CHAPTER IV.

THE GRADUAL ACCEPTANCE OF THE COPERNICAN SYSTEM.

Just as Tycho Brahe's system proved to be for some a good half-way

station between the improbable Ptolemaic and the heretical Copernican

system;[347] so the Cartesian philosophy helped others to reconcile

their scientific knowledge with their reverence for the Scriptures,

until Newton's work had more fully demonstrated the scientific truth.

[Footnote 347: See Moxon: _Advice, A Tutor to Astronomy and Geography_

(1670): 269.]

Its originator, Rene Descartes[348] (1596-1650) was in Holland when

word of Galileo's condemnation reached him in 1633, as he was seeking

in the bookshops of Amsterdam and Leyden for a copy of the

_Dialogo_.[349] He at once became alarmed lest he too be accused of

trying to establish the movement of the earth, a doctrine which he had

understood was then publicly taught even in Rome, and which he had

made the basis of his own philosophy. If this doctrine were condemned

as false, then his philosophy must be also; and, true to his training

by the Jesuits, rather than go against the Church he would not publish

his books. He set aside his _Cosmos_, and delayed the publication of

the _Methode_ for some years in consequence, even starting to

translate it into Latin as a safeguard.[350] His conception of the

universe, the Copernican one modified to meet the requirements of a

literally interpreted Bible, was not printed until 1644, when it

appeared in his _Principes_.[351]

[Footnote 348: Haldane's _Descartes_ (1905) is the most recent and

authoritative account based upon Descartes's works as published in the

Adams-Tannery edition (Paris, 1896. foll.). This edition supersedes

that of Cousin. [Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote reference in

original text has been added above in a logical place.]]

[Footnote 349: Haldane: 153.]

[Footnote 350: Ibid: 158.]

[Footnote 351: Descartes: _Principes_, Pt. III, chap. 13.]

According to this statement which he made only as a possible

explanation of the phenomena and not as an absolute truth, while there

was little to choose between the Tychonic and the Copernican

conceptions, he inclined slightly toward the former. He conceived of

the earth and the other planets as each borne along in its enveloping

heaven like a ship by the tide, or like a man asleep on a ship that

was sailing from Calais to Dover. The earth itself does not move, but

it is transported so that its position is changed in relation to the

other planets but not visibly so in relation to the fixed stars

because of the vast intervening spaces. The laws of the universe

affect even the most minute particle, and all alike are swept along in

a series of vortices, or whirlpools, of greater or less size. Thus the

whole planetary system sweeps around the sun in one great vortex, as

the satellites sweep around their respective planets in lesser ones.

In this way Descartes worked out a mechanical explanation of the

universe of considerable importance because it was a rational one

which anyone could understand. Its defects were many, to be sure, as

for example, that it did not allow for the elliptical orbits of the

planets;[352] and one critic has claimed that this theory of a

motionless earth borne along by an enveloping heaven was comparable to

a worm in a Dutch cheese sent from Amsterdam to Batavia,--the worm has

travelled about 6000 leagues but without changing its place![353] But

this theory fulfilled Descartes's aim: to show that the universe was

governed by mechanical laws of which we can be absolutely certain and

that Galileo's discoveries simply indicated this.[354]

[Footnote 352: Haldane: 291.]

[Footnote 353: Monchamp: 185, note.]

[Footnote 354: Haldane: 292.]

This exposition of the Copernican doctrine strongly appealed to the

literary world of the 17th and 18th centuries in western Europe,

especially in the Netherlands, in the Paris salons and in the

universities.[355] M. Monchamp cites a number of contemporary comments

upon its spread, in one of which it is claimed that in 1691, the

university of Louvain had for the preceding forty years been

practically composed of Cartesians.[356] For the time being, this

theory was a more or less satisfactory explanation of the universe

according to known laws; it answered to Galileo's observations; it was

in harmony with the Scriptures, and its vortices paved the way for the

popular acceptance of Newton's law of universal gravitation.

[Footnote 355: Ibid: 193, 279.]

[Footnote 356: Monchamp: 177-181.]

Protestant England was of course little disturbed by the decree

against the Copernican doctrine, a fact that makes it possible,

perhaps, to see there more clearly the change in people's attitude

from antagonism to acceptance, than in Catholic Europe where fear of

the Church's power, and respect for its decisions inhibited honest

public expression of thought and conviction. While in England also the

literal interpretation of the Scriptures continued to be with the

common people a strong objection against the doctrine, the rationalist

movement of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries along with

Newton's great work, helped win acceptance for it among the better

educated classes.

Bruno had failed to win over his English hearers, and in 1600 when the

_De Magnete_ was published, William Gilbert, (1540-1603) was

apparently the only supporter of the earth's movement then in

England,[357] and he advocated the diurnal motion only.[358] Not many,

however, were as outspoken as Bacon in denunciation of the system;

they were simply somewhat ironically indifferent. An exception to this

was Dean Wren of Windsor (father of the famous architect). He could

not speak strongly enough against it in his marginal notes on Browne's

_Pseudodoxia Epidemica_. As Dr. Johnson wrote,[359] Sir Thomas Browne

(1605-1682) himself in his zeal for the old errors, did not easily

admit new positions, for he never mentioned the motion of the earth

but with contempt and ridicule. This was not enough for the Dean, who

wrote in the margin of Browne's book, at such a passage,[360] that

there were "eighty-odd expresse places in the Bible affirming in

plaine and overt terms the naturall and perpetuall motion of sun and

moon" and that "a man should be affrighted to follow that audacious

and pernicious suggestion which Satan used, and thereby undid us all

in our first parents, that God hath a double meaning in his commands,

in effect condemning God of amphibologye. And all this boldness and

overweaning having no other ground but a seeming argument of some

phenomena forsooth, which notwithstanding we know the learned Tycho,

prince of astronomers, who lived fifty-two years since Copernicus,

hath by admirable and matchlesse instruments and many yeares exact

observations proved to bee noe better than a dreame."

[Footnote 357: Berry quotes (p. 92) a passage from Thomas Digges (d.

1595) with the date 1590: "But in this our age, one rare witte (seeing

the continuall errors that from time to time more and more continually

have been discovered, besides the infinite absurdities in their

Theoricks, which they have been forced to admit that would not confess

any mobility in the ball of the Earth) hath by long studye, paynfull

practise, and rare invention delivered a new Theorick or Model of the

World, shewing that the Earth resteth not in the Center of the whole

world or globe of elements, which encircled or enclosed in the Moone's

orbit, and together with the whole globe of mortality is carried round

about the Sunne, which like a king in the middst of all, rayneth and

giveth laws of motion to all the rest, sphaerically dispersing his

glorious beames of light through all this sacred celestiall Temple."

Browne also refers to Digges (I, 383).]

[Footnote 358: Gilbert: _De Magnete_, Bk. VI, c. 3-5 (214-228).]

[Footnote 359: Johnson: _Life_, in Browne: I, xvii.]

[Footnote 360: Browne: I, 35.]

Richard [Transcriber's Note: Robert] Burton (1576-1639) in

_The Anatomy of Melancholy_ speaks of the doctrine as a "prodigious

tenent, or paradox," lately revived by "Copernicus, Brunus and some

others," and calls Copernicus in consequence the successor of

Atlas.[361] The vast extent of the heavens that this supposition

requires, he considers "quite opposite to reason, to natural

philosophy, and all out as absurd as disproportional, (so some will)

as prodigious, as that of the sun's swift motion of the heavens." If

the earth is a planet, then other planets may be inhabited (as

Christian Huygens argued later on); and this involves a possible

plurality of worlds. Burton laughs at those who, to avoid the Church

attitude and yet explain the celestial phenomena, invent new

hypotheses and new systems of the world, "correcting others, doing

worse themselves, reforming some and marring all," as he says of

Roeslin's endeavors. "In the meantime the world is tossed in a blanket

amongst them; they hoyse the earth up and down like a ball, make it

stand and goe at their pleasure."[362] He himself was indifferent.

[Footnote 361: Burton: _Anatomy of Melancholy_, I, 1; I, 66. First

edition, 1621; reprinted 1624, 1628, 1632, 1638, 1651-2, 1660, 1676.]

[Footnote 362: Ibid: I, 385, 389.]

Others more sensitive to the implications of this system, might

exclaim with George Herbert (1593-1633):[363]

"Although there were some fourtie heav'ns, or more,

Sometimes I peere above them all;

Sometimes I hardly reach a score,

Sometimes to hell I fall.

"O rack me not to such a vast extent,

Those distances belong to thee.

The world's too little for thy tent,

A grave too big for me."

[Footnote 363: Herbert: II, 315.]

Or they might waver, undecided, like Milton who had the archangel

answer Adam's questions thus:[364]

"But whether thus these things, or whether not,

Whether the Sun predominant in Heaven

Rise on the Earth, or Earth rise on the Sun,

Hee from the East his flaming robe begin,

Or Shee from West her silent course advance

With inoffensive pace that spinning sleeps

On her soft axle, while she paces ev'n

And bears thee soft with the smooth Air along,

Solicit not thy thoughts with matters hid,

Leave them to God above, him serve and feare;

Of other Creatures, as him pleases best,

Wherever plac't, let him dispose; joy thou

In what he gives to thee, this Paradise

And the fair Eve: Heaven is for thee too high

To know what passes there: be lowlie wise." (1667)

[Footnote 364: Milton: _Paradise Lost_, Bk. VIII, lines 159 _et seq._

The great Puritan divine, John Owen (1616-1683), accepts the miracle

of the sun's standing still without a word of reference to the new

astronomy. (_Works_: II, 160.) Farrar states that Owen declared

Newton's discoveries were against the evident testimonies of Scripture

(Farrar: _History of Interpretation_: xviii.), but I have been unable

to verify this statement. Owen died before the _Principia_ was

published in 1687.]

Whewell thinks[365] that at this time the diffusion of the Copernican

system was due more to the writings of Bishop Wilkins than to those of

any one else, for their very extravagances drew stronger attention to

it. The first, "The Discovery of a New World: or a Discourse tending

to prove that there may be another habitable world in the moon,"

appeared in 1638; and a third edition was issued only two years later

together with the second book; "Discourse concerning a New

Planet--that 'tis probable our Earth is one of the planets." In this

latter, the Bishop stated certain propositions as indubitable; among

these were, that the scriptural passages intimating diurnal motion of

the sun or of the heavens are fairly capable of another

interpretation; that there is no sufficient reason to prove the earth

incapable of those motions which Copernicus ascribes to it; that it is

more probable the earth does move than the heavens, and that this

hypothesis is exactly agreeable to common appearances.[366] And these

books appeared when political and constitutional matters, and not

astronomical ones, were the burning questions of the day in England.

[Footnote 365: Whewell: I, 410.]

[Footnote 366: Wilkins: _Discourse Concerning a New Planet_.]

The spread of the doctrine was also helped by Thomas Salusbury's

translations of the books and passages condemned by the Index in 1616

and 1619. This collection, "intended for gentlemen," he published by

popular subscription immediately after the Restoration,[367] a fact

that indicates that not merely mathematicians (whom Whewell

claims[368] were by that time all decided Copernicans) but the general

public were interested and awake.[369]

[Footnote 367: Salusbury: _Math. Coll._: To the Reader.]

[Footnote 368: Whewell: I, 411.]

[Footnote 369: One London bookseller in 1670 advertised for sale

"spheres according to the Ptolmean, Tychonean and Copernican systems

with books for their use." (Moxon: 272.) In 1683 in London appeared

the third edition of Gassendi's _Institutio_, the textbook of

astronomy in the universities during this period of uncertainty. It

too wavers between the Tychonic and the Copernican systems.]

The appearance of Newton's _Principia_ in 1687 with his statement of

the universal application of the law of gravitation, soon ended

hesitancy for most people. Twelve years later, John Keill,

(1671-1721), the Scotch mathematician and astronomer at Oxford,

refuted Descartes's theory of vortices and opened the first course of

lectures delivered at Oxford on the new Newtonian philosophy.[370] Not

only were his lectures thronged, but his books advocating the

Copernican system in full[371] went through several editions in

relatively few years.

[Footnote 370: _Dict. of Nat. Biog._: "Keill."]

[Footnote 371: Keill: _Introductio ad Veram Astronomiam_.]

In the Colonies, Yale University which had hitherto been using

Gassendi's textbook, adopted the Newtonian ideas a few years later,

partly through the gift to the university of some books by Sir Isaac

himself, and partly through the enthusiasm of two young instructors

there, Johnson and Brown, who in 1714-1722 widened the mathematical

course by including the new theories.[372] The text they used was by

Rohault, a Cartesian, edited by Samuel Clarke with critical notes

exposing the fallacies of Cartesianism. This "disguised Newtonian

treatise" was used at Yale till 1744. The University of Pennsylvania

used this same text book even later.[373]

[Footnote 372: Cajori: 29-30.]

[Footnote 373: Cajori: 37.]

In 1710 Pope (1688-1744) refers to "our Copernican system,"[374] and

Addison (1671-1719) in the _Spectator_ (July 2, 1711) writes this very

modern passage:

"But among this set of writers, there are none who more

gratify and enlarge the imagination, than the authors of the

new philosophy, whether we consider their theories of the

earth or heavens, the discoveries they have made by glasses,

or any other of their contemplations on nature.... But when

we survey the whole earth at once, and the several planets

that lie within its neighborhood, we are filled with a

pleasing astonishment, to see so many worlds hanging one

above another, and sliding around their axles in such an

amazing pomp and solemnity. If, after this, we contemplate

those wide fields of aether, that reach in height as far as

from Saturn to the fixed stars, and run abroad almost to an

infinitude, our imagination finds its capacity filled with

so immense a prospect, as puts it upon the stretch to

comprehend it. But if we yet rise higher, and consider the

fixed stars as so many vast oceans of flame, that are each

of them attended with a different set of planets, and still

discover new firmaments and new lights, that are sunk

farther in those unfathomable depths of aether, so as not to

be seen by the strongest of our telescopes, we are lost in

such a labyrinth of suns and worlds, and confounded with the

immensity and magnificence of nature.

"Nothing is more pleasant to the fancy, than to enlarge

itself by degrees, in its contemplation of the various

proportions which its several objects bear to each other,

when it compares the body of man to the bulk of the whole

earth, the earth to the circle it describes round the sun,

that circle to the sphere of the fixed stars, the sphere of

the fixed stars to the circuit of the whole creation, the

whole creation itself to the infinite space that is

everywhere diffused around it; ... But if, after all this,

we take the least particle of these animal spirits, and

consider its capacity wrought into a world, that shall

contain within those narrow dimensions a heaven and earth,

stars and planets, and every different species of living

creatures, in the same analogy and proportion they bear to

each other in our own universe; such a speculation, by

reason of its nicety, appears ridiculous to those who have

not turned their thoughts that way, though, at the same

time, it is founded on no less than the evidence of a

demonstration."[375]

[Footnote 374: Pope: _Works_, VI, 110.]

[Footnote 375: Addison: _Spectator_, No. 420, (IV, 372-373). An

interesting contrast to this passage and a good illustration of how

the traditional phraseology continued in poetry is found in Addison's

famous hymn, written a year later:

"Whilst all the stars that round her [earth] burn

And all the planets in their turn,

Confirm the tidings as they roll,

And spread the truth from pole to pole.

"What though in solemn silence all

Move round this dark terrestrial ball;

What though no real voice nor sound

Amidst their radiant orbs be found;

"In reason's ear they all rejoice,

And utter forth a glorious voice;

Forever singing, as they shine,

'The hand that made us is divine'."]

A little later, Cotton Mather declared (1721) that the "Copernican

hypothesis is now generally preferred," and "that there is no

objection against the motion of the earth but what has had a full

solution."[376] Soon the semi-popular scientific books took up the

Newtonian astronomy. One such was described as "useful for all

sea-faring Men, as well as Gentlemen, and Others."[377]

"Newtonianisme pour les Dames" was advertised in France in the

forties.[378] By 1738 when Pope wrote the _Universal Prayer_:

"Yet not to earth's contracted span

Thy goodness let me bound

Or think thee Lord alone of man,

When thousand worlds are round,"

the Copernican-Newtonian astronomy had become a commonplace to most

well-educated people in England. To be sure, the great John Wesley

(1770) considered the systems of the universe merely "ingenious

conjectures," but then, he doubted whether "more than Probabilities we

shall ever attain in regard to things at so great a distance from

us."[379]

[Footnote 376: Mather: _Christian Philosopher_, 75, 76.]

[Footnote 377: Leadbetter: _Astronomy_ (1729).]

[Footnote 378: In de Maupertius: _Ouvrages Divers_, (at the back).]

[Footnote 379: Wesley: _Compendium of Natural Philosophy_, I, 14,

139.]

The old phraseology, however, did recur occasionally, especially in

poetry and in hymns. For instance, a hymnal (preface dated 1806)

contains such choice selections as:

"Before the pondr'ous earthly globe

In fluid air was stay'd,

Before the ocean's mighty springs

Their liquid stores display'd"--

and:

"Who led his blest unerring hand

Or lent his needful aid

When on its strong unshaken base

The pondr'ous earth was laid?"[380]

[Footnote 380: Dobell: _Hymns_, No. 5, No. 10.]

But too much importance should not be attributed to such passages;

though poetry and astronomy need not conflict, as Keble

illustrated:[381]

"Ye Stars that round the Sun of Righteousness

In glorious order roll...."

[Footnote 381: Keble: _Christian Year_, 279.]

By the middle of the 18th century in England, one could say with Horne

"that the Newtonian System had been in possession of the chair for

some years;"[382] but it had not yet convinced the common people, for

as Pike wrote in 1753, "Many Common Christians to this day firmly

believe that the earth really stands still and that the sun moves all

round the earth once a day: neither can they be easily persuaded out

of this opinion, because they look upon themselves bound to believe

what the Scripture asserts."[383]

[Footnote 382: Horne: _Fair, Candid, Impartial Statement ..._, 4.]

[Footnote 383: Pike: _Philosophia Sacra_, 43.]

There was, however, just at this time a little group of thinkers who

objected to Newton's scheme, "because of the endless uninterrupted

flux of matter from the sun in light, an expense which should destroy

that orb."[384] These Hutchinsonians conceived of light as pure ether

in motion springing forth from the sun, growing more dense the further

it goes till it becomes air, and, striking the circumference of the

universe (which is perhaps an immovable solid), is thrown back toward

the sun and melted into light again. Its force as its tides of motion

strike the earth and the other planets produces their constant

gyrations.[385] Men like Duncan Forbes, Lord President of the Court of

Sessions, and George Horne, President of Magdalen College, Oxford, as

a weapon against rationalism, favored this notion that had been

expounded by John Hutchinson (1674-1737) in his _Moses's Principia_

(1724).[386] They were also strongly attracted by the scriptural

symbolism with which the book abounds. Leslie Stephen summarizes their

doctrines as (1) extreme dislike for rationalism, (2) a fanatical

respect for the letter of the Bible, and (3) an attempt to enlist the

rising powers of scientific enquiry upon the side of orthodoxy.[387]

This "little eddy of thought"[388] was not of much influence even at

that time, but it has a certain interest as indicating the positions

men have taken when on the defensive against new ideas.

[Footnote 384: Forbes: _Letter_, (1755).]

[Footnote 385: See Wesley: I, 136-7.]

[Footnote 386: _Dict. of Nat. Biog._: "Hutchinson."]

[Footnote 387: Stephen: _Hist. of Eng. Thought_: I, 390.]

[Footnote 388: Ibid: 391.]

The gradual acceptance of the Copernican theory of the universe · 第 4 / 5 章