It is no easy matter, however, to classify the different kinds of

labour scientifically. To arrange the several varieties of work into

“orders,” and to group the manifold species of arts under a few

comprehensive genera--so that the mind may grasp the whole at one

effort--is a task of a most perplexing character. Moreover, the first

attempt to bring any number of diverse phenomena within the rules of

logical division is not only a matter of considerable difficulty, but

one, unfortunately, that is generally unsuccessful. It is impossible,

however, to proceed with the present inquiry without making some

attempt at systematic arrangement; for of all scientific processes,

the classification of the various phenomena, in connection with a

given subject, is perhaps the most important; indeed, if we consider

that the function of cognition is essentially _discriminative_, it is

evident, that without distinguishing between one object and another,

there can be no knowledge, nor, indeed, any perception. Even as the

seizing of a particular difference causes the mind to _apprehend_ the

special character of an object, so does the discovery of the agreements

and differences among the several phenomena of a subject enable the

understanding to _comprehend_ it. What the generalization of events

is to the ascertainment of natural laws, the generalization of things

is to the discovery of natural systems. But classification is no less

dangerous than it is important to science; for in precisely the same

proportion as a correct grouping of objects into genera and species,

orders and varieties, expands and assists our understanding, so does

any erroneous arrangement cripple and retard all true knowledge.

The reduction of all external substances into four elements by the

ancients--earth, air, fire, and water--perhaps did more to obstruct the

progress of chemical science than even a prohibition of the study could

have effected.

But the branches of industry are so multifarious, the divisions of

labour so minute and manifold, that it seems at first almost impossible

to reduce them to any system. Moreover, the crude generalizations

expressed in the names of the several arts, render the subject still

more perplexing.

Some kinds of workmen, for example, are called after the _articles

they make_--as saddlers, hatters, boot-makers, dress-makers,

breeches-makers, stay-makers, lace-makers, button-makers,

glovers, cabinet-makers, artificial-flower-makers, ship-builders,

organ-builders, boat-builders, nailers, pin-makers, basket-makers,

pump-makers, clock and watch makers, wheel-wrights, ship-wrights, and

so forth.

Some operatives, on the other hand, take their names not from what they

make, but from the _kind of work they perform_. Hence we have carvers,

joiners, bricklayers, weavers, knitters, engravers, embroiderers,

tanners, curriers, bleachers, thatchers, lime-burners, glass-blowers,

seamstresses, assayers, refiners, embossers, chasers, painters,

paper-hangers, printers, book-binders, cab-drivers, fishermen,

graziers, and so on.

Other artizans, again, are styled after the _materials upon which they

work_, such as tinmen, jewellers, lapidaries, goldsmiths, braziers,

plumbers, pewterers, glaziers, &c. &c.

And lastly, a few operatives are named after the _tools they use_; thus

we have ploughmen, sawyers, and needlewomen.

But these divisions, it is evident, are as unscientific as they are

arbitrary; nor would it be possible, by adopting such a classification,

to arrive at any practical result.

Now, I _had_ hoped to have derived some little assistance in my attempt

to reduce the several varieties of work to system from the arrangement

of the products of industry and art at “the Great Exhibition.” I

knew, however, that the point of classification had proved the great

stumbling block to the French Industrial Exhibitions. In the Exposition

of the Arts and Manufactures of France in 1806, for instance, M. Costaz

adopted a topographical arrangement, according to the departments of

the kingdom whence the specimens were sent. In 1819, again, finding

the previous arrangement conveyed little or no knowledge, depending,

as it did, on the mere local association of the places of manufacture,

the same philosopher attempted to classify all arts into a sort of

natural system, but the separate divisions amounted to thirty-nine,

and were found to be confused and inconvenient. In 1827 M. Payon

adopted a classification into five great divisions, arranging the arts

according as they are chemical, mechanical, physical, economical, or

“miscellaneous” in their nature. It was found, however, in practice,

that two, or even three, of these characteristics often belonged to the

same manufacture. In 1834 M. Dupin proposed a classification that was

found to work better than any which preceded it. He viewed man as a

locomotive animal, a clothed animal, a domiciled animal, &c., and thus

tracing him through his various daily wants and employments, he arrived

at a classification in which all arts are placed under nine headings,

according as they contribute to the alimentary, sanitary, vestiary,

domiciliary, locomotive, sensitive, intellectual, preparative, or

social tendencies of man. In 1844 and 1849 attempts were made towards

an eclectic combination of two or three of the above-mentioned systems,

but it does not appear that the latter arrangements presented any

marked advantages.

Now, with all the experience of the French nation to guide us, I

naturally expected that especial attention would be directed towards

the point of classification with us, and that a technological system

would be propounded, which would be found at least an improvement on

the bungling systems of the French. It must be confessed, however, that

no nation could possibly have stultified itself so egregiously as we

have done in this respect. Never was there anything half so puerile as

the classification of the works of industry in our own Exhibition!

But this comes of the patronage of Princes; for we are told that at

one of the earliest meetings at Buckingham Palace his Royal Highness

_propounded_ the system of classification according to which the works

of industry _were to be_ arranged. The published minutes of the meeting

on the 30th of June, 1849, inform us--

“His Royal Highness communicated his views regarding the formation of

a Great Collection of Works of Industry and Art in London in 1851, for

the purposes of exhibition, and of competition and encouragement. His

Royal Highness considered that such a collection and exhibition should

consist of the following divisions:--

Raw Materials.

Machinery and Mechanical Inventions.

Manufactures.

Sculpture and Plastic Art generally.”

Now, were it possible for monarchs to do with natural laws as with

social ones, namely, to blow a trumpet and declaring “_le roi le

veut_,” to have their will pass into one of the statutes of creation,

it might be advantageous to science that Princes should seek to lay

down orders of arrangement and propound systems of classification. But

seeing that Science is as pure a republic as Letters, and that there

are no “Highnesses” in philosophy--for if there be any aristocracy at

all in such matters, it is at least an aristocracy of intellect--it is

rather an injury than a benefit that those who are high in authority

should interfere in these affairs at all; since, from the very

circumstances of their position it is utterly impossible for them to

arrive at anything more than the merest surface knowledge on such

subjects. The influence, too, that their mere “authority” has over

men’s minds is directly opposed to the perception of truth, preventing

that free and independent exercise of the intellect from which alone

all discovery and knowledge can proceed.

Judging the quadruple arrangement of the Great Exhibition by the laws

of logical division, we find that the three classes--Raw Materials,

Machinery, and Manufactures--which refer more particularly to the Works

of Industry, are neither distinct nor do they include the whole. What

is a raw material, and what a manufacture? It is from the difficulty

of distinguishing between these two conditions that leather is placed

under Manufactures, and steel under Raw Materials--though surely

steel is iron _plus_ carbon, and leather skin _plus_ tannin; so that,

technologically considered, there is no difference between them. If

by the term raw material is meant some natural product in its crude

state, then it is evident that “Geological maps, plans, and sections;

prussiate of potash, and other mixed chemical manufactures; sulphuric,

muriatic, nitric, and other acids; medicinal tinctures, cod liver oil,

dried fruits, fermented liquors and spirits, preserved meats, portable

soups, glue, and the alloys” cannot possibly rank as _raw_ materials,

though one and all of these articles are to be found so “classified”

at the Great Exhibition; but if the meaning of a “raw material” be

extended to any product which constitutes the substance to be operated

upon in an industrial art, then the answer is that leather, which

is the material of shoes and harness, is no more a manufacture than

steel, which is placed among the raw materials, because forming the

constituent substance of cutlery and tools. So interlinked are the

various arts and manufactures, that what is the product of one process

of industry is the material of another--thus, yarn is the product

of spinning, and the material of weaving, and in the same manner

the cloth, which is the product of weaving, becomes the material of

tailoring.

But a still greater blunder than the non-distinction between products

and materials lies in the confounding of _processes_ with _products_.

In an Industrial Exhibition to reserve no special place for the

processes of industry is very much like the play of Hamlet with the

part of Hamlet omitted; and yet it is evident that, in the quadruple

arrangement before mentioned, those most important industrial

operations which consist merely in arriving at the same result by

simpler means--as, for instance, the hot blast in metallurgical

operations--can find no distinct expression. The consequence is that

methods of work are arranged under the same head as the work itself;

and the “Executive” have been obliged to group under the first

subdivision of _Raw Materials_ the following inconsistent jumble:--Salt

deposits; ventilation; safety lamps and other methods of lighting;

methods of lowering and raising miners, and draining; methods of

roasting, smelting, or otherwise reducing ores; while under the second

subdivision of Raw Materials chemical and pharmaceutical _processes_

and _products_ are indiscriminately confounded.

Another most important defect is the omission of all mention of those

industrial processes which have _no special or distinct products of

their own_, but which are rather engaged _in adding to the beauty or

durability of others_; as, for instance, the bleaching of some textile

fabrics, the embroidering of others, the dyeing and printing of others;

the binding of books; the cutting of glass; the painting of china,

&c. From the want of an express division for this large portion of

our industrial arts, there is a jumbling and a bungling throughout

the whole arrangement. Under the head of _manufactures_ are grouped

printing and bookbinding, the “dyeing of woollen, cotton, and linen

goods,” “embroidery, fancy, and industrial work,” the cutting and

engraving of glass; and, lastly, the art of “decoration generally,”

including “ornamental, coloured decoration,” and the “imitations of

woods, marbles, &c.,”--though surely these are one and all _additions_

to manufactures rather than _manufactures_ themselves. Indeed, a more

extraordinary and unscientific hotch-potch than the entire arrangement

has never been submitted to public criticism and public ridicule.

Amid all this confusion and perplexity, then, how are we to proceed?

Why, we must direct our attention to some more judicious and more

experienced guide. In such matters, at least, as the Exposition of

the Science of Labour, it is clear that we must “put not our trust in

princes.”

That Prince Albert has conferred a great boon on the country in the

establishment of the Great Exhibition (for it is due not only to his

patronage but to his own personal exertions), no unprejudiced mind can

for a moment doubt; and that he has, ever since his first coming among

us, filled a most delicate office in the State in a highly decorous

and commendable manner, avoiding all political partizanship, and

being ever ready to give the influence of his patronage, and, indeed,

co-operation, to anything that appeared to promise an amelioration of

the condition of the working classes of this country, I am most glad

to have it in my power to bear witness; but that, _because of this_,

we should pin our faith to a “hasty generalization” propounded by him,

would be to render ourselves at once silly and servile.

If, with the view of obtaining some more precise information concerning

the several branches of industry, we turn our attention to the

Government analysis of the different modes of employment among the

people, we shall find that for all purposes of a scientific or definite

character the Occupation Abstract of the Census of this country is

comparatively useless. Previous to 1841, the sole attempt made at

generalization was the division of the entire industrial community into

three orders, viz.:--

I. _Those employed in Agriculture._

1. Agricultural Occupiers.

_a._ Employing Labourers.

_b._ Not employing Labourers.

2. Agricultural Labourers.

II. _Those employed in Manufactures._

1. Employed in Manufactures.

2. Employed in making Manufacturing Machinery.

III. _All other Classes._

1. Employed in Retail Trade or in Handicraft, as Masters or Workmen.

2. Capitalists, Bankers, Professional, and other educated men.

3. Labourers employed in labour not Agricultural--as Miners,

Quarriers, Fishermen, Porters, &c.

4. Male Servants.

5. Other Males, 20 years of age.

The defects of this arrangement must be self-evident to all who have

paid the least attention to economical science. It offends against

both the laws of logical division, the parts being neither distinct

nor equal to the whole. In the first place, what is a manufacturer?

and how is such an one to be distinguished from one employed in

handicraft? How do the workers in metal, as the “tin manufacturers,”

“lead manufacturers,” “iron manufacturers,”--who are one and all

classed under the head of manufacturers--differ, in an economical

point of view, from the workers in wood, as the carpenters and

joiners, the cabinet-makers, ship-builders, &c., who are all classed

under the head of handicraftsmen? Again, according to the census of

1831, a brewer is placed among those employed in retail trade or in

handicrafts, while a vinegar maker is ranked with the manufacturers.

According to Mr. Babbage, _manufacturing_ differs from mere _making_

simply in the quantity produced--he being a manufacturer who makes

a greater number of the same articles; manufacturing is thus simply

production in a large way, in connection with the several handicrafts.

Dr. Ure, however, appears to consider such articles manufactures as

are produced by means of machinery, citing the word which originally

signified production by hand (being the Latin equivalent for the Saxon

_handicraft_) as an instance of those singular verbal corruptions

by which terms come to stand for the very opposite to their literal

meaning. But with all deference to the Doctor, for whose judgment I

have the highest respect, Mr. Babbage’s definition of a manufacturer,

viz., as a producer on a large scale, appears to me the more correct;

for it is in this sense that we speak of manufacturing chemists, boot

and shoe manufacturers, ginger-beer manufacturers, and the like.

The Occupation Abstract of the Census of 1841, though far more

comprehensive than the one preceding it, is equally unsatisfactory and

unphilosophical. In this document the several members of Society are

thus classified:--

I. _Persons engaged in Commerce, Trade, and Manufacture._

II. _Agriculture._

III. _Labour, not Agricultural._

IV. _Army and Navy Merchant Seamen, Fishermen, and Watermen._

V. _Professions and other pursuits requiring education._

VI. _Government, Civil Service, and Municipal and Parochial Officers._

VII. _Domestic Servants._

VIII. _Persons of Independent Means._

IX. _Almspeople, Pensioners, Paupers, Lunatics, and Prisoners._

X. _Remainder of Population, including Women and Children._

Here it will be seen that the defects arising from drawing distinctions

where no real differences exist, are avoided, those engaged in

handicrafts being included under the same head as those engaged in

manufacture; but the equally grave error of confounding or grouping

together occupations which are essentially diverse, is allowed to

continue. Accordingly, the first division is made to include those

who are engaged in trade and commerce as well as manufacture, though

surely--the one belongs strictly to the distributing, and the other

to the producing class--occupations which are not only essentially

distinct, but of which it is absolutely necessary for a right

understanding of the state of the country that we know the proportion

that the one bears to the other. Again, the employers in both cases

are confounded with the employed, so that, though the capitalists

who supply the materials, and pay the wages for the several kinds

of work are a distinct body of people from those who _do_ the work,

and a body, moreover, that it is of the highest possible importance,

in an economical point of view, that we should be able to estimate

numerically,--no attempt is made to discriminate the one from

the other. Now these three classes, distributors, employers, and

operatives, which in the Government returns of the people are jumbled

together in one heterogeneous crowd, as if the distinctions between

Capital, Labour, and Distribution had never been propounded, are

precisely those concerning which the social inquirer desires the most

minute information.

The Irish census is differently arranged from that of Great Britain.

There the several classes are grouped under the following heads:--

I. _Ministering to Food._

1. As Producers.

2. As Preparers.

3. As Distributors.

II. _Ministering to Clothing._

1. As Manufacturers of Materials.

2. As Handicraftsmen and Dealers.

III. _Ministering to Lodging, Furniture, Machinery, &c._

IV. _Ministering to Health._

V. _Ministering to Charity._

VI. _Ministering to Justice._

VII. _Ministering to Education._

VIII. _Ministering to Religion._

IX. _Various Arts and Employments, not included in the foregoing._

X. _Residue of Population_, not having specified occupations, and

including unemployed persons and women.

This, however, is no improvement upon the English classification. There

is the same want of discrimination, and the same disregard of the

great “economical” divisions of society.

Moreover, to show the extreme fallacy of such a classification, it is

only necessary to make the following extract from the Report of the

Commissioners for Great Britain:--

“We would willingly have given a classification of the occupations of

the inhabitants of Great Britain into the various wants to which they

respectively minister, but, in attempting this, we were stopped by the

various anomalies and uncertainties to which such a classification

seemed necessarily to lead, from the fact that many persons supply more

than one want, though they can only be classed under one head. Thus to

give but a single instance--_the farmer and grazier may be deemed to

minister quite as much to clothing by the fleece and hides as he does

to food by the flesh of his sheep and cattle_.”

He, therefore, who would seek to elaborate the natural history of

the industry of the people of England, must direct his attention to

some social philosopher, who has given the subject more consideration

than either princes or Government officials can possibly be expected

to devote to it. Among the whole body of economists, Mr. Stuart

Mill appears to be the only man who has taken a comprehensive and

enlightened view of the several functions of society. Following in the

footsteps of M. Say, the French social philosopher, he first points out

concerning the products of industry, that labour is not creative of

objects but of utilities, and then proceeds to say:--

“Now the utilities produced by labour are of three kinds; they are--

“First, utilities _fixed and embodied in outward objects_; by labour

employed in investing external _material_ things with properties which

render them serviceable to human beings. This is the common case, and

requires no illustration.

“Secondly, utilities _fixed and embodied in human beings_; the labour

being in this case employed in conferring on human beings qualities

which render them serviceable to themselves and others. To this

class belongs the labour of all concerned in education; not only

schoolmasters, tutors, and professors, but governments, so far as

they aim successfully at the improvement of the people; moralists and

clergymen, as far as productive of benefit; the labour of physicians,

as far as instrumental in preserving life and physical or mental

efficiency; of the teachers of bodily exercises, and of the various

trades, sciences, and arts, together with the labour of the learners

in acquiring them, and all labour bestowed by any persons, throughout

life, in improving the knowledge or cultivating the bodily and mental

faculties of themselves or others.

“Thirdly, and lastly, utilities _not fixed or embodied in any object_,

but consisting in a mere _service rendered_, a pleasure given, an

inconvenience or pain averted, during a longer or a shorter time, but

without leaving a _permanent_ acquisition in the improved qualities of

any person or thing; the labour here being employed in producing an

utility _directly_, not (as in the two former cases) in _fitting some

other_ thing to afford an utility. Such, for example, is the labour of

the musical performer, the actor, the public declaimer or reciter, and

the showman.

“Some good may, no doubt, be produced beyond the moment, upon the

feeling and disposition, or general state of enjoyment of the

spectators; or instead of good there may be harm, but neither the one

nor the other is the effect intended, is the result for which the

exhibitor works and the spectator pays, but the immediate pleasure.

Such, again, is the labour of the army and navy; they, at the best,

prevent a country from being conquered, or from being injured or

insulted, which is a service, but in all other respects leave the

country neither improved nor deteriorated. Such, too, is the labour of

the legislator, the judge, the officer of justice, and all other agents

of Government, in their ordinary functions, apart from any influence

they may exert on the improvement of the national mind. The service

which they render is to maintain peace and security; these compose the

utility which they produce. It may appear to some that carriers, and

merchants or dealers, should be placed in this same class, since their

labour does not add any properties to objects, but I reply that it

does, it adds the property of being in the place where they are wanted,

instead of being in some other place, which is a very useful property,

and the utility it confers is embodied in the things themselves, which

now actually are in the place where they are required for use, and in

consequence of that increased utility could be sold at an increased

price proportioned to the labour expended in conferring it. This

labour, therefore, does not belong to the third class, but to the

first.”

London Labour and the London Poor, Vol. 4 · 第 6 / 99 段