts from the
representatives of these people concerning their educational progress;
that is, we had them state whether or not a school-house existed, what
kind of teacher
[Illustration: BLACKSMITH SHOP. BUILT BY STUDENTS.]
[Illustration: AGRICULTURAL BUILDING. TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL
INSTITUTE.]
[Illustration: BEE CULTURE AT TUSKEGEE.]
[Illustration: DRESSMAKING AT TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL
INSTITUTE.]
they had and what proportion of the children were attending school. We
did not stop with these matters; we took up the moral and religious
condition of the communities, had them state to what extent, for
example, people had been sent to jail from their communities; how many
were habitual drinkers; what kind of minister they had; whether or not
he was able to lead the people in morality as well as in spiritual
affairs.
After we had got hold of facts which enabled us to judge of the actual
state of affairs existing, we spent the afternoon of the first day in
hearing from the lips of these same people in what way, in their
opinion, the present condition of things could be improved, and it was
most interesting as well as surprising to see how clearly these people
saw into their present condition, and how intelligently they discussed
their weak points as well their strong points. It was generally agreed
that the mortgage system, the habit of buying on credit and paying large
rates of interest, was at the bottom of much of the evil existing among
the people, and the fact that so large a proportion of them live on
rented land also had much to do with keeping them down. The condition of
the schools was discussed with equal frankness and means were suggested
for prolonging the school term and building school-houses. Almost
without exception they agreed that the fact that so large a proportion
of the people live in one-room cabins, where there was almost no
opportunity for privacy or separation of the sexes, was largely
responsible for the moral condition of many communities.
When I asked how many in the audience owned their homes only
twenty-three hands went up.
Aside from the colored people who were present at the Conference who
reside in the “Black Belt,” there were many prominent white and colored
men from various parts of the country, especially representatives of the
various religious organizations engaged in educational work in the
South, and officers and teachers from several of the larger institutions
working in the South. There were correspondents present representing
such papers as the New York Independent, Evening Post, New York Weekly
Witness, New York Tribune, Christian Union, Boston Evening Transcript,
Christian Register, The Congregationalist, Chicago Inter-Ocean, Chicago
Advance, and many others.
At the conclusion of the first Conference the following set of
declarations was adopted as showing the concensus of opinion of those
composing the Conference:
“We, some of the representatives of the colored people, living in the
Black Belt, the heart of the South, thinking it might prove of interest
and value to our friends throughout the country, as well as beneficial
to ourselves, have met together in Conference to present facts and
express opinions as to our Industrial, Moral and Educational condition,
and to exchange views as to how our own efforts and the kindly
helpfulness of our friends may best contribute to our elevation.
“First. Set at liberty with no inheritance but our bodies, without
training in self-dependence, and thrown at once into commercial, civil
and political relations with our former owners, we consider it a matter
of great thankfulness that our condition is as good as it is, and that
so large a degree of harmony exists between us and our white neighbors.
“Second. Industrially considered, most of our people are dependent upon
agriculture. The majority of them live on rented lands, mortgage their
crops for the food on which to live from year to year, and usually at
the beginning of each year are more or less in debt for the supplies of
the previous year.
“Third. Not only is our own material progress hindered by the mortgage
system, but also that of our white friends. It is a system that tempts
us to buy much that we would do without if cash was required and it
tends to lead those who advance the provisions and lend the money, to
extravagant prices and ruinous rates of interest.
“Fourth. In a moral and religious sense, while we admit there is much
laxness in morals and superstition in religion, yet we feel that much
progress has been made, that there is a growing public sentiment in
favor of purity, and that the people are fast coming to make their
religion less of superstition and emotion and more of a matter of daily
living.
“Fifth. As to our educational condition, it is to be noted that our
country schools are in session on an average only three and a half
months each year; the Gulf States are as yet unable to provide
school-houses and as a result the schools are held almost out of doors
or at best in such rude quarters as the poverty of the people is able to
provide; the teachers are poorly paid and often very poorly fitted for
their work, as a result of which both parents and pupils take but little
interest in the schools, often but few children attending, and these
with great irregularity.
“Sixth. That in view of our general condition, we would suggest the
following remedies: (1) That as far as possible we aim to raise at home
our own meat and bread; (2) that as fast as possible we buy land, even
though a very few acres at a time; (3) that a larger number of our young
people be taught trades, and that they be urged to prepare themselves to
enter as largely as possible all the various avocations of life; (4)
that we especially try to broaden the field of labor for our women; (5)
that we make every sacrifice and practice every form of economy that we
may purchase land and free ourselves from our burdensome habit of living
in debt; (6) that we urge our ministers and teachers to give more
attention to the material condition and home life of the people; (7)
that we urge that our people do not depend entirely upon the State to
provide school-houses and lengthen the time of the schools, but that
they take hold of the matter themselves where the State leaves off, and
by supplementing the public funds from their own pockets and by building
school-houses, bring about the desired results; (8) that we urge patrons
to give earnest attention to the mental and moral fitness of those who
teach their schools; (9) that we urge the doing away with all sectarian
prejudice in the management of the schools.
“Seventh. As the judgment of this Conference we would further declare:
That we put on record our deep sense of gratitude to the good people of
all sections for their assistance and that we are glad to recognize a
growing interest on the part of the best white people of the South in
the education of the Negro.
“Eighth. That we appreciate the spirit of friendliness and fairness
shown us by the Southern white people in matters of business in all
lines of material development.
“Ninth. That we believe our generous friends of the country can best aid
in our elevation by continuing to give their help where it will result
in producing strong Christian leaders who will live among the masses as
object lessons, showing them how to direct their own efforts towards the
general uplifting of the people.
“Tenth. That we believe we can become prosperous, intelligent and
independent where we are, and discourage any efforts at wholesale
emigration, recognizing that our home is to be in the South, and we urge
that all strive in every way to cultivate the good feeling and
friendship of those about us in all that relates to our mutual
elevation.”
At the present writing eight of these Conferences have been held. I
shall not occupy space in describing in detail each one of these annual
Conferences except to say that each Conference has grown in numbers,
interest and value to the people. Very often as many as two thousand
representatives assemble at these meetings, which are usually held in
the latter part of February. Representatives now come from not only most
all parts of Alabama but from practically all of the Southern States.
Similar Conferences have also been organized in other states, notably
Texas, South Carolina and North Carolina. Aside from these state
Conferences, local Conferences which meet as a rule monthly and bring
together the people in each community or county are now in existence in
many parts of the South, and the people find these meetings a great
means of helping themselves forward. One of our teachers at the present
time gives the greater part of the year to the work of organizing and
stimulating these local Conferences in various parts of the South. The
people look forward eagerly each year to the assembling of the large or
central Negro Conference at Tuskegee and they are always anxious to give
their reports. The spirit of hopefulness and encouragement which now
characterizes these Conferences, as compared with the rather depressed
and hopeless feeling existing when the first Conference met, is most
interesting. Many communities in the Conference held in recent years
have been able to report that the people are ceasing to mortgage their
crops, are buying land, building houses with two or three rooms, and
their school terms in many cases have been extended from three to six
and eight months, and that the moral atmosphere of the community has
been cleansed and improved. These Conferences have served to make the
people aware of their own inherent strength; to let them feel and
understand how much they can do toward improving their own condition
when once they make up their minds to make the effort, and the results
from every point of view are most gratifying.
In order to show something of the spirit and interest that characterizes
these Conferences I give verbatim extracts from a few addresses
delivered at a recent Conference by some of these Black Belt Negroes.
“This Conference is doing untold good,” said a very intelligent farmer
and preacher of about fifty years of age who has attended all the
Conferences. “Since I went back home from the first one and told the
people about it they have gone to work and bought over two thousand
acres of land. Much of it has already been paid for. I thank God on my
knees for these Conferences. They are giving us homes.” Another man who
could not come himself to a recent Conference sent a letter saying that
seven of his neighbors had bought themselves homes. One woman reported
that she had raised four hundred pounds of pork and had also raised corn
enough to enable her to live without mortgaging her crop. Over one
hundred in all reported that they had paid for homes. Another man said,
“We are not what we ought to be, we are sadly lacking but we are one
hundred per cent. better than we were twenty years ago and we are going
to be better than we are.” Another remarked with a great deal of
emphasis, “It makes a man more truthful when he owns land, and I know
when he gives his word
[Illustration: TUSKEGEE NEGRO CONFERENCE FEB. 22, ’99. NEGRO FARMERS
COMING OUT OF DINING HALL.]
[Illustration: TAILORING DIVISION, TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL
INSTITUTE.]
he cannot run away. To own property is to own character.” Another farmer
from Macon County said: “The nigger race ain’t such a bugaboo as you
think. The trouble with our people is we don’t understand ourselves; we
don’t have self-reliance and self-government. Eight years ago I didn’t
have even a meat skin, now I have got eighty acres of land and five
mules, all paid for. You must be a man. Say sink or swim, I’m coming on
top; if you don’t you won’t amount to anything. Some of our race is so
shiftless that if their own mother should rise from the grave after
twenty years, and come into the house and say, ‘Son, give me a cup of
coffee, I’ve been walking all night,’ he couldn’t do it. You make a
mortgage and then you get everything you want, not everything you need.
I had a start once before, and I got a couple of old horses and a buggy
and I rid around too much and I got down. Then I promised the Lord if he
would forgive me and help me to start again I would do better. Now I
work from Monday to Saturday. A heap of our people don’t like that part
of the Bible which says ‘six days thou shalt work.’ When a colored man
dies the merchant makes more than on any other day, because you have all
got to dress up, hire buggies, and ride around and go to the funeral. I
don’t want anybody’s foot on my neck. I don’t go and say, ‘Mas’r Joe,
please sir, I wants a little flour or I wants a little coffee for my
old lady,’ but when I want anything I just go and get it. You must not
sit down and trust God; if you do you’ll starve. Get up and go to work
and trust God and you’ll get rich.”
Then Father Mitchell, who is a colored minister, said: “Now, keep quiet;
we’s gettin’ along slowly. I wish our neighborhood was like dat
brother’s as jest spoke. You give me a good lick for a young man, Mr.
President; but, sir, if we had twenty men like you we’d get happy ’fore
we enter heaven. We make a heap of corn and potatoes.” “How about
morals?” asked some one. “Well, now, I’ll tell you about dat. I’d thank
my Redeemer to send me some morals down to my neighborhood. I am putting
up a big Baptist Church down on the Sam road, an’ I hope I’ll be able to
do my people some good.”
At the time of the organization of the Annual Negro Farmers’ Conference,
it was decided to make a special effort to secure the attendance of the
representatives of the various educational, religious and philanthropic
institutions in the South for the elevation of the Negro. This attempt
was quite successful, so much so that in addition to the regular
delegates at the Negro Conference quite a large number of educators and
others began assembling to witness the proceedings of the Negro
Conference. During the session of the Conference it was determined to
organize what is known as the “Worker’s Conference,” composed of
educators, etc., interested in the elevation of the Negro. It was
decided to ask the members of the Worker’s Conference to be present and
witness the proceedings of the regular Negro Conference in order that
they might get information at first hand as to the condition and needs
of the colored people. The following day the Worker’s Conference was
called and based its proceedings in a large measure upon the lessons
learned the previous day at the Farmers’ Conference. The Worker’s
Conference has now been in existence many years and is a very important
and far-reaching institution; in fact, it is the only organization that
brings together annually the various officers and teachers connected
with the large religious and educational enterprises in the South. We
have had regularly present at the Worker’s Conference representatives
from such institutions as the Hampton Institute, Atlanta University,
Clark University, Atlanta Baptist College, Gammon Theological Seminary,
Spelman Seminary, Morris Brown College, Fisk University, Central
Tennessee College, Straight University, Talladega College, Tougaloo
University, Lincoln University, Selma University, and many others which
I have not space to mention; in fact, I think every educational
institution of any importance for the Negro has been represented at one
or more of these Worker’s Conferences. Besides these, we often have
present the secretaries of the various religious organizations doing
work in the South.
The subjects discussed in these Worker’s Conferences are of a wide
range. At the last Conference the time was occupied in a discussion of
how the various educational institutions in the South could serve to
bring about more satisfactory relations between the two races in the
South. The discussion was free, open and most helpful. In fact, it is
well understood that in all of these gatherings at Tuskegee there is the
utmost frankness and liberality allowed as to opinion and discussion.
The Worker’s Conferences are growing in numbers and interest and have
now become a permanent part of the educational machinery of the South.