Socialism and the party which incarnates it are begotten by the
economic transformations which are taking place under our eyes. If it
is impossible to suppress (or eliminate) certain phases of social
development, at a certain stage of development it is possible for men
to facilitate or retard the success of socialism. This depends
sometimes upon men who are not socialists, and nearly always upon
socialist tactics.
Is socialism inexorably destined to wait for "the natural play
(working) of institutions and laws to bring to pass the triumph of its
aspirations," as M. Charles Dupuy asked in one of his astonishing
addresses? Socialism which is essentially an evolutionary theory
expects its realization to result from the natural working out of the
facts; but, under normal conditions, it can no more rely on the
natural play or action of existing laws, than a republican, eager for
the Republic, could with any show of reason, have relied, in the time
of the Empire, on the natural working of the imperial laws to evolve
the Republic. But in a republic, such as France or the United States,
where universal suffrage makes the People the sole nominal sovereign,
and where by strictly legal action the People may become the
effective, actual sovereign, if socialism cannot rely for its triumph
upon the free play and natural working of the laws of evolution, it
can rely upon the ever-growing influence of socialist electors and
officials on political action and legislation--a source of hope that
was forbidden to the republicans under the empire. It may also happen
that its triumph may be brought about by a rupture of _de facto_
legality, a rupture which under certain contingencies may become
unavoidable, a rupture which may be forced upon them without any
regard to the personal preferences of socialists, as, for example, in
France, on the 4th of September, 1870, such a rupture was forced upon
Jules Simon and other fanatical partisans of legality, and it is a
rupture of this kind which constitutes a revolution.
Evolution and Revolution are not contradictory terms. Quite the
contrary. When they both take place, the one following and
supplementing the other, the second is the conclusion of the first,
the revolution is only the characteristic crisis which ends and gives
real effect to a period of evolution. Notice what takes place in the
case of the young chick. After having gone through the regular process
of development inside of its shell, the little brute, who is as yet
unable to read the _Temps_, does not know that it has been decreed
that evolution must take place without any violence; instead of
employing its leisure in gently and legally wearing a hole through its
shell, it breaks its way out without warning or ceremony. Well, then,
socialism which does read the _Temps_, will act just as though it had
not read it, and, if the emergency arises, will imitate the little
chick; if in the course of events it becomes necessary, it will burst
asunder the mould of legality within which it is developing, and
within which, at the present time, it has simply to continue its
regular and peaceful development.
The distinctive mark of a revolution, as I have said, is the rupture
of _de facto_ legality--that is the only _sine qua non_, everything
else is merely incidental. Unfortunately the strong general tendency
is to think that the word, revolution, necessarily implies the
execution of persons and the destruction of property. The latter are
catastrophes that the socialists will make every possible effort to
avoid; for they know that excesses in one direction inevitably provoke
a re-actionary movement in the opposite direction, and they will do
everything they possibly can to keep from thus unconsciously defeating
their own ends.
At some particular time in the future events may occur that, purely by
the power of circumstances over men, will lead to a rupture of
legality. When and how will this happen, if it does happen? We know
nothing about it, and we are not and will not be the responsible cause
of such an event, because we recognize and point out the possibility
of its occurrence. The interested fears of some will not destroy this
possibility, nor will the too pardonable impatience of others convert
it into a probability. As the _Temps_ said one day, in speaking
incidentally of revolutions: "One does not make them; they make
themselves."[18]
Although we can not indicate the character any more than the period of
this possible rupture of legality, still we have a right to say that
this rupture, or in other words, this revolution, may take place
peacefully, like the one that occurred on the 4th of September, 1870.
The difference in the consequences of the two revolutions makes no
difference from our present point of view. It is true that the
revolution of the 4th of September was purely a political revolution.
But, while the revolution, whose possibility we are considering, is to
usher in a social transformation, as a revolution it is simply a
change of a political character. If the capitalists are as prudent as
were the Bonapartists on the 4th of September, the future rupture of
legality may be just as peaceful as was that in which Senator Jules
Simon took part. It is seen, then, that socialism may burst the mould
of legality while preserving the peace. On the other hand, it may make
use of violence while remaining within the forms of strict legality.
Whether or not a revolutionary situation is destined to arise, the
duty, the whole duty of socialists consists in educating the masses,
in rendering them conscious of their condition, their task and their
responsibility, of organizing them in readiness for the day when the
political power shall fall into their hands. To win for socialism the
greatest possible number of partisans, that is the task to which
socialist parties must consecrate their efforts, using, for this
purpose, all pacific and legal means, but using such means only. In
ordinary times, such as those in which we live, any sort of action,
except peaceful and legal action with a view to the instruction and
organization of the masses, is sure, whether so intended or not, to
have a deterrent and reactionary influence, and to interfere with the
spread of socialist ideas.
What I am advocating is not the policy of keeping our colors hidden in
our pockets, it is not the policy of mutilating, however slightly, the
theory of socialism, it is the policy of sticking strictly to that
theory without marring or disfiguring it by violences which form no
part of it, by vain predictions which threaten with no certainty of
fulfilment. The truth is that it is impossible to promise in advance
to stick solely to either method--force or legality; and this is true
for all parties. A Radical, M. Sigismund Lacroix, recognized this fact
when he wrote some time ago: "Many people of whom I am one ... would
hesitate to swear to stick, under all circumstances, to legal and
peaceful means. This depends, not on opinions, but on situations.
Revolutionary situations may arise, when to be a revolutionist will be
a duty."[19]
Even admitting that there must be a revolution--a question which the
events and not the wills of men will decide--this revolution, no
matter what its incidents, will be only one term in the series of
phenomena which are leading us from one social form to another, only
one link in a chain, and is it reasonable, therefore, to hypnotize the
laborers by concentrating their attention on that single link? What is
necessary is to make socialists, to make the masses conscious of the
economic movement in progress, to bring their wills into harmony with
that movement, and thus to lead to the election of more and more
socialists to our various elective assemblies, where it will be their
duty and privilege to maintain the forgotten and despised rights of
the people, and to effect, so far as they can, under the
circumstances, the various ameliorations of the conditions and status
of the toiling masses for which socialism is striving. The socialist
party is the only party which pursues these aims in a practical
fashion, by basing its tactics on the economic conditions of the
environment. What is the use, therefore, of talking of anything but
socialism, of expatiating on the nature of the crisis which will
terminate the present phase of evolution and will be the beginning of
a new phase? Why waste time talking about a contingent event that
circumstances may force upon us in the future, but the time or
character of which no man can define or describe to-day? At all
events, if we must talk of revolution, our aim should be to overthrow
the false ideas on this subject industriously circulated by our
opponents with a view to deterring recruits from enlisting in the
socialist army.