On this principle we come to understand why it is, that, whenever the Latin

poets speak of an army as taking food, the word used is always _prandens_

and _pransus_; and, when the word used is _prandens_, then always it is an

army that is concerned. Thus Juvenal in a well-known satire--

----"Credimus altos

Desiccasse amnes, epotaque ftumina, Medo _Prandente_."

Not _coenante_, observe: you might as well talk of an army taking tea

and toast. Nor is that word ever applied to armies. It is true that the

converse is not so rigorously observed: nor ought it, from the explanations

already given. Though no soldier dined, (_coenabat_,) yet the citizen

sometimes adopted the camp usage and took a _prandium_. But generally the

poets use the word merely to mark the time of day. In that most humorous

appeal of Perseus--"Cur quis non prandeat, hoc est?" "Is this a sufficient

reason for losing one's _prandium_?" He was obliged to say _prandium_,

because no exhibitions ever could cause a man to lose his _coenia_, since

none were displayed at a time of day when anybody in Rome would have

attended. Just as, in alluding to a parliamentary speech notoriously

delivered at midnight, an English satirist must have said, Is this a speech

to furnish an argument for leaving one's bed?--not as what stood foremost

in his regard, but as the only thing that _could_ be lost at the time of

night.

On this principle, also, viz. by going back to the military origin of

_prandium_, we gain the interpretation of all the peculiarities attached to

it; viz.--1, its early hour--2, its being taken in a standing posture--3,

in the open air--4, the humble quality of its materials--bread and biscuit,

(the main articles of military fare.) In all these circumstances of the

meal, we read, most legibly written, the exotic and military character of

the meal.

Thus we have brought down our Roman friend to noonday, or even one hour

later than noon, and to this moment the poor man has had nothing to eat.

For, supposing him to be not _impransus_, and supposing him _jentâsse_

beside; yet it is evident, (we hope,) that neither one nor the other means

more than what it was often called, viz. [Greek: Bouchismos], or, in

plain English, a mouthful. How long do we intend to keep him waiting?

Reader, he will dine at three, or (supposing dinner put off to the latest)

at four. Dinner was never known to be later than the tenth hour in Rome,

which in summer would be past five; but for a far greater proportion of

days would be near four in Rome, except for one or two of the emperors,

whom the mere business attached to their unhappy station kept sometimes

dinnerless till six. And so entirely was a Roman the creature of ceremony,

that a national mourning would probably have been celebrated, and the "sad

augurs" would have been called in to expiate the prodigy, had the general

dinner lingered beyond four.

But, meantime, what has our friend been about since perhaps six or seven in

the morning? After paying his little homage to his _patronus_, in what

way has he fought with the great enemy Time since then? Why, reader, this

illustrates one of the most interesting features in the Roman character.

The Roman was the idlest of men. "Man and boy," he was "an idler in the

land." He called himself and his pals "rerum dominos, gentemque togatam;"

_the gentry that wore the toga_. Yes, and a pretty affair that "toga" was.

Just figure to yourself, reader, the picture of a hardworking man, with

horny hands like our hedgers, ditchers, weavers, porters, &c., setting to

work on the highroad in that vast sweeping toga, filling with a strong

gale like the mainsail of a frigate. Conceive the roars with which this

magnificent figure would be received into the bosom of a poor-house

detachment sent out to attack the stones on some new line of road, or a

fatigue party of dustmen sent upon secret service. Had there been nothing

left as a memorial of the Romans but that one relic--their immeasurable

toga,[9]--we should have known that they were born and bred to idleness. In

fact, except in war, the Roman never did anything at all but sun himself.

_Ut se apricaret_ was the final cause of peace in his opinion; in literal

truth, that he might make an _apricot_ of himself. The public rations at

all times supported the poorest inhabitant of Rome if he were a citizen.

Hence it was that Hadrian was so astonished with the spectacle of

Alexandria, "_civitas opulenta, fæcunda, in qua nemo vivat otiosus_." Here

first he saw the spectacle of a vast city, second only to Rome, where every

man had something to do; "_podagrosi quod agant habent; habent cæci quod

faciant; ne chiragrici_" (those with gout in the fingers) "_apud eos otiosi

vivunt_." No poor rates levied upon the rest of the world for the benefit

of their own paupers were there distributed _gratis_. The prodigious

spectacle (so it seemed to Hadrian) was exhibited in Alexandria, of all men

earning their bread in the sweat of their brow. In Rome only, (and at one

time in some of the Grecian states,) it was the very meaning of _citizen_

that he could vote and be idle.

In these circumstances, where the whole sum of life's duties amounted

to voting, all the business a man _could_ have was to attend the public

assemblies, electioneering, or factious. These, and any judicial trial

(public or private) that might happen to interest him for the persons

concerned, or for the questions, amused him through the morning; that

is, from eight till one. He might also extract some diversion from

the _columnæ_, or pillars of certain porticoes to which they pasted

advertisements. These _affiches_ must have been numerous; for all the girls

in Rome who lost a trinket, or a pet bird, or a lap-dog, took this mode of

angling in the great ocean of the public for the missing articles.

But all this time we take for granted that there were no shows in a course

of exhibition, either the dreadful ones of the amphitheatre, or the

bloodless ones of the circus. If there were, then that became the business

of all Romans; and it was a business which would have occupied him from

daylight until the light began to fail. Here we see another effect from the

scarcity of artificial light amongst the ancients. These magnificent shows

went on by daylight. But how incomparably greater would have been the

splendor by lamp-light! What a gigantic conception! Eighty thousand human

faces all revealed under one blaze of lamp-light! Lord Bacon saw the mighty

advantage of candle-light for the pomps and glories of this world. But the

poverty of the earth was the ultimate cause that the Pagan shows proceeded

by day. Not that the masters of the world, who rained Arabian odors and

perfumed waters of the most costly description from a thousand fountains,

simply to cool the summer heats, would have regarded the expense of light;

cedar and other odorous woods burning upon vast altars, together with every

variety of fragrant torch, would have created light enough to shed a new

day over the distant Adriatic.

However, as there are no public spectacles, we will suppose, and the courts

or political meetings, (if not closed altogether by superstition,) would at

any rate be closed in the ordinary course by twelve or one o'clock, nothing

remains for him to do, before returning home, except perhaps to attend the

_palæstra_, or some public recitation of a poem written by a friend, but in

any case to attend the public baths. For these the time varied; and many

people have thought it tyrannical in some of the Cæsars that they imposed

restraints on the time open for the baths; some, for instance, would not

suffer them to open at all before two, and in any case, if you were later

than four or five in summer, you would have to pay a fine which most

effectually cleaned out the baths of all raff, since it was a sum that

_John Quires_ could not have produced to save his life. But it should be

considered that the emperor was the steward of the public resources for

maintaining the baths in fuel, oil, attendance, repairs. We are prepared

to show, on a fitting occasion, that every fourth person[10] amongst the

citizens bathed daily, and non-citizens, of course, paid an _extra_ sum.

Now the population of Rome was far larger than has ever been hinted at

except by Lipsius. But certain it is, that during the long peace of the

first Cæsars, and after the _annonaria prorisio_, (that great pledge of

popularity to a Roman prince,) had been increased by the corn tribute from

the Nile, the Roman population took an immense lurch ahead. The subsequent

increase of baths, whilst no old ones were neglected, proves _that_

decisively. And as citizenship expanded by means of the easy terms on which

it could be had, so did the bathers multiply. The population of Rome in the

century after Augustus, was far greater than during that era; and this,

still acting as a vortex to the rest of the world, may have been one great

motive with Constantine for "transferring" the capital eastwards; in

reality, for breaking up one monster capital into two of more manageable

dimensions. Two o'clock was often the earliest hour at which the public

baths were opened. But in Martial's time a man could go without blushing

(_salvâ fronte_) at eleven, though even then two o'clock was the meridian

hour for the great uproar of splashing, and swimming, and "larking" in the

endless baths of endless Rome.

And now, at last, bathing finished, and the exercises of the _palæstra_, at

half-past two, or three, our friend finds his way home--not again to leave

it for that day. He is now a new man; refreshed, oiled with perfumes, his

dust washed off by hot water, and ready for enjoyment. These were the

things that determined the time for dinner. Had there been no other proof

that _coena_ was the Roman dinner, this is an ample one. Now first the

Roman was fit for dinner, in a condition of luxurious ease; business

ever--that day's load of anxiety laid aside--his _cuticle_, as he delighted

to talk, cleansed and polished--nothing more to do or to think of until

the next morning, he might now go and dine, and get drunk with a safe

conscience. Besides, if he does not get dinner now, when will he get it?

For most demonstrably he has taken nothing yet which comes near in value

to that basin of soup which many of ourselves take at the Roman hour of

bathing. No; we have kept our man fasting as yet. It is to be hoped that

something is coming at last.

It _does_ come,--dinner, the great meal of "coena;" the meal sacred to

hospitality and genial pleasure, comes now to fill up the rest of the day,

until light fails altogether.

Many people are of opinion that the Romans only understood what the

capabilities of dinner were. It is certain that they were the first great

people that discovered the true secret and meaning of dinner, the great

office which it fulfils, and which we in England are now so generally

acting on. Barbarous nations,--and none were, in that respect, more

barbarous than our own ancestors,--made this capital blunder; the brutes,

if you asked them what was the use of dinner, what it was meant for, stared

at you and replied--as a horse would reply if you put the same question

about his provender--that it was to give him strength for finishing his

work! Therefore, if you point your telescope back to antiquity about twelve

or one o'clock in the daytime, you will descry our most worthy ancestors

all eating for their very lives, eating as dogs eat, viz. in bodily fear

that some other dog will come and take their dinner away. What swelling of

the veins in the temples! (see Boswell's natural history of Dr. Johnson at

dinner;) what intense and rapid deglutition! what odious clatter of knives

and plates! what silence of the human voice! what gravity! what fury in the

libidinous eyes with which they contemplate the dishes! Positively it was

an _indecent_ spectacle to see Dr. Johnson at dinner. But, above all, what

maniacal haste and hurry, as if the fiend were waiting with red-hot pincers

to lay hold of the hindermost!

Oh, reader, do you recognize in this abominable picture your respected

ancestors and ours? Excuse us for saying--"What monsters!" We have a right

to call our own ancestors monsters; and, if so, we must have the same right

over yours. For Dr. Southey has shown plainly in the "Doctor," that every

man having four grand parents in the second stage of ascent, (each of whom

having four, therefore,) sixteen in the third, and so on, long before you

get to the Conquest, every man and woman then living in England will be

wanted to make up the sum of my separate ancestors; consequently, you must

take your ancestors out of the very same fund, or (if you are too proud for

that) you must go without ancestors. So that, your ancestors being clearly

mine, I have a right in law to call the whole "kit" of them monsters. _Quod

erat demonstrandum_. Really and upon our honor, it makes one, for the

moment, ashamed of one's descent; one would wish to disinherit one's-self

backwards, and (as Sheridan says in the _Rivals_) to "cut the connection."

Wordsworth has an admirable picture in Peter Bell of "A snug party in a

parlor," removed into _limbus patrum_ for their offences in the flesh:--

"Cramming, as they on earth were cramm'd;

All sipping wine, all sipping tea;

But, as you by their faces see,

All silent, and all d--d."

How well does that one word describe those venerable ancestral

dinners--"All silent!" Contrast this infernal silence of voice and fury

of eye with the "risus amabilis," the festivity, the social kindness, the

music, the wine, the "dulcis insania," of a Roman "coena." We mentioned

four tests for determining what meal is, and what is not, dinner; we may

now add a fifth, viz. the spirit of festal joy and elegant enjoyment, of

anxiety laid aside, and of honorable social pleasure put on like a marriage

garment.

And what caused the difference between our ancestors and the Romans? Simply

this--the error of interposing dinner in the middle of business, thus

courting all the breezes of angry feeling that may happen to blow from the

business yet to come, instead of finishing, absolutely closing, the account

with this world's troubles before you sit down. That unhappy interpolation

ruined all. Dinner was an ugly little parenthesis between two still uglier

clauses of a tee-totally ugly sentence. Whereas with us, their enlightened

posterity, to whom they have the honor to be ancestors, dinner is a great

reaction. There lies our conception of the matter. It grew out of the very

excess of the evil. When business was moderate, dinner was allowed to

divide and bisect it. When it swelled into that vast strife and agony, as

one may call it, that boils along the tortured streets of modern London or

other capitals, men began to see the necessity of an adequate counterforce

to push against this overwhelming torrent, and thus maintain the

equilibrium. Were it not for the soft relief of a six o'clock dinner, the

gentle manner succeeding to the boisterous hubbub of the day, the soft

glowing lights, the wine, the intellectual conversation, life in London is

now come to such a pass, that in two years all nerves would sink before it.

But for this periodic reaction, the modern business which draws so cruelly

on the brain, and so little on the hands, would overthrow that organ in

all but those of coarse organization. Dinner it is,--meaning by dinner

the whole complexity of attendant circumstances,--which saves the modern

brain-working men from going mad.

This revolution as to dinner was the greatest in virtue and value ever

accomplished. In fact, those are always the most operative revolutions

which are brought about through social or domestic changes. A nation must

be barbarous, neither could it have much intellectual business, which dined

in the morning. They could not be at ease in the morning. So much must be

granted: every day has its separate _quantum_, its dose (as the doctrinists

of rent phrase it) of anxiety, that could not be digested so soon as noon.

No man will say it. He, therefore, who dined at noon, was willing to sit

down squalid as he was, with his dress unchanged, his cares not washed off.

And what follows from that? Why, that to him, to such a canine or cynical

specimen of the genus _homo_, dinner existed only as a physical event, a

mere animal relief, a mere carnal enjoyment. For what, we demand, did this

fleshly creature differ from the carrion crow, or the kite, or the vulture,

or the cormorant? A French judge, in an action upon a wager, laid it down

in law, that man only had a _bouche_, all other animals had a _gueule_:

only with regard to the horse, in consideration of his beauty, nobility,

use, and in honor of the respect with which man regarded him, by the

courtesy of Christendom, he might be allowed to have a _bouche_, and his

reproach of brutality, if not taken away, might thus be hidden. But surely,

of the rabid animal who is caught dining at noonday, the _homo ferus_, who

affronts the meridian sun like Thyestes and Atreus, by his inhuman meals,

we are, by parity of reason, entitled to say, that he has a "maw," (so has

Milton's Death,) but nothing resembling stomach. And to this vile man a

philosopher would say--"Go away, sir, and come back to me two or three

centuries hence, when you have learned to be a reasonable creature, and to

make that physico-intellectual thing out of dinner which it was meant to

be, and is capable of becoming." In Henry VII.'s time the court dined at

eleven in the forenoon. But even that hour was considered so shockingly

late in the French court, that Louis XII. actually had his gray hairs

brought down with sorrow to the grave, by changing his regular hour of

half-past nine for eleven, in gallantry to his young English bride.[11] He

fell a victim to late hours in the forenoon. In Cromwell's time they dined

at one, P.M. One century and a half had carried them on by two hours.

Doubtless, old cooks and scullions wondered what the world would come to

next. Our French neighbors were in the same predicament. But they far

surpassed us in veneration for the meal. They actually dated from it.

Dinner constituted the great era of the day. _L'apres diner_ is almost the

sole date which you find in Cardinal De Retz's memoirs of the _Fronde_.

Dinner was their _Hegira_--dinner was their _line_ in traversing the ocean

of day: they crossed the equator when they dined. Our English revolution

came next; it made some little difference, we have heard people say, in

Church and State; but its great effects were perceived in dinner. People

now dined at two. So dined Addison for his last thirty years; so dined

Pope, who was coeval with the revolution through his entire life. Precisely

as the rebellion of 1745 arose, did people (but observe, very great people)

advance to four, P.M. Philosophers, who watch the "semina rerum," and the

first symptoms of change, had perceived this alteration singing in the

upper air like a coming storm some little time before. About the year 1740,

Pope complains to a friend of Lady Suffolk's dining so late as four. Young

people may bear those things, he observes; but as to himself, now turned

of fifty, if such doings went on, if Lady Suffolk would adopt such strange

hours, he must really absent himself from Marble Hill. Lady Suffolk had a

right to please herself: he himself loved her. But if she would persist,

all which remained for a decayed poet was respectfully to "cut his stick,

and retire." Whether Pope ever put up with four o'clock dinners again, we

have vainly sought to fathom. Some things advance continuously, like a

flood or a fire, which always make an end of A, eat and digest it, before

they go on to B. Other things advance _per saltum_--they do not silently

cancer their way onwards, but lie as still as a snake after they have made

some notable conquest, then when unobserved they make themselves up "for

mischief," and take a flying bound onwards. Thus advanced dinner, and by

these fits got into the territory of evening. And ever as it made a motion

onwards, it found the nation more civilized, (else the change would not

have been effected,) and raised them to a still higher civilization. The

next relay on that line of road, the next repeating frigate, is Cowper in

his poem on _Conversation_. He speaks of four o'clock as still the elegant

hour for dinner--the hour for the _lautiores_ and the _lepidi homines_. Now

this was written about 1780, or a little earlier; perhaps, therefore,

just one generation after Pope's Lady Suffolk. But then Cowper was living

amongst the rural gentry, not in high life; yet, again, Cowper was nearly

connected by blood with the eminent Whig house of Cowper, and acknowledged

as a _kinsman_. About twenty-five years after this, we may take Oxford as

a good exponent of the national advance. As a magnificent body of

"foundations," endowed by kings, and resorted to by the flower of the

national youth, Oxford is always elegant and even splendid in her habits.

Yet, on the other hand, as a grave seat of learning, and feeling the weight

of her position in the commonwealth, she is slow to move: she is inert as

she should be, having the functions of _resistance_ assigned to her against

the popular instinct of _movement_. Now, in Oxford, about 1804-5, there was

a general move in the dinner hour. Those colleges who dined at three, of

which there were still several, now dined at four; those who had dined

at four, now translated their hour to five. These continued good general

hours, but still amongst the more intellectual orders, till about Waterloo.

After that era, six, which had been somewhat of a gala hour, was promoted

to the fixed station of dinner-time in ordinary; and there perhaps it will

rest through centuries. For a more festal dinner, seven, eight, nine, ten,

have all been in requisition since then; but we have not yet heard of any

man's dining later than 10, P.M., except in that single classical instance

(so well remembered from our father Joe) of an Irishman who must have dined

_much_ later than ten, because his servant protested, when others were

enforcing the dignity of their masters by the lateness of their dinner

hours, that _his_ master dined "to-morrow."

Were the Romans not as barbarous as our own ancestors at one time? Most

certainly they were; in their primitive ages they took their _coena_ at

noon,[12] _that_ was before they had laid aside their barbarism; before

they shaved: it was during their barbarism, and in consequence of their

barbarism, that they timed their _coena_ thus unseasonably. And this is

made evident by the fact, that, so long as they erred in the hour, they

erred in the attending circumstances. At this period they had no music

at dinner, no festal graces, and no reposing upon sofas. They sate bolt

upright in chairs, and were as grave as our ancestors, as rabid, and

doubtless as furiously in haste.

Miscellaneous Essays · 第 15 / 16 段