White House, which had become disfigured by incongruous additions
and changes, has now been restored to what it was planned to be by
Washington. In making the restorations the utmost care has been
exercised to come as near as possible to the early plans and to
supplement these plans by a careful study of such buildings as that of
the University of Virginia, which was built by Jefferson. The White
House is the property of the Nation, and so far as is compatible
with living therein it should be kept as it originally was, for
the same reasons that we keep Mount Vernon as it originally was.
The stately simplicity of its architecture is an expression of the
character of the period in which it was built, and is in accord with
the purposes it was designed to serve. It is a good thing to preserve
such buildings as historic monuments which keep alive our sense of
continuity with the Nation’s past.
The reports of the several Executive Departments are submitted to the
Congress with this communication.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
WHITE HOUSE,
_December 2, 1902_.
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, COMMUNICATED TO THE
TWO HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE
FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS
_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:
I have convened the Congress that it may consider the legislation
necessary to put into operation the commercial treaty with Cuba, which
was ratified by the Senate at its last session, and subsequently by
the Cuban Government. I deem such legislation demanded not only by
our interest but by our honor. We can not with propriety abandon the
course upon which we have so wisely embarked. When the acceptance
of the Platt Amendment was required from Cuba by the action of the
Congress of the United States, this Government thereby definitely
committed itself to the policy of treating Cuba as occupying a unique
position as regards this country. It was provided that when the island
became a free and independent republic she should stand in such close
relations with us as in certain respects to come within our system of
international policy; and it necessarily followed that she must also
to a certain degree become included within the lines of our economic
policy. Situated as Cuba is, it would not be possible for this
country to permit the strategic abuse of the island by any foreign
military power. It is for this reason that certain limitations have
been imposed upon her financial policy, and that naval stations have
been conceded by her to the United States. The negotiations as to the
details of these naval stations are on the eve of completion. They are
so situated as to prevent any idea that there is the intention ever to
use them against Cuba, or otherwise than for the protection of Cuba
from the assaults of foreign foes, and for the better safeguarding of
American interests in the waters south of us.
These interests have been largely increased by the consequences of the
war with Spain, and will be still further increased by the building of
the Isthmian Canal. They are both military and economic. The granting
to us by Cuba of the naval stations above alluded to is of the utmost
importance from a military standpoint, and is proof of the good faith
with which Cuba is treating us. Cuba has made great progress since her
independence was established. She has advanced steadily in every way.
She already stands high among her sister republics of the New World.
She is loyally observing her obligations to us; and she is entitled to
like treatment by us.
The treaty submitted to you for approval secures to the United States
economic advantages as great as those given to Cuba. Not an American
interest is sacrificed. By the treaty a large Cuban market is secured
to our producers. It is a market which lies at our doors, which is
already large, which is capable of great expansion, and which is
especially important to the development of our export trade. It would
be indeed shortsighted for us to refuse to take advantage of such an
opportunity, and to force Cuba into making arrangements with other
countries to our disadvantage.
This reciprocity treaty stands by itself. It is demanded on
considerations of broad national policy as well as by our economic
interest. It will do harm to no industry. It will benefit many
industries. It is in the interest of our people as a whole, both
because of its importance from the broad standpoint of international
policy, and because economically it intimately concerns us to develop
and secure the rich Cuban market for our farmers, artisans, merchants,
and manufacturers. Finally, it is desirable as a guaranty of the
good faith of our Nation toward her young sister republic to the
south, whose welfare must ever be closely bound with ours. We gave
her liberty. We are knit to her by the memories of the blood and the
courage of our soldiers who fought for her in war; by the memory of
the wisdom and integrity of our administrators who served her in peace
and who started her so well on the difficult path of self-government.
We must help her onward and upward; and in helping her we shall help
ourselves.
The foregoing considerations caused the negotiations of the treaty
with Cuba and its ratification by the Senate. They now with equal
force support the legislation by the Congress which by the terms of
the treaty is necessary to render it operative. A failure to enact
such legislation would come perilously near a repudiation of the
pledged faith of the Nation.
I transmit herewith the treaty, as amended by the Senate and ratified
by the Cuban Government.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
WHITE HOUSE,
_November 10, 1903_.
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, COMMUNICATED TO THE
TWO HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE
FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS
_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_
The country is to be congratulated on the amount of substantial
achievement which has marked the past year both as regards our foreign
and as regards our domestic policy.
With a nation as with a man the most important things are those of the
household, and therefore the country is especially to be congratulated
on what has been accomplished in the direction of providing for the
exercise of supervision over the great corporations and combinations
of corporations engaged in interstate commerce. The Congress has
created the Department of Commerce and Labor, including the Bureau
of Corporations, with for the first time authority to secure proper
publicity of such proceedings of these great corporations as the
public has the right to know. It has provided for the expediting
of suits for the enforcement of the Federal anti-trust law; and by
another law it has secured equal treatment to all producers in the
transportation of their goods, thus taking a long stride forward in
making effective the work of the Interstate Commerce Commission.
The establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor, with
the Bureau of Corporations thereunder, marks a real advance in the
direction of doing all that is possible for the solution of the
questions vitally affecting capitalists and wage-workers. The act
creating the Department was approved on February 14, 1903, and two
days later the head of the Department was nominated and confirmed
by the Senate. Since then the work of organization has been pushed
as rapidly as the initial appropriations permitted, and with due
regard to thoroughness and the broad purposes which the Department
is designed to serve. After the transfer of the various bureaus and
branches to the Department at the beginning of the current fiscal
year, as provided for in the act, the personnel comprised 1,289
employees in Washington and 8,836 in the country at large. The scope
of the Department’s duty and authority embraces the commercial and
industrial interests of the Nation. It is not designed to restrict
or control the fullest liberty of legitimate business action, but to
secure exact and authentic information which will aid the Executive in
enforcing existing laws, and which will enable the Congress to enact
additional legislation, if any should be found necessary, in order to
prevent the few from obtaining privileges at the expense of diminished
opportunities for the many.
The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corporations in the Department
has shown the wisdom of its creation. Publicity in corporate affairs
will tend to do away with ignorance, and will afford facts upon which
intelligent action may be taken. Systematic, intelligent investigation
is already developing facts the knowledge of which is essential to a
right understanding of the needs and duties of the business world. The
corporation which is honestly and fairly organized, whose managers
in the conduct of its business recognize their obligation to deal
squarely with their stockholders, their competitors, and the public,
has nothing to fear from such supervision. The purpose of this Bureau
is not to embarrass or assail legitimate business, but to aid in
bringing about a better industrial condition—a condition under which
there shall be obedience to law and recognition of public obligation
by all corporations, great or small. The Department of Commerce and
Labor will be not only the clearing house for information regarding
the business transactions of the Nation but the executive arm of
the Government to aid in strengthening our domestic and foreign
markets, in perfecting our transportation facilities, in building
up our merchant marine, in preventing the entrance of undesirable
immigrants, in improving commercial and industrial conditions, and
in bringing together on common ground those necessary partners in
industrial progress—capital and labor. Commerce between the nations is
steadily growing in volume, and the tendency of the times is toward
closer trade relations. Constant watchfulness is needed to secure to
Americans the chance to participate to the best advantage in foreign
trade; and we may confidently expect that the new Department will
justify the expectation of its creators by the exercise of this
watchfulness, as well as by the businesslike administration of such
laws relating to our internal affairs as are intrusted to its care.
In enacting the laws above enumerated the Congress proceeded on sane
and conservative lines. Nothing revolutionary was attempted; but
a common-sense and successful effort was made in the direction of
seeing that corporations are so handled as to subserve the public
good. The legislation was moderate. It was characterized throughout by
the idea that we were not attacking corporations, but endeavoring to
provide for doing away with any evil in them; that we drew the line
against misconduct, not against wealth; gladly recognizing the great
good done by the capitalist who alone, or in conjunction with his
fellows, does his work along proper and legitimate lines. The purpose
of the legislation, which purpose will undoubtedly be fulfilled, was
to favor such a man when he does well, and to supervise his action
only to prevent him from doing ill. Publicity can do no harm to the
honest corporation. The only corporation that has cause to dread
it is the corporation which shrinks from the light, and about the
welfare of such corporations we need not be oversensitive. The work of
the Department of Commerce and Labor has been conditioned upon this
theory, of securing fair treatment alike for labor and for capital.
* * * * *
The consistent policy of the National Government, so far as it
has the power, is to hold in check the unscrupulous man, whether
employer or employee; but to refuse to weaken individual initiative
or to hamper or cramp the industrial development of the country.
We recognize that this is an era of federation and combination, in
which great capitalistic corporations and labor unions have become
factors of tremendous importance in all industrial centres. Hearty
recognition is given the far-reaching, beneficent work which has
been accomplished through both corporations and unions, and the line
as between different corporations, as between different unions, is
drawn as it is between different individuals; that is, it is drawn
on conduct, the effort being to treat both organized capital and
organized labor alike, asking nothing save that the interest of each
shall be brought into harmony with the interest of the general public,
and that the conduct of each shall conform to the fundamental rules
of obedience to law, of individual freedom, and of justice and fair
dealing towards all. Whenever either corporation, labor union, or
individual disregards the law or acts in a spirit of arbitrary and
tyrannous interference with the rights of others, whether corporations
or individuals, then where the Federal Government has jurisdiction,
it will see to it that the misconduct is stopped, paying not the
slightest heed to the position or power of the corporation, the
union or the individual, but only to one vital fact—that is, the
question whether or not the conduct of the individual or aggregate of
individuals is in accordance with the law of the land. Every man must
be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do as he likes with his
property or his labor, so long as he does not infringe the rights of
others. No man is above the law and no man is below it; nor do we ask
any man’s permission when we require him to obey it. Obedience to the
law is demanded as a right; not asked as a favor.
We have cause as a Nation to be thankful for the steps that have
been so successfully taken to put these principles into effect. The
progress has been by evolution, not by revolution. Nothing radical
has been done; the action has been both moderate and resolute.
Therefore the work will stand. There shall be no backward step. If in
the working of the laws it proves desirable that they shall at any
point be expanded or amplified, the amendment can be made as its
desirability is shown. Meanwhile they are being administered with
judgment, but with insistence upon obedience to them; and their need
has been emphasized in signal fashion by the events of the past year.
* * * * *
From all sources, exclusive of the postal service, the receipts of
the Government for the last fiscal year aggregated $560,396,674.
The expenditures for the same period were $506,099,007, the surplus
for the fiscal year being $54,297,667. The indications are that the
surplus for the present fiscal year will be very small, if indeed
there be any surplus. From July to November the receipts from customs
were, approximately, nine million dollars less than the receipts from
the same source for a corresponding portion of last year. Should this
decrease continue at the same ratio throughout the fiscal year, the
surplus would be reduced by, approximately, thirty million dollars.
Should the revenue from customs suffer much further decrease during
the fiscal year, the surplus would vanish. A large surplus is
certainly undesirable. Two years ago the war taxes were taken off
with the express intention of equalizing the governmental receipts
and expenditures, and though the first year thereafter still showed a
surplus, it now seems likely that a substantial equality of revenue
and expenditure will be attained. Such being the case it is of great
moment both to exercise care and economy in appropriations, and
to scan sharply any change in our fiscal revenue system which may
reduce our income. The need of strict economy in our expenditures is
emphasized by the fact that we can not afford to be parsimonious in
providing for what is essential to our national well-being. Careful
economy wherever possible will alone prevent our income from falling
below the point required in order to meet our genuine needs.
* * * * *
The integrity of our currency is beyond question, and under
present conditions it would be unwise and unnecessary to attempt a
reconstruction of our entire monetary system. The same liberty should
be granted the Secretary of the Treasury to deposit customs receipts
as is granted him in the deposit of receipts from other sources. In
my Message of December 2, 1902, I called attention to certain needs
of the financial situation, and I again ask the consideration of the
Congress for these questions.
During the last session of the Congress, at the suggestion of a joint
note from the Republic of Mexico and the Imperial Government of China,
and in harmony with an act of the Congress appropriating $25,000 to
pay the expenses thereof, a commission was appointed to confer with
the principal European countries in the hope that some plan might be
devised whereby a fixed rate of exchange could be assured between
the gold standard countries and the silver standard countries. This
commission has filed its preliminary report, which has been made
public. I deem it important that the commission be continued, and
that a sum of money be appropriated sufficient to pay the expenses of
its further labors.
* * * * *
A majority of our people desire that steps be taken in the interests
of American shipping, so that we may once more resume our former
position in the ocean carrying trade. But hitherto the differences of
opinion as to the proper method of reaching this end have been so wide
that it has proved impossible to secure the adoption of any particular
scheme. Having in view these facts, I recommend that the Congress
direct the Secretary of the Navy, the Postmaster-General, and the
Secretary of Commerce and Labor, associated with such a representation
from the Senate and House of Representatives as the Congress in its
wisdom may designate, to serve as a commission for the purpose of
investigating and reporting to the Congress at its next session what
legislation is desirable or necessary for the development of the
American merchant marine and American commerce, and incidentally of
a national ocean mail service of adequate auxiliary naval cruisers
and naval reserves. While such a measure is desirable in any event,
it is especially desirable at this time, in view of the fact that our
present governmental contract for ocean mail with the American Line
will expire in 1905. Our ocean mail act was passed in 1891. In 1895
our 20-knot transatlantic mail line was equal to any foreign line.
Since then the Germans have put on 23-knot steamers, and the British
have contracted for 24-knot steamers. Our service should equal the
best. If it does not, the commercial public will abandon it. If we are
to stay in the business it ought to be with a full understanding of
the advantages to the country on one hand, and on the other with exact
knowledge of the cost and proper methods of carrying it on. Moreover,
lines of cargo ships are of even more importance than fast mail lines,
save so far as the latter can be depended upon to furnish swift
auxiliary cruisers in time of war. The establishment of new lines of
cargo ships to South America, to Asia, and elsewhere would be much in
the interest of our commercial expansion.
* * * * *
We can not have too much immigration of the right kind, and we should
have none at all of the wrong kind. The need is to devise some system
by which undesirable immigrants shall be kept out entirely, while
desirable immigrants are properly distributed throughout the country.
At present some districts which need immigrants have none; and in
others, where the population is already congested, immigrants come in
such numbers as to depress the conditions of life for those already
there. During the last two years the immigration service at New
York has been greatly improved, and the corruption and inefficiency
which formerly obtained there have been eradicated. This service
has just been investigated by a committee of New York citizens of
high standing, Messrs. Arthur v. Briesen, Lee K. Frankel, Eugene A.
Philbin, Thomas W. Hynes, and Ralph Trautmann. Their report deals
with the whole situation at length, and concludes with certain
recommendations for administrative and legislative action. It is now
receiving the attention of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor.
* * * * *
The special investigation of the subject of naturalization under the
direction of the Attorney-General, and the consequent prosecutions,
reveal a condition of affairs calling for the immediate attention
of the Congress. Forgeries and perjuries of shameless and flagrant
character have been perpetrated, not only in the dense centres of
population, but throughout the country; and it is established beyond
doubt that very many so-called citizens of the United States have
no title whatever to that right, and are asserting and enjoying the
benefits of the same through the grossest frauds. It is never to be
forgotten that citizenship is, to quote the words recently used by
the Supreme Court of the United States, an “inestimable heritage,”
whether it proceeds from birth within the country or is obtained by
naturalization; and we poison the sources of our national character
and strength at the fountain, if the privilege is claimed and
exercised without right, and by means of fraud and corruption. The
body politic can not be sound and healthy if many of its constituent
members claim their standing through the prostitution of the high
right and calling of citizenship. It should mean something to become a
citizen of the United States; and in the process no loophole whatever
should be left open to fraud.
The methods by which these frauds—now under full investigation with
a view to meting out punishment and providing adequate remedies—are
perpetuated, include many variations of procedure by which false
certificates of citizenship are forged in their entirety; or genuine
certificates fraudulently or collusively obtained in blank are filled
in by the criminal conspirators; or certificates are obtained on
fraudulent statements as to the time of arrival and residence in this
country; or imposition and substitution of another party for the real
petitioner occur in court; or certificates are made the subject of
barter and sale and transferred from the rightful holder to those
not entitled to them; or certificates are forged by erasure of the
original names and the insertion of the names of other persons not
entitled to the same.
It is not necessary for me to refer here at large to the causes
leading to this state of affairs. The desire for naturalization
is heartily to be commended where it springs from a sincere and
permanent intention to become citizens, and a real appreciation of
the privilege. But it is a source of untold evil and trouble where it
is traceable to selfish and dishonest motives, such as the effort by
artificial and improper means, in wholesale fashion to create voters
who are ready-made tools of corrupt politicians, or the desire to
evade certain labor laws creating discriminations against alien labor.
All good citizens, whether naturalized or native born, are equally
interested in protecting our citizenship against fraud in any form,
and, on the other hand, in affording every facility for naturalization
to those who in good faith desire to share alike our privileges and
our responsibilities.
The Federal grand jury lately in session in New York City dealt with
this subject and made a presentment which states the situation briefly
and forcibly and contains important suggestions for the consideration
of the Congress. This presentment is included as an appendix to the
report of the Attorney-General.
* * * * *