THE CELTIC PEOPLE.
Scrutiny reveals the fact that Celtic-speaking peoples are of differing
types--short and dark as well as tall and fairer Highlanders or
Welshmen, short, broad-headed Bretons, various types of Irishmen. Men
with Norse names and Norse aspect "have the Gaelic." But all alike have
the same character and temperament, a striking witness to the influence
which the character as well as the language of the Celts, whoever they
were, made on all with whom they mingled. Ethnologically there may not
be a Celtic race, but something was handed down from the days of
comparative Celtic purity which welded different social elements into a
common type, found often where no Celtic tongue is now spoken. It
emerges where we least expect it, and the stolid Anglo-Saxon may
suddenly awaken to something in himself due to a forgotten Celtic strain
in his ancestry.
Two main theories of Celtic origins now hold the field:
(1) The Celts are identified with the progenitors of the short,
brachycephalic "Alpine race" of Central Europe, existing there in
Neolithic times, after their migrations from Africa and Asia. The type
is found among the Slavs, in parts of Germany and Scandinavia, and in
modern France in the region of Cæsar's "Celtæ," among the Auvergnats,
the Bretons, and in Lozère and Jura. Representatives of the type have
been found in Belgian and French Neolithic graves.[6] Professor Sergi
calls this the "Eurasiatic race," and, contrary to general opinion,
identifies it with the Aryans, a savage people, inferior to the
dolichocephalic Mediterranean race, whose language they Aryanised.[7]
Professor Keane thinks that they were themselves an Aryanised folk
before reaching Europe, who in turn gave their acquired Celtic and
Slavic speech to the preceding masses. Later came the Belgæ, Aryans, who
acquired the Celtic speech of the people they conquered.[8]
Broca assumed that the dark, brachycephalic people whom he identified
with Cæsar's "Celtæ," differed from the Belgæ, were conquered by them,
and acquired the language of their conquerors, hence wrongly called
Celtic by philologists. The Belgæ were tall and fair, and overran Gaul,
except Aquitaine, mixing generally with the Celtæ, who in Cæsar's time
had thus an infusion of Belgic blood.[9] But before this conquest, the
Celtæ had already mingled with the aboriginal dolichocephalic folk of
Gaul, Iberians, or Mediterraneans of Professor Sergi. The latter had
apparently remained comparatively pure from admixture in Aquitaine, and
are probably the Aquitani of Cæsar.[10]
But were the short, brachycephalic folk Celts? Cæsar says the people who
call themselves "Celtæ" were called Gauls by the Romans, and Gauls,
according to classical writers, were tall and fair.[11] Hence the Celtæ
were not a short, dark race, and Cæsar himself says that Gauls
(including Celtæ) looked with contempt on the short Romans.[12] Strabo
also says that Celtæ and Belgæ had the same Gaulish appearance, i.e.
tall and fair. Cæsar's statement that Aquitani, Galli, and Belgæ differ
in language, institutions, and laws is vague and unsupported by
evidence, and may mean as to language no more than a difference in
dialects. This is also suggested by Strabo's words, Celtæ and Belgæ
"differ a little" in language.[13] No classical writer describes the
Celts as short and dark, but the reverse. Short, dark people would have
been called Iberians, without respect to skulls. Classical observers
were not craniologists. The short, brachycephalic type is now prominent
in France, because it has always been so, eliminating the tall, fair
Celtic type. Conquering Celts, fewer in number than the broad and
narrow-headed aborigines, intermarried or made less lasting alliances
with them. In course of time the type of the more numerous race was
bound to prevail. Even in Cæsar's day the latter probably outnumbered
the tall and fair Celts, who had, however, Celticised them. But
classical writers, who knew the true Celt as tall and fair, saw that
type only, just as every one, on first visiting France or Germany, sees
his generalised type of Frenchman or German everywhere. Later, he
modifies his opinion, but this the classical observers did not do.
Cæsar's campaigns must have drained Gaul of many tall and fair Celts.
This, with the tendency of dark types to out-number fair types in South
and Central Europe, may help to explain the growing prominence of the
dark type, though the tall, fair type is far from uncommon.[14]
(2) The second theory, already anticipated, sees in Gauls and Belgæ a
tall, fair Celtic folk, speaking a Celtic language, and belonging to the
race which stretched from Ireland to Asia Minor, from North Germany to
the Po, and were masters of Teutonic tribes till they were driven by
them from the region between Elbe and Rhine.[15] Some Belgic tribes
claimed a Germanic ancestry,[16] but "German" was a word seldom used
with precision, and in this case may not mean Teutonic. The fair hair of
this people has made many suppose that they were akin to the Teutons.
But fairness is relative, and the dark Romans may have called brown hair
fair, while they occasionally distinguished between the "fair" Gauls and
fairer Germans. Their institutions and their religions (_pace_ Professor
Rh[^y]s) differed, and though they were so long in contact the names of
their gods and priests are unlike.[17] Their languages, again, though of
"Aryan" stock, differ more from each other than does Celtic from Italic,
pointing to a long period of Italo-Celtic unity, before Italiotes and
Celts separated, and Celts came in contact with Teutons.[18] The typical
German differs in mental and moral qualities from the typical Celt.
Contrast an east country Scot, descendant of Teutonic stock, with a West
Highlander, and the difference leaps to the eyes. Celts and Germans of
history differ, then, in relative fairness, character, religion, and
language.
The tall, blonde Teutonic type of the Row graves is dolichocephalic. Was
the Celtic type (assuming that Broca's "Celts" were not true Celts)
dolicho or brachy? Broca thinks the Belgæ or "Kymri" were
dolichocephalic, but all must agree with him that the skulls are too few
to generalise from. Celtic iron-age skulls in Britain are
dolichocephalic, perhaps a recrudescence of the aboriginal type. Broca's
"Kymric" skulls are mesocephalic; this he attributes to crossing with
the short round-heads. The evidence is too scanty for generalisation,
while the Walloons, perhaps descendants of the Belgæ, have a high index,
and some Gauls of classical art are broad-headed.[19]
Skulls of the British round barrows (early Celtic Bronze Age) are mainly
broad, the best specimens showing affinity to Neolithic brachycephalic
skulls from Grenelle (though their owners were 5 inches shorter),
Selaigneaux, and Borreby.[20] Dr. Beddoe thinks that the narrow-skulled
Belgæ on the whole reinforced the meso- or brachycephalic round barrow
folk in Britain. Dr. Thurnam identifies the latter with the Belgæ
(Broca's Kymri), and thinks that Gaulish skulls were round, with
beetling brows.[21] Professors Ripley and Sergi, disregarding their
difference in stature and higher cephalic index, identify them with the
short Alpine race (Broca's Celts). This is negatived by Mr. Keane.[22]
Might not both, however, have originally sprung from a common stock and
reached Europe at different times?[23]
But do a few hundred skulls justify these far-reaching conclusions
regarding races enduring for thousands of years? At some very remote
period there may have been a Celtic type, as at some further period
there may have been an Aryan type. But the Celts, as we know them, must
have mingled with the aborigines of Europe and become a mixed race,
though preserving and endowing others with their racial and mental
characteristics. Some Gauls or Belgæ were dolichocephalic, to judge by
their skulls, others were brachycephalic, while their fairness was a
relative term. Classical observers probably generalised from the higher
classes, of a purer type; they tell us nothing of the people. But the
higher classes may have had varying skulls, as well as stature and
colour of hair,[24] and Irish texts tell of a tall, fair, blue-eyed
stock, and a short, dark, dark-eyed stock, in Ireland. Even in those
distant ages we must consider the people on whom the Celts impressed
their characteristics, as well as the Celts themselves. What happened on
the Eurasian steppe, the hypothetical cradle of the "Aryans," whence the
Celts came "stepping westwards," seems clear to some, but in truth is a
book sealed with seven seals. The men whose Aryan speech was to dominate
far and wide may already have possessed different types of skull, and
that age was far from "the very beginning."
Thus the Celts before setting out on their _Wanderjahre_ may already
have been a mixed race, even if their leaders were of purer stock. But
they had the bond of common speech, institutions, and religion, and they
formed a common Celtic type in Central and Western Europe. Intermarriage
with the already mixed Neolithic folk of Central Europe produced further
removal from the unmixed Celtic racial type; but though both reacted on
each other as far as language, custom, and belief were concerned, on the
whole the Celtic elements predominated in these respects. The Celtic
migration into Gaul produced further racial mingling with descendants of
the old palæolithic stock, dolichocephalic Iberians and Ligurians, and
brachycephalic swarthy folk (Broca's Celts). Thus even the first Celtic
arrivals in Britain, the Goidels, were a people of mixed race, though
probably relatively purer than the late coming Brythons, the latest of
whom had probably mingled with the Teutons. Hence among Celtic-speaking
folk or their descendants--short, dark, broad-beaded Bretons, tall, fair
or rufous Highlanders, tall chestnut-haired Welshmen or Irishmen,
Highlanders of Norse descent, short, dark, narrow-headed Highlanders,
Irishmen, and Welshmen--there is a common Celtic _facies_, the result of
old Celtic characteristics powerful enough so to impress themselves on
such varied peoples in spite of what they gave to the Celtic incomers.
These peoples became Celtic, and Celtic in speech and character they
have remained, even where ancestral physical types are reasserting
themselves. The folk of a Celtic type, whether pre-Celtic, Celtic, or
Norse, have all spoken a Celtic language and exhibit the same old Celtic
characteristics--vanity, loquacity, excitability, fickleness,
imagination, love of the romantic, fidelity, attachment to family ties,
sentimental love of their country, religiosity passing over easily to
superstition, and a comparatively high degree of sexual morality. Some
of these traits were already noted by classical observers.
Celtic speech had early lost the initial _p_ of old Indo-European
speech, except in words beginning with _pt_ and, perhaps, _ps_. Celtic
_pare_ (Lat. _præ_) became _are_, met with in _Aremorici_, "the dwellers
by the sea," _Arecluta_, "by the Clyde," the region watered by the
Clyde. Irish _athair_, Manx _ayr_, and Irish _iasg_, represent
respectively Latin _pater_ and _piscis_. _P_ occurring between vowels
was also lost, e.g. Irish _caora_, "sheep," is from _kaperax_; _for_,
"upon" (Lat. _super_), from _uper_. This change took place before the
Goidelic Celts broke away and invaded Britain in the tenth century B.C.,
but while Celts and Teutons were still in contact, since Teutons
borrowed words with initial _p_, e.g. Gothic _fairguni_, "mountain,"
from Celtic _percunion_, later _Ercunio_, the Hercynian forest. The loss
must have occurred before 1000 B.C. But after the separation of the
Goidelic group a further change took place. Goidels preserved the sound
represented by _qu_, or more simply by _c_ or _ch_, but this was changed
into _p_ by the remaining continental Celts, who carried with them into
Gaul, Spain, Italy, and Britain (the Brythons) words in which _q_ became
_p_. The British _Epidii_ is from Gaulish _epos_, "horse," which is in
Old Irish _ech_ (Lat. _equus_). The Parisii take their name from
_Qarisii_, the Pictones or Pictavi of Poictiers from _Pictos_ (which in
the plural _Pidi_ gives us "Picts"), derived from _quicto_. This change
took place after the Goidelic invasion of Britain in the tenth century
B.C. On the other hand, some continental Celts may later have regained
the power of pronouncing _q_. In Gaul the _q_ of _Sequana_ (Seine) was
not changed to _p_, and a tribe dwelling on its banks was called the
Sequani. This assumes that Sequana was a pre-Celtic word, possibly
Ligurian.[25] Professor Rh[^y]s thinks, however, that Goidelic tribes,
identified by him with Cæsar's Celtæ, existed in Gaul and Spain before
the coming of the Galli, and had preserved _q_ in their speech. To them
we owe Sequana, as well as certain names with _q_ in Spain.[26] This at
least is certain, that Goidelic Celts of the _q_ group occupied Gaul and
Spain before reaching Britain and Ireland. Irish tradition and
archæological data confirm this.[27] But whether their descendants were
represented by Cæsar's "Celtæ" must be uncertain. Celtæ and Galli,
according to Cæsar, were one and the same,[28] and must have had the
same general form of speech.
The dialects of Goidelic speech--Irish, Manx, Gaelic, and that of the
continental Goidels--preserved the _q_ sound; those of Gallo-Brythonic
speech--Gaulish, Breton, Welsh, Cornish--changed _q_ into _p_. The
speech of the Picts, perhaps connected with the Pictones of Gaul, also
had this _p_ sound. Who, then, were the Picts? According to Professor
Rh[^y]s they were pre-Aryans,[29] but they must have been under the
influence of Brythonic Celts. Dr. Skene regarded them as Goidels
speaking a Goidelic dialect with Brythonic forms.[30] Mr. Nicholson
thinks they were Goidels who had preserved the Indo-European _p_.[31]
But might they not be descendants of a Brythonic group, arriving early
in Britain and driven northwards by newcomers? Professor Windisch and
Dr. Stokes regard them as Celts, allied to the Brythons rather than to
the Goidels, the phonetics of their speech resembling those of Welsh
rather than Irish.[32]
The theory of an early Goidelic occupation of Britain has been contested
by Professor Meyer,[33] who holds that the first Goidels reached Britain
from Ireland in the second century, while Dr. MacBain[34] was of the
opinion that England, apart from Wales and Cornwall, knew no Goidels,
the place-names being Brythonic. But unless all Goidels reached Ireland
from Gaul or Spain, as some did, Britain was more easily reached than
Ireland by migrating Goidels from the Continent. Prominent Goidelic
place-names would become Brythonic, but insignificant places would
retain their Goidelic form, and to these we must look for decisive
evidence.[35] A Goidelic occupation by the ninth century B.C. is
suggested by the name "Cassiterides" (a word of the _q_ group) applied
to Britain. If the Goidels occupied Britain first, they may have called
their land _Qretanis_ or _Qritanis_, which Pictish invaders would change
to _Pretanis_, found in Welsh "Ynys Pridain," Pridain's Isle, or Isle of
the Picts, "pointing to the original underlying the Greek [Greek:
Pretanikai Nêsoi] or Pictish Isles,"[36] though the change may be due to
continental _p_ Celts trading with _q_ Celts in Britain. With the
Pictish occupation would agree the fact that Irish Goidels called the
Picts who came to Ireland _Cruithne=Qritani=Pre-tani_. In Ireland they
almost certainly adopted Goidelic speech.
Whether or not all the Pictish invaders of Britain were called
"Pictavi," this word or Picti, perhaps from _quicto_ (Irish _cicht_,
"engraver"),[37] became a general name for this people. _Q_ had been
changed into _p_ on the Continent; hence "Pictavi" or "Pictones," "the
tattooed men," those who "engraved" figures on their bodies, as the
Picts certainly did. Dispossessed and driven north by incoming Brythons
and Belgæ, they later became the virulent enemies of Rome. In 306
Eumenius describes all the northern tribes as "Caledonii and other
Picts," while some of the tribes mentioned by Ptolemy have Brythonic
names or names with Gaulish cognates. Place-names in the Pictish area,
personal names in the Pictish chronicle, and Pictish names like
"Peanfahel,"[38] have Brythonic affinities. If the Picts spoke a
Brythonic dialect, S. Columba's need of an interpreter when preaching to
them would be explained.[39] Later the Picts were conquered by Irish
Goidels, the Scotti. The Picts, however, must already have mingled with
aboriginal peoples and with Goidels, if these were already in Britain,
and they may have adopted their supposed non-Aryan customs from the
aborigines. On the other hand, the matriarchate seems at one time to
have been Celtic, and it may have been no more than a conservative
survival in the Pictish royal house, as it was elsewhere.[40] Britons,
as well as Caledonii, had wives in common.[41] As to tattooing, it was
practised by the Scotti ("the scarred and painted men"?), and the
Britons dyed themselves with woad, while what seem to be tattoo marks
appear on faces on Gaulish coins.[42] Tattooing, painting, and
scarifying the body are varieties of one general custom, and little
stress can be laid on Pictish tattooing as indicating a racial
difference. Its purpose may have been ornamental, or possibly to impart
an aspect of fierceness, or the figures may have been totem marks, as
they are elsewhere. Finally, the description of the Caledonii, a Pictish
people, possessing flaming hair and mighty limbs, shows that they
differed from the short, dark pre-Celtic folk.[43]
The Pictish problem must remain obscure, a welcome puzzle to
antiquaries, philologists, and ethnologists. Our knowledge of Pictish
religion is too scanty for the interpretation of Celtic religion to be
affected by it. But we know that the Picts offered sacrifice before
war--a Celtic custom, and had Druids, as also had the Celts.
The earliest Celtic "kingdom" was in the region between the upper waters
of the Rhine, the Elbe, and the Danube, where probably in Neolithic
times the formation of their Celtic speech as a distinctive language
began. Here they first became known to the Greeks, probably as a
semi-mythical people, the Hyperboreans--the folk dwelling beyond the
Ripoean mountains whence Boreas blew--with whom Hecatæus in the fourth
century identifies them. But they were now known as Celts, and their
territory as Celtica, while "Galatas" was used as a synonym of "Celtæ,"
in the third century B.C.[44] The name generally applied by the Romans
to the Celts was "Galli" a term finally confined by them to the people
of Gaul.[45] Successive bands of Celts went forth from this
comparatively restricted territory, until the Celtic "empire" for some
centuries before 300 B.C. included the British Isles, parts of the
Iberian peninsula, Gaul, North Italy, Belgium, Holland, great part of
Germany, and Austria. When the German tribes revolted, Celtic bands
appeared in Asia Minor, and remained there as the Galatian Celts.
Archæological discoveries with a Celtic _facies_ have been made in most
of these lands but even more striking is the witness of place-names.
Celtic _dunon_, a fort or castle (the Gaelic _dun_), is found in
compound names from Ireland to Southern Russia. _Magos_, "a field," is
met with in Britain, France, Switzerland, Prussia, Italy, and Austria.
River and mountain names familiar in Britain occur on the Continent. The
Pennine range of Cumberland has the same name as the Appenines. Rivers
named for their inherent divinity, _devos_, are found in Britain and on
the Continent--Dee, Deva, etc.
Besides this linguistic, had the Celts also a political unity over their
great "empire," under one head? Such a unity certainly did not prevail
from Ireland to the Balkan peninsula, but it prevailed over a large part
of the Celtic area. Livy, following Timagenes, who perhaps cited a lost
Celtic epos, speaks of king Ambicatus ruling over the Celts from Spain
to Germany, and sending his sister's sons, Bellovesus and Segovesus,
with many followers, to found new colonies in Italy and the Hercynian
forest.[46] Mythical as this may be, it suggests the hegemony of one
tribe or one chief over other tribes and chiefs, for Livy says that the
sovereign power rested with the Bituriges who appointed the king of
Celticum, viz. Ambicatus. Some such unity is necessary to explain Celtic
power in the ancient world, and it was made possible by unity of race or
at least of the congeries of Celticised peoples, by religious
solidarity, and probably by regular gatherings of all the kings or
chiefs. If the Druids were a Celtic priesthood at this time, or already
formed a corporation as they did later in Gaul, they must have
endeavoured to form and preserve such a unity. And if it was never so
compact as Livy's words suggest, it must have been regarded as an ideal
by the Celts or by their poets, Ambicatus serving as a central figure
round which the ideas of empire crystallised. The hegemony existed in
Gaul, where the Arverni and their king claimed power over the other
tribes, and where the Romans tried to weaken the Celtic unity by
opposing to them the Aedni.[47] In Belgium the hegemony was in the hands
of the Suessiones, to whose king Belgic tribes in Britain submitted.[48]
In Ireland the "high king" was supreme over other smaller kings, and in
Galatia the unity of the tribes was preserved by a council with regular
assemblies.[49]
The diffusion of the Ambicatus legend would help to preserve unity by
recalling the mythic greatness of the past. The Boii and Insubri
appealed to transalpine Gauls for aid by reminding them of the deeds of
their ancestors.[50] Nor would the Druids omit to infuse into their
pupils' minds the sentiment of national greatness. For this and for
other reasons, the Romans, to whom "the sovereignty of all Gaul" was an
obnoxious watch-word, endeavoured to suppress them.[51] But the Celts
were too widely scattered ever to form a compact empire.[52] The Roman
empire extended itself gradually in the consciousness of its power; the
cohesion of the Celts in an empire or under one king was made impossible
by their migrations and diffusion. Their unity, such as it was, was
broken by the revolt of the Teutonic tribes, and their subjugation was
completed by Rome. The dreams of wide empire remained dreams. For the
Celts, in spite of their vigour, have been a race of dreamers, their
conquests in later times, those of the spirit rather than of the mailed
fist. Their superiority has consisted in imparting to others their
characteristics; organised unity and a vast empire could never be
theirs.
FOOTNOTES:
[6] Ripley, _Races of Europe_; Wilser, _L'Anthropologie_, xiv. 494;
Collignon, _ibid._ 1-20; Broca, _Rev. d'Anthrop._ ii. 589 ff.
[7] Sergi, _The Mediterranean Race_, 241 ff., 263 ff.
[8] Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 511 ff., 521, 528.
[9] Broca, _Mem. d'Anthrop._ i. 370 ff. Hovelacque thinks, with Keane,
that the Gauls learned Celtic from the dark round-heads. But Galatian
and British Celts, who had never been in contact with the latter, spoke
Celtic. See Holmes, _Cæsar's Conquest of Gaul_, 311-312.
[10] Cæsar, i. 1; Collignon, _Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris_, 3{me} ser.
i. 67.
[11] Cæsar, i. 1.
[12] Cæsar, ii. 30.
[13] Cæsar, i. 1; Strabo, iv. 1. 1.
[14] Cf. Holmes, 295; Beddoe, _Scottish Review_, xix. 416.
[15] D'Arbois, _Les Celtes_, 175.
[16] Cæsar, ii. 4; Strabo, vii. 1. 2. Germans are taller and fairer than
Gauls; Tacitus, _Agric._ ii. Cf. Beddoe, _JAI_ xx. 354-355.
[17] D'Arbois, _PH_ ii. 374. Welsh Gwydion and Teutonic Wuotan may have
the same root, see p. 105. Celtic Taranis has been compared to Donar,
but there is no connection, and Taranis was not certainly a thunder-god.
Much of the folk-religion was alike, but this applies to folk-religion
everywhere.
[18] D'Arbois, ii. 251.
[19] Beddoe, _L'Anthropologie_, v. 516. Tall, fair, and highly
brachycephalic types are still found in France, _ibid._ i. 213;
Bortrand-Reinach, _Les Celtes_, 39.
[20] Beddoe, 516; _L'Anthrop._, v. 63; Taylor, 81; Greenwell, _British
Barrows_, 680.
[21] _Fort. Rev._ xvi. 328; _Mem. of London Anthr. Soc._, 1865.
[22] Ripley, 309; Sergi, 243; Keane, 529; Taylor, 112.
[23] Taylor, 122, 295.
[24] The Walloons are both dark and fair.
[25] D'Arbois, _PH_ ii. 132.
[26] Rh[^y]s, _Proc. Phil. Soc._ 1891; "Celtæ and Galli," _Proc. Brit.
Acad._ ii. D'Arbois points out that we do not know that these words are
Celtic (_RC_ xii, 478).
[27] See pp. 51, 376.
[28] Cæsar, i. 1.
[29] _CB_{4} 160.
[30] Skene, i. ch. 8; see p. 135.
[31] _ZCP_ iii. 308; _Keltic Researches_.
[32] Windisch, "Kelt. Sprachen," Ersch-Gruber's _Encylopädie_; Stokes,
_Linguistic Value of the Irish Annals_.
[33] _THSC_ 1895-1896, 55 f.
[34] _CM_ xii. 434.
[35] In the Isle of Skye, where, looking at names of prominent places
alone, Norse derivatives are to Gaelic as 3 to 2, they are as 1 to 5
when names of insignificant places, untouched by Norse influence, are
included.
[36] Rh[^y]s, _CB_{4} 241.
[37] D'Arbois, _Les Celtes_, 22.
[38] Bede, _Eccl. Hist._ i. 12.
[39] Adamnan, _Vita S. Col._
[40] See p. 222.
[41] Dio Cass. lxxvi. 12; Cæsar, v. 14. See p. 223.
[42] Isidore, _Etymol._ ix. 2, 103; Rh[^y]s, _CB_ 242-243; Cæsar, v. 14;
Nicholson, _ZCP_ in. 332.
[43] Tacitus, _Agric._ ii.
[44] If _Celtæ_ is from _qelo_, "to raise," it may mean "the lofty,"
just as many savages call themselves "the men," _par excellence_.
Rh[^y]s derives it from _qel_, "to slay," and gives it the sense of
"warriors." See Holder, _s.v._; Stokes, _US_ 83. _Galatæ_ is from _gala_
(Irish _gal_), "bravery." Hence perhaps "warriors."
[45] "Galli" may be connected with "Galatæ," but D'Arbois denies this.
For all these titles see his _PH_ ii. 396 ff.
[46] Livy, v. 31 f.; D'Arbois, _PH_ ii. 304, 391.
[47] Strabo, iv. 10. 3; Cæsar, i. 31, vii. 4; _Frag. Hist. Græc._ i.
437.
[48] Cæsar, ii. 4.
[49] Strabo, xii. 5. 1.
[50] Polybius, ii. 22.
[51] Cæsar, i. 2, 1-3.
[52] On the subject of Celtic unity see Jullian, "Du patriotisme
gaulois," _RC_ xxiii. 373.