What, then, is this investigation, and what course does it follow? At

the first aspect, we might take it for one of those numerous attempts

on the Liberal side, partly impatient, partly careless of Christianity,

to put a fresh look on the Christian history, and to see it with new

eyes. The writer's language is at starting neutral; he speaks of our

Lord in the language indeed of the New Testament, but not in the usual

language of later Christian writers. All through, the colour and tone

is absolutely modern; and what would naturally be expressed in familiar

theological terms is for the most part studiously put in other words.

Persons acquainted with the writings of the late Mr. Robertson might be

often reminded of his favourite modes of teaching; of his maxim that

truth is made up of two opposites which seem contradictories; of the

distinction which he was so fond of insisting upon between principles

and rules; above all, of his doctrine that the true way to rise to the

faith in our Lord's Divine Nature was by first realising His Human

Life. But the resemblance is partial, if not superficial, and gives way

on closer examination before broad and characteristic features of an

entirely different significance. That one which at first arrests

attention, and distinguishes this writer's line of thought from the

common Liberal way of dealing with the subject, is that from the first

page of the book to its last line the work of Christ is viewed, not

simply as the foundation of a religious system, the introduction of

certain great principles, the elevation of religious ideas, the

delivery of Divine truths, the exhibition of a life and example, but as

the call and creation of a definite, concrete, organised society of

men. The subject, of investigation is not merely the character and

history of the Person, but the Person as connected with His work.

Christ is regarded not simply in Himself or in His teaching, as the

Founder of a philosophy, a morality, a theology in the abstract, but as

the Author of a Divine Society, the Body which is called by His Name,

the Christian Church Universal, a real and visible company of men,

which, however we may understand it, exists at this moment as it has

existed since His time, marked by His badges, governed by His laws, and

working out His purpose. The writer finds the two joined in fact, and

he finds them also joined in the recorded history of Christ's plan. The

book might almost be described as the beginning of a new _De Civitate

Dei_, written with the further experience of fourteen centuries and

from the point of view of our own generation. This is one remarkable

peculiarity of this investigation; another is the prominence given to

the severe side of the Person and character of whom he writes, and what

is even more observable, the way in which both the severity and the

gentleness are apprehended and harmonised.

We are familiar with the attempts to resolve the Christianity of the

New Testament into philanthropy; and, on the other hand, writers like

Mr. Carlyle will not let us forget that the world is as dark and evil

as the Bible draws it. This writer feels both in one. No one can show

more sympathy with enlarged and varied ideas of human happiness, no one

has connected them more fearlessly with Christian principles, or

claimed from those principles more unlimited developments, even for the

physical well-being of men. No one has extended wider the limits of

Christian generosity, forbearance, and tolerance. But, on the other

hand, what is striking is, that all this is compatible, and is made to

appear so, with the most profound and terrible sense of evil, with

indignation and scorn which is scathing where it kindles and strikes,

with a capacity and energy of deliberate religious hatred against what

is impure and false and ungodly, which mark one who has dared to

realise and to sympathise with the wrath of Jesus Christ.

The world has been called in these later days, and from opposite

directions, to revise its judgments about Jesus Christ. Christians, on

the one hand, have been called to do it by writers of whom M. Ernest

Renan is the most remarkable and the most unflinching. But the

sceptical and the unbelieving have likewise been obliged to change

their ground and their tone, and no one with any self-respect or care

for his credit even as a thinker and a man would like to repeat the

superficial and shallow flippancy and irreligion of the last century.

Two things have been specially insisted on. We have been told that if

we are to see the truth of things as it is, we must disengage our minds

from the deeply rooted associations and conceptions of a later

theology, and try to form our impressions first-hand and unprompted

from the earliest documents which we can reach. It has been further

urged on us, in a more believing spirit, that we should follow the

order by which in fact truth was unfolded, and rise from the full

appreciation of our Lord's human nature to the acknowledgment of His

Divine nature. It seems to us that the writer of this book has felt the

force of both these appeals, and that his book is his answer to them.

Here is the way in which he responds to both--to the latter indirectly,

but with a significance which no one can mistake; to the former

directly and avowedly. He undertakes, isolating himself from current

beliefs, and restricting himself to the documents from which, if from

any source at all, the original facts about Christ are to be learned,

to examine what the genuine impression is which an attempt to realise

the statements about him leaves on the mind. This has been done by

others, with results supposed to be unfavourable to Christianity. He

has been plainly moved by these results, though not a hint is given of

the existence of Renan or Strauss. But the effect on his own mind has

been to drive him back on a closer survey of the history in its first

fountains, and to bring him from it filled more than ever with wonder

at its astonishing phenomena, to protest against the poverty and

shallowness of the most ambitious and confident of these attempts. They

leave the historical Character which they pourtray still unsounded, its

motives, objects, and feelings absolutely incomprehensible. He accepts

the method to reverse the product. "Look at Christ historically,"

people say; "see Him as He really was." The answer here is, "Well, I

will look at Him with whatever aid a trained historical imagination can

look at Him. I accept your challenge; I admit your difficulties. I will

dare to do what you do. I will try and look at the very facts

themselves, with singleness and 'innocence of the eye,' trying to see

nothing more than I really see, and trying to see all that my eye falls

on. I will try to realise indeed what is recorded of Him. And _this_ is

what I see. This is the irresistible impression from the plainest and

most elementary part of the history, if we are to accept any history at

all. A miracle could not be more unlike the order of our experience

than the Character set before us is unique and unapproachable in all

known history. Further, all that makes the superiority of the modern

world to the ancient, and is most permanent and pregnant with

improvement in it, may be traced to the appearance of that Character,

and to the work which He planned and did. You ask for a true picture of

Him, drawn with freedom, drawn with courage; here, if you dare look at

it, is what those who wrote of Him showed Him to be. Renan has tried to

draw this picture. Take the Gospels as they stand; treat them simply as

biographies; look, and see, and think of what they tell, and then ask

yourself about Renan's picture, and what it looks like when placed side

by side with the truth."

This, as we have ventured to express it in our own words, seems to be

the writer's position. It is at any rate the effect of his book, to our

minds. The inquiry, it must always be remembered, is a preliminary one,

dealing, as he says, with the easiest and obvious elements of the

problem; and much that seems inadequate and unsatisfactory may be

developed hereafter. He starts from what, to those who already have the

full belief, must appear a low level. He takes, as it will be seen, the

documents as they stand. He takes little more than the first three

Gospels, and these as a whole, without asking minute questions about

them. The mythical theory he dismisses as false to nature, in dealing

with such a Character and such results. He talks in his preface of

"critically weighing" the facts; but the expression is misleading. It

is true that we may talk of criticism of character; but the words

naturally suggest that close cross-questioning of documents and details

which has produced such remarkable results in modern investigations;

and of this there is none. It is a work in no sense of criticism; it is

a work of what he calls the "trained historical imagination"; a work of

broad and deep knowledge of human nature and the world it works in and

creates about it; a work of steady and large insight into character,

and practical judgment on moral likelihoods. He answers Strauss as he

answers Renan, by producing the interpretation of a character, so

living, so in accordance with all before and after, that it overpowers

and sweeps away objections; a picture, an analysis or outline, if he

pleases, which justifies itself and is its own evidence, by its

originality and internal consistency. Criticism in detail does not

affect him. He assumes nothing of the Gospels, except that they are

records; neither their inspiration in any theological sense, nor their

authorship, nor their immunity from mistake, nor the absolute purity of

their texts. But taking them as a whole he discerns in them a Character

which, if you accept them at all and on any terms, you cannot mistake.

Even if the copy is ever so imperfect, ever so unskilful, ever so

blurred and defaced, there is no missing the features any more than a

man need miss the principle of a pattern because it is rudely or

confusedly traced. He looks at these "biographies" as a geologist might

do at a disturbed series of strata; and he feeds his eye upon them till

he gets such a view of the coherent whole as will stand independent of

the right or wrong disposition of the particular fragments. To the mind

which discerns the whole, the regulating principle, the general curves

and proportions of the strata may be just as visible after the

disturbance as before it. The Gospels bring before us the visible and

distinct outlines of a life which, after all efforts to alter the idea

of it, remains still the same; they present certain clusters of leading

ideas and facts so embedded in their substance that no criticism of

detail can possibly get rid of them, without absolutely obliterating

the whole record. It is this leading idea, or cluster of ideas, to be

gained by intent gazing, which the writer disengages from all questions

of criticism in the narrow sense of the word, and sets before us as

explaining the history of Christianity, and as proving themselves by

that explanation. That the world has been moved we know. "Give me," he

seems to say, "the Character which is set forth in the Gospels, and I

can show how He moved it":--

It is in the object of the present treatise to exhibit Christ's

career in outline. No other career ever had so much unity; no

other biography is so simple or can so well afford to dispense

with details. Men in general take up scheme after scheme, as

circumstances suggest one or another, and therefore most

biographies are compelled to pass from one subject to another, and

to enter into a multitude of minute questions, to divide the life

carefully into periods by chronological landmarks accurately

determined, to trace the gradual development of character and

ripening or change of opinions. But Christ formed one plan and

executed it; no important change took place in his mode of

thinking, speaking, or acting; at least the evidence before us

does not enable us to trace any such change. It is possible,

indeed, for students of his life to find details which they may

occupy themselves with discussing; they may map out the chronology

of it, and devise methods of harmonising the different accounts;

but such details are of little importance compared with the one

grand question, what was Christ's plan, and throw scarcely any

light upon that question. What was Christ's plan is the main

question which will be investigated in the present treatise, and

that vision of universal monarchy which we have just been

considering affords an appropriate introduction to it....

We conclude then, that Christ in describing himself as a king, and

at the same time as king of the Kingdom of God--in other words as

a king representing the Majesty of the Invisible King of a

theocracy--claimed the character first of Founder, next of

Legislator; thirdly, in a certain high and peculiar sense, of

Judge, of a new divine society.

In defining as above the position which Christ assumed, we have

not entered into controvertible matter. We have not rested upon

single passages, nor drawn upon the fourth Gospel. To deny that

Christ did undertake to found and to legislate for a new

theocratic society, and that he did claim the office of Judge of

mankind, is indeed possible, but only to those who altogether deny

the credibility of the extant biographies of Christ. If those

biographies be admitted to be generally trustworthy, then Christ

undertook to be what we have described; if not, then of course

this, but also every other account of him falls to the ground.

We have said that he starts from a low level; and he restricts himself

so entirely at the opening to facts which do not involve dispute, that

his views of them are necessarily incomplete, and, so to say,

provisional and deliberate understatements. He begins no higher than

the beginning of the public ministry, the Baptism, and the Temptation;

and his account of these leaves much to say, though it suggests much of

what is left unsaid. But he soon gets to the proper subject of his

book--the absolute uniqueness of Him whose equally unique work has been

the Christian Church. And this uniqueness he finds in the combination

of "unbounded personal pretensions," and the possession, claimed and

believed, of boundless power, with an absolutely unearthly use of His

pretensions and His power, and with a goodness which has proved to be,

and still is, the permanent and ever-flowing source of moral elevation

and improvement in the world. He early comes across the question of

miracles, and, as he says, it is impossible to separate the claim to

them and the belief in them from the story. We find Christ, he says,

"describing himself as a king, and at the same time as king of the

Kingdom of God"; calling forth and founding a new and divine society,

and claiming to be, both now and hereafter, the Judge without appeal of

all mankind; "he considered, in short, heaven and hell to be in his

hands." And we find, on the other hand, that as such He has been

received. To such an astonishing chain of phenomena miracles naturally

belong:--

When we contemplate this scheme as a whole, and glance at the

execution and results of it, three things strike us with

astonishment. First, its prodigious originality, if the expression

may be used. What other man has had the courage or elevation of

mind to say, "I will build up a state by the mere force of my

will, without help from the kings of the world, without taking

advantage of any of the secondary causes which unite men

together--unity of interest or speech, or blood-relationship. I

will make laws for my state which shall never be repealed, and I

will defy all the powers of destruction that are at work in the

world to destroy what I build"?

Secondly, we are astonished at the calm confidence with which the

scheme was carried out. The reason why statesmen can seldom work

on this vast scale is that it commonly requires a whole lifetime

to gain that ascendency over their fellow-men which such schemes

presuppose. Some of the leading organisers of the world have said,

"I will work my way to supreme power, and then I will execute

great plans." But Christ overleaped the first stage altogether. He

did not work his way to royalty, but simply said to all men, "I am

your king." He did not struggle forward to a position in which he

could found a new state, but simply founded it.

Thirdly, we are astonished at the prodigious success of the

scheme. It is not more certain that Christ presented himself to

men as the founder, legislator, and judge of a divine society than

it is certain that men have accepted him in these characters, that

the divine society has been founded, that it has lasted nearly two

thousand years, that it has extended over a large and the most

highly-civilised portion of the earth's surface, and that it

continues full of vigour at the present day.

Between the astonishing design and its astonishing success there

intervenes an astonishing instrumentality--that of miracles. It

will be thought by some that in asserting miracles to have been

actually wrought by Christ we go beyond what the evidence, perhaps

beyond what any possible evidence, is able to sustain. Waiving,

then, for the present, the question whether miracles were actually

wrought, we may state a fact which is fully capable of being

established by ordinary evidence, and which is actually

established by evidence as ample as any historical fact

whatever--the fact, namely, that Christ _professed_ to work

miracles. We may go further, and assert with confidence that

Christ was believed by his followers really to work miracles, and

that it was mainly on this account that they conceded to Him the

pre-eminent dignity and authority which he claimed. The accounts

which we have of these miracles may be exaggerated; it is possible

that in some special cases stories have been related which have no

foundation whatever; but on the whole, miracles play so important

a part in Christ's scheme, that any theory which would represent

them as due entirely to the imagination of his followers or of a

later age destroys the credibility of the documents not partially

but wholly, and leaves Christ a personage as mythical as Hercules.

Now, the present treatise aims to show that the Christ of the

Gospels is not mythical, by showing that the character those

biographies portray is in all its large features strikingly

consistent, and at the same time so peculiar as to be altogether

beyond the reach of invention both by individual genius and still

more by what is called the "consciousness of an age." Now, if the

character depicted in the Gospels is in the main real and

historical, they must be generally trustworthy, and if so, the

responsibility of miracles is fixed on Christ. In this case the

reality of the miracles themselves depends in a great degree on

the opinion we form of Christ's veracity, and this opinion must

arise gradually from the careful examination of his whole life.

For our present purpose, which is to investigate the plan which

Christ formed and the way in which he executed it, it matters

nothing whether the miracles were real or imaginary; in either

case, being believed to be real, they had the same effect.

Provisionally, therefore, we may speak of them as real.

Without the belief in miracles, as he says, it is impossible to

conceive the history of the Church:--

If we suppose that Christ really performed no miracles, and that

those which are attributed to him were the product of

self-deception mixed in some proportion or other with imposture,

then no doubt the faith of St. Paul and St. John was an empty

chimera, a mere misconception; but it is none the less true that

those apparent miracles were essential to Christ's success, and

that had he not pretended to perform them the Christian Church

would never have been founded, and the name of Jesus of Nazareth

would be known at this day only to the curious in Jewish

antiquities.

But he goes on to point out what was the use which Christ made of

miracles, and how it was that they did not, as they might have done,

even impede His purpose of founding His kingdom on men's consciences

and not on their terrors. In one of the most remarkable passages

perhaps ever written on the Gospel miracles as they are seen when

simply looked at as they are described, the writer says:--

He imposed upon himself a strict restraint in the dse of his

supernatural powers. He adopted the principle that he was not sent

to destroy men's lives but to save them, and rigidly abstained in

practice from inflicting any kind of damage or harm. In this course

he persevered so steadily that it became generally understood.

Every one knew that this _king_, whose royal pretensions were so

prominent, had an absolutely unlimited patience, and that he would

endure the keenest criticism, the bitterest and most malignant

personal attacks. Men's mouths were open to discuss his claims and

character with perfect freedom; so far from regarding him with that

excessive fear which might have prevented them from receiving his

doctrine intelligently, they learnt gradually to treat him, even

while they acknowledged his extraordinary power, with a reckless

animosity which they would have been afraid to show towards an

ordinary enemy. With curious inconsistency they openly charged him

with being leagued with the devil; in other words, they acknowledged

that he was capable of boundless mischief, and yet they were so

little afraid of him that they were ready to provoke him to use his

whole power against themselves. The truth was that they believed

him to be disarmed by his own deliberate resolution, and they

judged rightly. He punished their malice only by verbal reproofs,

and they gradually gathered courage to attack the life of one whose

miraculous powers they did not question.

Meantime, while this magnanimous self-restraint saved him from

false friends and mercenary or servile flatterers, and saved the

kingdom which he founded from the corruption of self-interest and

worldliness, it gave him a power over the good such as nothing

else could have given. For the noblest and most amiable thing that

can be seen is power mixed with gentleness, the reposing,

self-restraining attitude of strength. These are the "fine strains

of honour," these are "the graces of the gods"--

To tear with thunder the wide cheeks o' the air.

And yet to charge the sulphur with a bolt

That shall but rive an oak.

And while he did no mischief under any provocation, his power

flowed in acts of beneficence on every side. Men could approach

near to him, could eat and drink with him, could listen to his

talk and ask him questions, and they found him not accessible

only, but warmhearted, and not occupied so much with his own plans

that he could not attend to a case of distress or mental

perplexity. They found him full of sympathy and appreciation,

dropping words of praise, ejaculations of admiration, tears. He

surrounded himself with those who had tasted of his bounty, sick

people whom he had cured, lepers whose death-in-life, demoniacs

whose hell-in-life, he had terminated with a single powerful word.

Among these came loving hearts who thanked him for friends and

relatives rescued for them out of the jaws of premature death, and

others whom he had saved, by a power which did not seem different,

from vice and degradation.

This temperance in the use of supernatural power is the

masterpiece of Christ. It is a moral miracle superinduced upon a

physical one. This repose in greatness makes him surely the most

sublime image ever offered to the human imagination. And it is

precisely this trait which gave him his immense and immediate

ascendency over men. If the question be put--Why was Christ so

successful?--Why did men gather round him at his call, form

themselves into a new society according to his wish, and accept

him with unbounded devotion as their legislator and judge? some

will answer, Because of the miracles which attested his divine

character; others, Because of the intrinsic beauty and divinity of

the great law of love which he propounded. But miracles, as we

have seen, have not by themselves this persuasive power. That a

man possesses a strange power which I cannot understand is no

reason why I should receive his words as divine oracles of truth.

The powerful man is not of necessity also wise; his power may

terrify and yet not convince. On the other hand, the law of love,

however divine, was but a precept. Undoubtedly it deserved that

men should accept it for its intrinsic worth, but men are not

commonly so eager to receive the words of wise men nor so

unbounded in their gratitude to them. It was neither for his

miracles nor for the beauty of his doctrine that Christ was

worshipped. Nor was it for his winning personal character, nor for

the persecutions he endured, nor for his martyrdom. It was for the

inimitable unity which all these things made when taken together.

In other words, it was for this that he whose power and greatness

as shown in his miracles were overwhelming denied himself the use

of his power, treated it as a slight thing, walked among men as

though he were one of them, relieved them in distress, taught them

to love each other, bore with undisturbed patience a perpetual

hailstorm of calumny; and when his enemies grew fiercer, continued

still to endure their attacks in silence, until, petrified and

bewildered with astonishment, men saw him arrested and put to

death with torture, refusing steadfastly to use in his own behalf

the power he conceived he held for the benefit of others. It was

the combination of greatness and self-sacrifice which won their

hearts, the mighty powers held under a mighty control, the

unspeakable condescension, the _Cross_ of _Christ_.

Occasional Papers Selected from the Guardian, the Times, and the Saturday Review, 1846-1890, Vol. 2 · 第 9 / 30 段