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LIPPINCOTT'S MAGAZINE
OF
_POPULAR LITERATURE AND SCIENCE._
NOVEMBER, 1880.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1880, by J. B.
LIPPINCOTT & CO., in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at
Washington.
CONTENTS
THE RUINS OF THE COLORADO VALLEY. Alfred Terry Bacon. 521
THE ARTS OF INDIA. Jennie J. Young. 521
ADAM AND EVE. 547
CHAPTER XXXIII. 547
CHAPTER XXXIV. 552
CHAPTER XXXV. 556
A PIVOTAL POINT 559
THE MISTAKES OF TWO PEOPLE. Margaret Bertha Wright. 567
LIMOGES, AND ITS PORCELAIN. George L. Catlin. 576
THREE ROSES. Julia C.R. Dorr. 585
THE PRACTICAL HISTORY OF A PLAY. William H. Rideing. 586
HOW SHE KEPT HER VOW: A NARRATIVE OF FACTS. S.G.W. Benjamin. 594
HEINRICH HEINE. A. Parker. 604
DAWN. John B. Tabb. 612
MRS. MARCELLUS. Olive Logan. 613
AUTOMATISM. H.C. Wood, M.D. 627
OUR MONTHLY GOSSIP. C. B. T. 637
PEOPLE'S HOUSES: A DIALOGUE. L.W. 640
"TIME TURNS THE TABLES." 642
SEEING IS BELIEVING. A. T. 642
LITERATURE OF THE DAY. 645
BOOKS RECEIVED. 648
THE RUINS OF THE COLORADO VALLEY.
[Illustration: HOUSE OF A MOQUI CHIEF.]
It was about seventy years before our English race gained a foothold
on the eastern coast of America that, far away in the West, the seeds
of another form of Eastern civilization began to fall upon ground
which now belongs to our national territory. In the wilderness near
the western border of New Mexico there stands a great crag, torn into
curious shapes by the wear of ages, bearing on its summit a ruined
fortress of a forgotten people and on its side hieroglyphic writing
which no one can decipher. The same smooth sandstone surface which
invited the picture-writing of the ancients has also tempted later
passers-by to perpetuate their names. A long series of inscriptions
in Spanish, begun before the first English had landed at Jamestown,
tells how explorers, conquerors, government emissaries and missionaries
of the Cross, passing that way, paused to leave their names on the
enduring rock. That imperishable monument bears record to all time that
this remotest region of our country, the last which the new life of the
nineteenth century penetrates, was the first point to be touched by
European civilization, if we except one old Florida fort. It is three
hundred and forty years since the Spaniards entered New Mexico. There,
almost at the centre of the continent, in the valleys of the Rio Grande
and Colorado, the old Spanish life has remained, as unprogressive as
a Chinese province, continuing to the middle of this century a kind
of modified feudal system. But this old declining civilization of the
South-west is new in comparison with that which the Spanish conquerors
found existing in the country when they entered it. A remnant of that
old half-civilized life lingers still, almost unchanged by contact with
white men, in the seven citadels of the Moquis perched on the high
_mesas_ of Arizona, while in the Pueblo villages of New Mexico we find
it more affected by the Spanish influence.
The attraction which drew the conquerors of Mexico forty-five days'
journey away into the North was the fame which had reached them of the
Seven Cities of Cibola (the buffalo), great in wealth and population,
lying in the valley of the Rio de Zuñi. To the grief of the invaders,
they found not cities, but rather villages of peaceful agricultural
people dwelling in great pueblos three and four stories high, and they
searched in vain for the rumored stores of gold. At that time the
pueblos held a large population skilled in many arts of civilization.
They cultivated large tracts of ground, wove fabrics of cotton and
produced ornate pottery. Their stone-masonry was admirable. But even
three hundred years ago it seems that the people were but a remnant of
what they had once been. Even then the conquerors wondered at the many
ruins which indicated a decline from former greatness. The people have
not now the same degree of skill in their native arts which the race
once had, and it is probable that when the Spaniards came and found
them declining in numbers the old handicrafts were already on the wane.
In a remote age the ancestors of these Pueblo tribes, or a race of
kindred habits, filled most of that vast region which is drained by the
Colorado River and its affluents, and spread beyond into the valley of
the Rio Grande. The explorers of a great extent of country in Utah,
Arizona, New Mexico and Colorado have found everywhere evidences of
the wide distribution and wonderful industry of that ancient people.
On the low land which they used to till lie the remains of their
villages--rectangular buildings of enormous dimensions and large
circular _estufas_, or halls for council and worship. On the sides of
the savage cliffs that wall in or overarch the cañons are scattered in
every crevice and wrinkle those strange and picturesque ruins which
give us the name "Cliff-dwellers" to distinguish this long-forgotten
people. And on commanding points, seen far away down the cañons or
across the mesas, stand the solitary watch-towers where sentinels might
signal to the villagers below on the approach of Northern barbarians.
It is only a few years since Mr. John Ruskin rejected a suggestion that
he should visit the United States, urging among other reasons that it
would be impossible for him to exist even for a short time in a country
where there are no old castles. We Americans were disposed to resent
this slap at our country, and not a few newspaper editors relieved
their minds by intimating that we could get along quite comfortably
without old castles and without Mr. Ruskin. But, after all, it is a
consolation for our national pride to know that the fault is not in
our country, but in Mr. Ruskin's ignorance of American archæology.
We have old castles without number in the Western Territories--ruined
fortifications and dwellings of an unknown antiquity, perhaps as old as
Warwick or Bangor, as impregnable as the highest cliff-built castle of
the Rhine, as grand in situation as the Drachenfels or Dover Castle.
Only the more eastern part of the great domain held by that ancient
people has yet been examined thoroughly with reference to its
antiquities. Within the last decade Mr. W H. Jackson of the United
States Geological Survey has brought to notice, by his admirable
photographs and descriptions, the remains in the cliffs and cañons
of South-western Colorado and the adjacent region. Thirty years ago
Lieutenant Simpson described the ruined pueblos of New Mexico. But
in regard to the ruins farther west, seen by Major Powell in his
headlong course down the Colorado River, and the innumerable remains
of cities, fortresses and canals mentioned by visitors to Arizona,
but little careful investigation has been made. I believe that few
richer fields for an antiquary can be found in the world than this
south-western region of our own country. I cannot doubt that a thorough
comparative examination of these remains would throw a new light upon
the relationship between the ancient and modern civilized tribes, and
upon their connection with their far more civilized Aztec neighbors of
the South. As yet, hardly an attempt at excavation has been made in the
Colorado Valley.
[Illustration: GUALPI.]
There is no other district which embraces in so small a compass so
great a number and variety of the Cliff-dwellers' ruined works as the
cañon of the Little Rio Mancos[1] in South-western Colorado. The stream
rises in a spur of the San Juan Mountains, near the remote mining-camp
called Parrott City. Flowing southward for a few miles through an open
valley, it is soon enclosed between the walls of a profound cañon
which cuts for nearly thirty miles through a tableland called the
Mesa Verde. The cañon is wide enough to permit the old inhabitants to
plant their crops along the stream, and the cliffs rising on either
side to a height of two thousand feet are so curiously broken and
grooved and shelving, from the decay of the soft horizontal strata
and the projection of the harder, as to offer remarkable facilities
for building fortified houses hard of approach and easy of defence.
Therefore the whole length of the cañon is filled with ruins, and
for fifteen miles beyond it to the borders of New Mexico, where the
river meets the Rio San Juan, the valley bears many traces of the
ancient occupation. The scenery of the cañon is wild and imposing in
the highest degree. In the dry Colorado air there are few lichens or
weather-stains to dull the brightness of the strata to the universal
hoariness of moister climates: the vertical cliffs, standing above
long slopes of débris, are colored with the brilliant tints of
freshly-quarried stone. A gay ribbon of green follows the course of the
rivulet winding down through the cañon till it is lost to sight in the
vista of crags. The utter silence and solitude of the wilderness reigns
through the valley. It is not occupied by any savage tribe, and only a
few white men within the last few years have passed through it and told
of its wonders; and yet its whole length is but one series of houses
and temples that were forsaken centuries ago. I can hardly imagine a
more exciting tour of exploration than that which Mr. Jackson's party
made on first entering this cañon in 1874.
Above the entrance of the cañon the evidences of pre-historic
life begin. On the bottom-land, concealed by shrubbery, are the
half-obliterated outlines of square and circular buildings. The houses
were of large size, and were plainly no temporary dwelling-places,
for an accumulation of decorated pottery fills the ground about them,
indicating long occupation. No doubt they were built of adobe--masses
of hard clay dried in the sun--which the wear of ages has reduced to
smoothly-rounded mounds. For some miles down the cañon remains of this
sort occur at short intervals, and at one point there stands a wall
built of squared sandstone blocks. Along the ledges of the cliffs on
the right bits of ruinous masonry are detected here and there, but for
a time there is nothing to excite close attention. At last a watchful
eye is arrested by a more interesting object perched at a tremendous
height on the western wall of the cañon. It is a house built upon a
shelf of rock between the precipices, but, standing seven hundred feet
above the stream and differing not at all in color from the crags about
it, only the sharpest eyesight can detect the unusual form of the
building and the windows marking the two stories. The climb up to the
house-platform is slow and fatiguing, but the trouble is repaid by a
sight of one of the most curious ruins on this continent. Before the
door of the house, part of the ledge has been reserved for a little
esplanade, and to make it broader three small abutments of stone, which
once supported a floor, are built on the sloping edge of the rock.
Beyond this the house is entered by a small aperture which served as a
door. It is the best specimen of a Cliff-dweller's house that remains
to our time. The walls are admirably built of squared stones laid in a
hard white mortar. The house is divided into two stories of three rooms
each. Behind it a semicircular cistern nearly as high as the house is
built against the side of it, and a ladder is arranged for descending
from an upper window to the water-level. The floor of the second story
was supported by substantial cedar timbers, but only fragments of
them remain. The roof, too, has entirely disappeared, but the canopy
of natural rock overhanging serves to keep out the weather. The front
rooms in both stories are the largest and are most carefully finished.
Perhaps they were the parlor and "best bedroom" of some pre-historic
housewife. They are plastered throughout with fine smooth mortar,
and even in that remote age the mania for household decoration had a
beginning: floor, walls and ceiling were colored a deep red, surrounded
by a broad border of white.
The same cliff on which this house stands has on its side many other
ruins--some half destroyed by gradual decay, some crushed by falling
rocks, none so perfect as the one described; but all are crowded into
the strangest unapproachable crevices of the cañon-wall, like the
crannies which swallows choose to hold their nests, far removed from
the possibility of depredation. Some are so utterly inaccessible that
the explorers, with all their enthusiasm and activity, have never been
able to reach them. How any beings not endowed with wings could live at
such points it is hard to conceive: it makes one suspicious that the
Cliff-dwellers had not quite outgrown the habits of monkey ancestors.
As the cañon widens with the descent of the stream, the ruins in the
western wall increase in number. One fearful cliff a thousand feet in
height is chinked all over its face with tiny houses of one room each,
but only a few of them can be detected with the naked eye. One, which
was reached by an explorer at the peril of his life, stands intact:
ceiling and floor are of the natural rock, and the wall is built in a
neat curve conforming to the shape of the ledge.
[Illustration: RUINS IN THE CAÑON OF THE MANCOS.]
A mile farther down the stream there is a most interesting group of
houses. Eight hundred feet above the valley there is a shelf in the
cliff sixty feet in length that is quite covered by a house. The
building contains four large rooms, a circular sacred apartment and
smaller rooms of irregular shape. It was called by its discoverers
"The House of the Sixteen Windows." Behind this house the cliff-side
rises smooth and perpendicular thirty feet, but it can be scaled by an
ancient stairway cut into it which ascends to a still higher ledge.
The stairs lead to the very door of another house filling a niche a
hundred and twenty feet long. A great canopy of solid rock overarches
the little fortress, reaching far forward beyond the front wall, while
from below it is absolutely unapproachable except by the one difficult
stairway of niches cut in the rock. In time of war it must have been
impregnable. These dwellings have given more ideas about their interior
furnishing than any of the others. Among the accumulated rubbish were
found corn and beans stored away. In the lower house were two large
water-jars of corrugated pottery standing on a floor covered with
neatly-woven rush matting. In a house not far above were found a bin
of charred corn, and a polished hatchet of stone made with remarkable
skill.
From this point onward both the valley and the cliffs are filled with
the traces of a numerous population, every mile of travel bringing many
fresh ones into sight. Among the cliff-houses there is of necessity
a variety in form and size as great as the differences of the caves
and crevices that hold them; but among the buildings of the low
ground there is more uniformity, not only in this cañon, but in all
the valleys of the region. Most of them may be classed as aggregated
dwellings or pueblos with rectangular rooms, round watch-towers and
large circular buildings. To these must be added a few which seem to
have been built only for defence. The straight walls have generally
fallen, except the parts supported by an angle of a building; but, as
usual in old masonry, the circular walls have much better resisted
decay.
About midway down the cañon the curved wall of a large ruin rises
above the thicket. It is a building of very curious design. The outer
wall was an exact circle of heavy masonry a hundred and thirty feet in
circumference. Within, there is another circular wall, concentric with
the outer, enclosing one round room with a diameter of twenty feet.
The annular space between the two walls was divided by partitions into
ten small apartments. Other buildings of the same type occur in this
region, some of much larger size and with triple walls. Even in this
one, which is comparatively well preserved, the original height is
uncertain, though the ruin still stands about fifteen feet high. The
vast quantity of débris about some of them indicates that they were
of no insignificant height, and their perfect symmetry of form, the
careful finish of the masonry, the large dimensions and great solidity,
made them the most imposing architectural works of that ancient people.
I find no reason to doubt that they were their temples, and the
presumption is very strong that they were temples for sun-worship. The
occurrence of a circular room in connection with nearly every group of
buildings is of special interest, as seeming to link the Cliff-dwellers
to the modern Pueblo tribes in their religious customs.
Most striking and picturesque of all the ruins are the round
watch-towers. On commanding points in the valley, and on the highest
pinnacles of the cliffs overlooking the surface of the mesa, they occur
with a frequency which is almost pathetic as an indication of the
life of eternal vigilance which was led by that old race through the
years, perhaps centuries, of exterminating warfare which the savage red
men from the North waged upon them. To us the suffering of frontier
families at the hands of the same bloodthirsty savages is heartrending.
What was it to those who saw year by year their whole race's life
withering away, crushed by those wild tribes?
Near the lower end of the cañon stands one of the most perfect of these
towers, rising sixteen feet above the mound on which it is built. It
was once attached to an oblong stone building which seems to have
been a strongly-fortified house. The rectangular walls, as usual, are
prostrate, and have left the tower standing as solitary and picturesque
and as full of mystery as the round-towers of Ireland.
After the stream breaks from its long confinement out into the open
plain of the San Juan Valley the traces of old life are still abundant,
but they present no features very different from those above. At the
cañon's mouth an Indian trail strikes away toward the north-west. It
passes a remarkable group of ruins at a spot called Aztec Springs, and
continues to the McElmo, the next _arroya_, or dry stream-bed, west of
the Rio Mancos. Aztec Springs no longer deserve the name, for within
a short time the last trace of water has disappeared from the spot,
showing that the slow drying up of the great South-west country,
which has been going forward for ages, and which starved out the old
inhabitants, is still progressing. In the dry season there is no water
within many miles of this spot, though it is strewn with the remains
of stone buildings covering several acres and indicating a large
population of industrious people who must have lived by agriculture.
Until a long comparative study has been made of all the remains of this
race it is mere guesswork to estimate the age of the ruins; but when
the prostrate condition of these walls is compared with the state in
which the Chaco ruins of New Mexico are found, and when we consider
that the latter have no doubt been deserted for at least three hundred
and fifty years, it is reasonable to suppose an age of a thousand years
for these massive walls at Aztec Springs. Many other great structures
of this region, which seem to be coeval with these, are situated many
miles away from any perennial water, and the time which has elapsed
since those sites were suitable for large farming-towns must be counted
by centuries. In this group are two large quadrangular buildings with
walls still fifteen feet high, two of the circular estufas, besides a
multitude of half-distinguishable walls of dwellings. It is the largest
group of ruins in Colorado.
[Illustration: CIRCULAR RUIN IN THE CAÑON OF THE MANCOS.]
Not many miles beyond these so-called springs the trail leads into
the dry bed of the McElmo near its head, and another long succession
of antiquities is entered upon, but to enumerate them further would
be tedious, for the ruins of the Mancos are good representatives of
all those which are found along the courses of the Animas, La Plata,
McElmo, Montezuma, Chelley and other tributary valleys of the San Juan.
Nevertheless, there are a few buildings here and there of some unusual
interest which cannot be passed by without mention. On the verge of a
little side-cañon of the McElmo there is a curious instance of the keen
ingenuity of this people in taking every advantage of the fantastic,
castle-like shapes which Nature has formed out of the cañon-walls.
High on the edge of the mesa appears the ragged outline of a ruinous
watch-tower sharply drawn against the clear, unvarying blue of the sky.
It seems to be a tower of unusual height, but a closer view shows it
to be half of Nature's building. A tall fragment of rock, torn from
its bed, has rolled down the slope to the edge of the steep descent.
This rock the old builders have chosen to crown with a little round
tower where a sentinel, guarding the village behind him from stealthy
attacks, could command a wide sweep of country. The same thing on a
larger scale is found at another point where the dry McElmo meets with
the drier Hovenweep--a tributary without tribute. In this position
stands an enormous rock nearly cubical in shape. Its high sides make
it a natural fortress strong against an enemy without artillery, and
to its natural strength the Cliff-dwellers have added a battlement of
masonry. But among all the ruined strongholds of the region that which
is called the Legendary Rock has a pre-eminent interest on account of
the Moqui romance or tradition which clings to it. The rock is a grand
and solitary crag standing on a plateau of sandstone from which the
soil is washed away. It is far from water: a garrison must have been
dependent wholly on the very precarious rain-supply. About it runs an
outer rampart of stone, and on the rock itself is built a fortress. It
is several years since an aged member of the Moqui tribe first confided
to a white man versed in his language the legend of this rock. It has
been widely published, and considered of much significance. The Moqui
patriarch related how his people in the old time were many. Their tribe
dwelt in the North-east. One year they were visited by strangers from
the North, who came peaceably at first, but came again another year,
and year by year encroached and grew more warlike. At last the Northern
strangers gained the mastery and drove them from their homes. In a
long, slow struggle the Moqui forefathers gradually lost their ground,
till at last they made one final, desperate fight for their old homes
at the fortress of the Legendary Rock. They conquered their besiegers,
but with such fearful carnage that the rocks bear still the stains
of the blood-streams that flowed in that battle, and the remnant of
the besieged were glad to make an unmolested retreat to the mesas of
Arizona, where they dwell to this day.
The story is an interesting one, and has been honored by the explorers
with a place in their government report, for it shows a belief among
the Moquis that those old builders were their kinsmen. But, considering
the fact that the first Spanish discoverers found the Moqui tribe
in nearly the same condition as we see it now, and that this story
therefore must have been handed down for at least three hundred years
among an unlettered people, I am as much disposed to distrust the other
details of it as I am to doubt that the red iron-stains in the rock
were caused by the blood of their ancestors.
In the neighboring Montezuma Cañon, just beyond the State border, there
are some remains built after an unusual manner with stones of great
size. One building of many rooms, nearly covering a little solitary
mesa, is constructed of huge stone blocks not unlike the pre-historic
masonry of Southern Europe. In the same district there is a ruined line
of fortification from which the smaller stones have fallen away and
are crumbling to dust, leaving only certain enormous upright stones
standing. They rise to a height of seven feet above the soil, and the
lower part is buried to a considerable depth. Their resemblance to the
hoary Druidical stones of Carnac and Stonehenge is striking, and there
is nothing in their appearance to indicate that they belong to a much
later age than those primeval monuments of Europe.
All the certain knowledge that we have of the history and manners of
the Cliff-dwellers may be very briefly told, for there is no written
record of their existence except their own rude picture-writing
cut or painted on the cañon-walls, and it is not likely that those
hieroglyphics will ever be deciphered. But much may be inferred from
their evident kinship to the Moquis of our time; and the resemblance
of the ancient architecture and ceramics to the arts as they are
still practised in the degenerate pueblos of Arizona gives us many
intimations in regard to the habits of the Cliff-dwellers.
It was centuries ago--how long a time no one will ever know--when that
old race was strong and numerous, filling the great region from the Rio
Grande to the Colorado of the West, and from the San Juan Mountains
far down into Northern Mexico. They must have numbered many hundreds
of thousands, perhaps millions. It is not probable that they were
combined under one government or that they were even closely leagued
together, but that they were essentially one in blood and language is
strongly indicated by the similarity of their remains. That they were
sympathetic in a common hostility to the dangerous savage tribes about
them can hardly be doubted. They were of peaceful habits and lived by
agriculture, having under cultivation many thousands of acres in the
rich river-bottoms, which they knew well how to irrigate from streams
swollen in summer by the melting snows of the high mountain-ranges.
We read of their dry canals in Arizona, so deep that a mounted
horseman can hide in them. We know that they raised crops of corn
and beans, and in the south cotton, which they skilfully wove. That
they had commercial dealings across their whole country is shown by
the quantity of shell-ornaments brought from the Pacific coast which
are found in their Colorado dwellings. They did not understand the
working of metals, but their implements of stone are of most excellent
workmanship. Their weapons indicate the practice of hunting, and while
the race was still numerous their forts and their sharp obsidian arrows
made easy their resistance to the wandering savage hordes.
[Illustration: RUINS AT AZTEC SPRINGS.]
I believe that no instance can be cited of a people still in their
Stone Age who have surpassed that old race in the mason's art: indeed,
I doubt if any such people has even approached their skill in that
respect. The difficulty of constructing a great work of well-squared,
hammer-dressed stones is enormously increased if the masons must work
only with stone implements. Imagine the infinite, toilsome patience of
a people who in such a way could rear the ancient Pueblo Bonito of New
Mexico, five hundred and forty feet long, three hundred and fourteen
wide and four stories high! In one wall of a neighboring building of
stone less carefully dressed it is estimated that there were originally
no less than thirty million pieces, which were transported, fashioned
and laid by men without a beast of burden or a trowel, chisel or hammer
of metal.
Nothing marks more strikingly the vast advance which these people had
made from the condition of their savage neighbors than their evident
efforts not only for household comfort, but even for the beautifying
of their homes. I have referred to the rush-carpeted floor of the
"House of the Sixteen Windows" and the decorated walls of the two-story
house on the Mancos; but they, like other semicivilized peoples,
found the first expression for their love of the beautiful in the
ceramic art. The variety of graceful forms and decorations found in
their pottery is endless. In some regions the country for miles is
strewn with the fragments of their earthenware. The ware is usually
pale gray shading to white: the decoration is in black or red, often
in the angular designs commonly called "Greek patterns." The Moquis
of our time produce a handsome ware closely resembling that of the
ancient people. But the old cliff-painters and the modern potters often
sacrificed beauty to a passion for producing the most wildly-grotesque
forms. There is a certain general resemblance, which often strikes me
forcibly, but which is almost indefinable, between the ceramic and
sculptured forms of the Mississippi Mound-builders, the Pueblo tribes
and the ancient Mexicans. The resemblance seems to lie partly in a
certain capacity which those peoples possessed in common of producing
the most frightfully-grotesque forms ever evolved by the human
imagination--forms plainly intended to suggest living beings, yet not
at all transgressing the injunction against "anything that is in the
heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the waters
under the earth." The resemblance seems to me very significant.
At the time of the Spanish conquest the Pueblo tribes were worshippers
of the sun and fire, like all the races of this continent which were
above barbarism. To-day, even in those pueblos where a corrupted form
of the Roman faith is accepted, there are traces of the old sun-worship
mingled with it, and in all pueblos there are large circular rooms
called estufas reserved for councils and for worship. The invariable
appearance of estufas among the ruined towns, and even on the ledges
of the cliffs, shows what sacredness was attached to the circular room,
which perhaps was symbolic of the sun's orb: it indicates a unity of
religious faith between the ancients and moderns.
The priest who chronicled the events of the first expedition to New
Mexico was impressed with the great ruined towns which they saw
even before crossing the desert of Arizona. There is good reason to
believe that the cliff-dwellings, the last retreats of a persecuted
people, were abandoned before that time. But how could a people so
numerous, intelligent and civilized fall a prey to stupid, roving
savages? The wild tribes never could have won the fight against their
more quick-witted neighbors if the ancients had not begun their own
destruction.
The story which they have left recorded on the face of the country
is of this sort. At some very remote time they began agriculture in
the valleys of the South-west. They found the rainfall of the region
too limited for farming without irrigation, but the whole country
was intersected by streams fed through summer by the snows of the
mountain-tops and the abundant springs of the wooded slopes and
uplands. Thus their crops were watered and yielded increase with a
regularity unknown to farmers who must look to the summer rainfall
for success. The people prospered, multiplied and spread over a wide
country. In every green valley rose their great common dwellings and
circular temples. By superior numbers and intelligence they were
strong against their enemies. But the spreading population required a
great wood-supply. The finest of the trees were felled for timbering
their houses, and whole forests were swept away to give them fuel and
perhaps to feed perpetual sacred fires. The country was all too little
watered at the best, and the mountain-sides, once stripped of their
covering, oftentimes dried up and no new growth of trees appeared. Old
men began to observe that the streams did not maintain their even flow
through the whole year as when they were young, and lamented the good
old times when there was no lack of water for irrigation. The streams
began to be swollen with disastrous floods in spring and winter, and
to dwindle away alarmingly in summer. So through centuries the gradual
destruction of the wood brought ever-increasing drought, and drought
led in its train famine, disease and wholesale death. The people were
decimated and discouraged, and on the northern frontier began to be at
the mercy of savage raiders. They fled from their pleasant valley-homes
to hide in caves and dens of the earth, and built the cliff-dwellings.
There a remnant lingered in unceasing fear of the foes who coveted the
fruits of their toil; but even from these refuges they were driven
ages ago. Where they used to build villages and cultivate fields
are now barren gulches where two or three times a year a resistless
flood rushes down from the mountains that can no longer retain their
moisture. Thus ended their national suicide.
[Illustration: RUINS IN MONTEZUMA CAÑON.]
It was a strange ignorance that led them to their own destruction, was
it not? Yet we as a nation from Maine to California are recklessly
working the same ruin. We are stripping our mountains a hundred times
more rapidly than they, but who cares whether the forests are restored?
As a child I played and bathed in a pretty tumbling brook among the
Litchfield hills, and wondered that so small a stream but fifty years
before had given power to all the mills now ruined on its banks. Twenty
years more have passed, and now in the heat of summer there is hardly
water for a child to bathe. The hills are stripped, the stream has
dwindled, but the spring floods tear through the valley like a deluge.
Even the larger streams that still turn the mill-wheels and make the
wealth of Connecticut are not the trusty servants that they once were.
In summer they grow weak and must be supplemented with steam, and at
times they rise in fury and carry destruction before them. It is the
beginning of woes, but our Atlantic slope with its heavy rainfall
cannot easily be changed to a desert. In the far West it is different.
Colorado, Nevada and California, with a less regular rainfall and
with greater floods and smaller streams, would soon find the desert
encroaching on the habitable land. But in these very States the waste
of timber is most extravagant. Mining-camps and cities devour the
woods about them, and in every dry summer many hundred square miles
are burned by the recklessness of Indians and white men. Where the
Californian mountains have been cleared, the browsing millions of sheep
keep down all new growth, and, bringing great wealth in our age, they
threaten to impoverish posterity.
The dreary experiment has been tried by the ancient races of both
continents. Why should we repeat it? The question should command the
earnest attention of State and national governments. In our own land
already one old race has wrought its own destruction in this same way.
ALFRED TERRY BACON.
[Footnote 1: In studying the ruins of the Mancos and neighboring cañons
I have made constant use of the reports of explorations by Mr. W.
H. Jackson and Mr. W. H. Holmes in _Bulletins of U. S. Geolog. and
Geograph. Survey_, Second Series, No. 1, and _Annual Report_ of the
same survey for 1876.]
THE ARTS OF INDIA.
[Illustration: BUDDHIST RELIC-CASKET.]
The study of the industrial arts of India, if the warnings of learned
Orientalists are to be of any avail, is not a matter to be rashly
undertaken. All Indian art must be viewed in reference to Indian
religion. Forms, materials and colors have meanings that can only be
caught by familiar acquaintance with a symbolism both intricate and
obscure. Little decorative touches that to the untaught Western eye are
introduced merely to give an artistic finish to an involved design, or
to give room for bringing in the bit of color demanded by the sense of
harmony, have all a meaning not necessarily connected with art. While
in the West the problems of art are dealt with by men whose eyes are
bent on art alone, the Oriental artist solves these problems while
keeping his eyes fixed upon religion. The maturity of Indian religious
life was reached several centuries before our era began: it then took
a form which it still retains. There is no secular life from which it
can be distinguished. When a domestic utensil is examined, the first
question to be answered is, What religious meaning attaches to it?
This is an appalling fact, for it means that the arts of India cannot
be appreciated as the Hindus appreciate them until we have mastered an
accumulation of mythological and legendary lore such as possibly no
other country has amassed.
[Illustration: HINDU WOMAN REELING SILK.]
To appreciate the full extent of a task that already seems to hang
like a shadow over the whole of what yet remains of one's life, it
may be pointed out that the Vedas form only one of four groups of
sacred writings, that there are four Vedas, and that each one of the
four consists of four parts. Then there are Upa-Vedas, Ved-Angas and
Upangas; and under the last-named fall the epics of the _Ramayana_,
of ninety-six thousand lines, and the _Mahabharata_, of two hundred
and twenty thousand long lines, not to mention others. These are mere
glimpses into a vista long and dark, and it seems a little odd that
one should be called upon to go through so much in order to appreciate
a specimen of carving from Vizagapatam, an inlaid table-top from
Agra, a box of Cashmere lacquer or a panel of carved sandal-wood from
Canara. The fact is, that the matter may be looked at from another
point of view--that taken up by those who decline to see anything in
a painting but canvas and paint--who care for nothing in the shape
of sentiment or story, but have a single eye to art. In this way the
beauty and harmony of Oriental coloring, the delicacy and wonderful
finish in all manner of carvings, the skill displayed in inlaying and
chasing--in a word, all the points of industrial art in India--may be
both enjoyed and understood without a reference to the Puranas or the
Code of Manu, or without the observer's being able to enumerate the
avatars of Vishnu. The inquirer is thus borne up against the deterrent
influence of specialists, with the plaintive notes of whose voice he
has become in all probability elsewhere familiar. It is the same voice,
to all intents and purposes, that haunts the graves of Egypt, the
ruins of Rhag[oe], the tombs of Etruria and Magna Græcia, the workshops
of King-teh-chin and the mounds of Pachacamac. It is heard, in short,
all round the world, and its burden is ever the same: "Understand the
religion of a people before peering into their arts." The obvious
answer comes: Life is short and art is long: if to art religion be
prefixed, all knowledge of art is at an end. It would be pleasant, no
doubt, to tell at a glance what legend or myth is represented on a
Greek vase, but meantime we can admire the form. It would be equally
pleasant to be able to interpret the painting on a Chinese historical
vase, but meantime we can admire the colors. So with Egypt, Persia and
Peru: it will be well for the many to get at the industrial secrets of
these countries if they never obtain even a glimpse of the underlying
religious idea of the craftsman.
It is merely thrown out as a suggestion by the way, and without any
intention of belittling the importance of studying the superstitions
and philosophies of the world or of aiming at something more than a
strictly industrial view of industrial art, that so much attention may
be bestowed upon religions as the sources of ideas as to obscure the
form and manner of their expression in art. Possibly the formation of
an Indian museum at South Kensington may be productive of a longing
desire to become acquainted with Rama and the lovely Sita, the strong
Arjuna and the beauteous Draupadi; but it is hardly likely that
this was the object of its formation or that it will lead to the
acquisition of any more abstruse knowledge than such as comprises
the weaving of rich textures, the blending of gay colors, or the
industrial arts of damascening, carving and working in gold and silver
and precious stones. In what has here to be said, at all events, only
such references will be made to religion and legend as are absolutely
necessary to a general understanding of the conditions under which
Indian art has developed, and of the forms under which it is most
frequently seen.
The Indian Museum--or rather the collection forming the Indian section
of the South Kensington Museum--is of very recent formation. It may
be said to have grown without developing. Its nucleus was formed in
the days of the East India Company, and was stored in a little museum
in Leadenhall street. There it long remained, and one of its chief
attractions was Tippoo's tiger, now occupying a place of honor near
the musical instruments, to which it bears some kind of a relation.
The "tiger" is a wooden animal of ferocious aspect represented in the
act of tearing a prostrate European soldier dressed in the military
red coat and wearing a broad-brimmed felt hat of decidedly civil make.
It was taken at the fall of Seringapatam, and was probably made by
some European artificer for the delectation of the Tippoo Sultan. If
not symbolical it was undoubtedly suggestive of pleasant thoughts to
Tippoo, although as a musical instrument it could never have been
much of a success. To tickle the sultan's ear the tiger when wound up
emitted startling roars and groans, while its victim feebly moaned.
But on a certain festive occasion after the "tiger" was brought to
England the winding-up was unfortunately overdone, and long afterward
the soldier stoically declined to moan. The odd musical toy has been
brightened up to suit its new home, and its internal construction has
also received proper attention to such purpose that the roaring can
be reduced to something like method by merely passing the hand over a
keyboard, and the resuscitated struggling red-coat moans as lustily as
he did in the palmy days at Seringapatam.
Such is the instrument which played an important part in the Leadenhall
Street Museum. When the East India Company passed away and the British
government assumed the direct control of India, the tiger and all the
other curiosities were sent first to Fife House, and thence to the
India Office. The latter step was possibly taken on the advice of
some utilitarian who wished to bring within reach of the officials an
opportunity of acquiring some knowledge of India. Any such object was
frustrated.
[Illustration: GOLD EMBROIDERY ON VELVET: MURSHEDABAD.]
The director and curator were the only individuals known to visit
the collection. It was then sent to South Kensington and placed in a
temporary building, but still nobody looked in upon the tiger and the
jade, the carvings and Bidri-work. They were still under the control of
the India Office, and at length became a burden to it. Their failure
to interest the public naturally led to a desire to transfer the
responsibility of guardianship. This is not to be wondered at. The
collection had, as has already been pointed out, merely grown in bulk.
It was promiscuous in the worst sense. It consisted of a fortuitous
concourse of articles taken in war or bought upon no ostensible system
in peace. To these old Indian officers occasionally made testamentary
additions of things picked up in their travels or acquired by
inheritance or otherwise. International exhibitions have always been
good for museums. The unsalable is often valuable, and exhibitions have
been a source from which the Indian collection has reaped many solid
benefits. Thus the accumulation increased in bulk and intrinsic value,
but practically it still continued valueless. It was neither arranged
nor inventoried. It continued to illustrate little more than the manner
of its accumulation. Very naturally, the India Office in looking for
relief from a useless burden turned first to the Science and Art
Department under which South Kensington was flourishing. Its offer of a
transfer was at first declined, but the authorities at the India Office
would take no refusal. Their object was at once to get rid of the
collection and of the cost of maintaining it, and at the same time to
preserve its representative character and such individual identity as
it possessed. They ultimately succeeded in both respects, though their
success was not perfect. A part, including the collections of economic
botany of wild Indian silk and lac, went to Kew. The zoological
collection is in the hands of the trustees of the British Museum, and
will eventually take its place in the new Natural History Museum at
South Kensington. To the British Museum have gone the Indian Buddhist
sculptures, but casts of these may hereafter be placed in the Indian
Museum: certainly, in view of the influence of architectural decoration
upon industrial art, they seem necessary to its completeness. All else
was on the first of January last handed over to the Science and Art
Department, and came under the management and control of Sir Philip
Cunliffe-Owen, K. E. M. G., C. B. and director at South Kensington.
It was characteristic of Sir Philip that he should undertake to have
within six months a collection arranged and ready for public inspection
which had not for twenty years been seen in anything like order. It
had never before been catalogued, and had never before been so placed
that it could be seen intelligently or at one view. The first thing
to be done was the drawing up of an inventory. This work occupied six
weeks, and on its completion the discovery was made that the collection
was altogether inadequate to its purpose. It represented neither the
arts nor the industries of India, and gave a very disjointed view of
the resources of that country. The work, however, went on. Sir Philip
used all his influence, both personal and official, to supplement
defective departments. He made purchases and applied for loans. Her
Majesty, the prince of Wales and the duke of Edinburgh made selections
from their magnificent collections, and others were not slow to follow
their example. The result was that in his race against time Sir Philip
won by more than a month, making allowance for what has yet to be done
with the contributions still being made. Few other men could have won
a victory so complete with such apparent ease, because there are not
many who could have imbued contributors with similar confidence or so
thoroughly inspired an entire department with his own spirit of energy
and well-regulated activity. A word or two may be said of his career.
His father was Charles Cunliffe-Owen, a captain in the royal navy, and
at the age of twelve Philip entered the same service. He served for
five years in the Mediterranean and the West Indies, and at seventeen
was obliged by ill health to retire, but taking with him the habits a
naval career was well calculated to engender or develop of promptitude
and decision. After a rest of a few years he was appointed to the
Science and Art Department, and gradually won the notice and confidence
of his superiors. He was quick of apprehension, prompt in action and
accurate in execution. Sir Henry Cole recognized these qualities in
him, and entrusted him with the post of one of the superintendents
of the Paris Exhibition of 1855. A few years took him upward through
the rank of deputy-general superintendent of South Kensington Museum
to that of assistant director in 1860. At subsequent international
exhibitions he filled various offices as follows: at London, in
1862, director of the foreign sections; at Paris, in 1867, assistant
executive commissioner; at Vienna, in 1873, secretary to the royal
British commission; at Philadelphia, in 1876, executive commissioner;
and at Paris, in 1878, secretary of the royal British commission.
Meanwhile, in 1873, he was created a Companion of the Bath, and was
advanced to the directorship of the South Kensington and Bethnal Green
Museums on its becoming vacant by the retirement of Sir Henry Cole. In
1878 he received the honor of knighthood.
A good linguist and possessing rare tact and wonderful executive
ability, Sir Philip has succeeded where many of his countrymen
fail--namely, in making a favorable impression upon foreigners.
Prepossessing in appearance and manner, he can dash through business
at a speed calculated to astonish men of less energy and of a lower
vitality, and he does it, moreover, without the faintest taint of the
_brusquerie_ which almost as a rule bristles all over the less capable
official. Red tape he abhors, and is as easy of access as a republican.
He transacts his business as it arises, knows nothing of arrears, keeps
nobody waiting, rises early, works incessantly, drinks nothing stronger
than tea, has no office-hours and no rules--making both subservient to
the business in hand, instead of following the example of the greater
part of the world in fitting business to rule and time--and is only a
little forgetful of social engagements. Such is the man to whom more
than any other the credit is due of India's being first fairly if not
fully represented in Europe by a museum containing specimens of all its
native arts and industries.
[Illustration: R. REID. DEL.
SANDAL-WOOD CARVING AT TRAVANCORE.]
Certain general impressions will be received from a walk through the
galleries and from a hurried view of the sculptures, textile fabrics,
arms, pottery, jewelry, furniture, lacquer and metal-work. Forms,
combinations and decorative styles will catch the eye which seem not
new, but merely changed from something seen elsewhere, as the ear will
catch a well-known melody running through a profusion of intricate
variations. The alternative questions occur: Is India the home of all
the arts? or, Has it no original art? In one place stands a small
table of Cashmere lacquer in which a great part of the decoration is
surely Chinese: a small gold cup has a sculpturesque decoration as
surely Greek. Here is a coffee-pot of Mongolian type, and a parcel-gilt
vase of Greek: there are gold dishes after the Saracenic, inlaid-work
decidedly Persian, and mosaic-work most certainly Florentine.
It is long since the connoisseur of Indian art awakened from the dream
that India has been an isolated country. The fact is, that it lies in
the way of all commerce between the far East and the West, and that
it can be, and has been, approached as easily from land as from the
sea. It has a long legendary history, but a comparatively short real
history. The immigration of the Aryan race is said to have taken place
about B.C. 3101, but from that period until the rise of Buddhism,
in the sixth century B.C., there is nothing to guide us but legend.
Putting aside what may have been learned of India by the Greeks from
the troops from the Panjab and Afghanistan which swelled the gigantic
army of Xerxes, Alexander's invasion of India (B.C. 327) may be
said to have really opened the way to the acquisition by the Greeks
of something like an exact though partial knowledge of the country
pronounced by Herodotus the wealthiest and most populous in the world.
In truth, the writings of Greeks who accompanied Alexander, and of
Chinese pilgrims, and some temple-inscriptions, constitute the basis of
Indian history. The commerce of India at a very early period extended
far and wide. Arrian, an Alexandrian merchant of the second century,
mentions the muslins of the Ganges, cloths of all sorts, colored shawls
and sashes, purple goods, gold embroidery, lac, steel, jewels, perfumes
and spices. How long this trade had been going on we cannot say. It
was, however, encouraged by the Ptolemies, who established a port on
the Red Sea and organized a system of conveyance by means of caravans
to the Nile, and so to Alexandria. In this way Indian manufactures
reached Europe, while the Persians were at the same time carrying on an
extensive trade in the same materials. The Indians further contributed
to the advance of commerce by becoming road-builders, and thus bringing
the manufacturing places along the valley of the Ganges into connection
with the Panjab in the north-west and with ports and trading-stations
in the west and south. Thus, Egypt and Assyria were brought into
commercial intercourse with the eastern tract of the valley of the
Ganges--that lying between the modern Allahabad and Calcutta. That
commerce spread in other directions there can be no doubt. Within three
centuries of the foundation of Buddhism it had penetrated to Ceylon,
and reached Tibet and China in the first century of our era. Let us
look at one stupendous fact as indicative of international intercourse
with India--namely, that Buddhism, which has all but disappeared from
the land of its birth, is at the present moment the religion of about
five hundred millions of human beings occupying the continent of Asia
from the Caspian to the Pacific, from Tartary to China and Japan.
Leaving both religion and commerce aside--the latter of which might
have been brought down to the opening of maritime intercourse between
Europe and the far East by way of the Cape--there have yet to be taken
into consideration the several invasions of India, which afford yet
another possible explanation of the manner in which its arts may have
been affected by contact with foreigners.
[Illustration: SHIELD DAMASCENED IN GOLD: PANJAB.]
There were many schisms among the Buddhists between the sixth and third
centuries before our era, but in power their community grew year by
year. Asoka brought all Northern India under his power, and, becoming
a good Buddhist, sent missionaries all over India from Cashmere
to Ceylon. After his death India was for some centuries under the
Indo-Scythians, until the fourth century of our era. From that time
Buddhism declined rapidly. The Brahmans were ever its enemies, and
toward the eighth century began to push northward from the retreats
they had sought when Brahmanism, a thousand years before, had given
way to Buddhism. About the same time began the Arab invasions which
ultimately led to the establishment of Mohammedan rule. This was the
beginning of about twelve hundred years of war. The Arabs came first
in A.D. 664, and again in 711. The Turkomans entered the Panjab in
976, and the Afghan dynasties of Mahmud of Gazni and Mohammed of Ghor
followed in the tenth and twelfth centuries. The third Afghan dynasty
established its rule at Delhi in the thirteenth century. With this
century we approach the conquests of Chingis Khan in Central Asia and
of Hulaku Khan, and then in rapid succession came the Mohammedan
incursions into the Dekkan and the Mongolian subjugation of India,
which was begun in 1298, carried on by Tamerlane in 1398, and completed
in 1526 by Sultan Baber. The Mogul period ended with the British
conquests of 1803 and 1817.
If the rise and fall of these various tides of commerce and war are
followed, it will be seen that not only has India not been an isolated
country, but, on the contrary, through a hundred channels it has held
communication with the world beyond the Himalayas. Its art has no doubt
been affected by such intercourse. The effect of architectural forms
upon the decorations made use of in industrial art has already been
referred to; and when we find that the Buddhists acquired a knowledge
of the use of stone in building from the Greeks and Persians, we at
once see why Doctor Leitner's collection of fragments of sculpture from
Peshawur in the north of the Panjab, and now in the museum, should be
called Græco-Buddhistic. Indian architecture is based upon Greek, and
the influence of the latter lasted so long that Mr. Fergusson, who has
made a special study of Hindu temples, says that he could not find
anywhere in Cashmere the slightest trace of the bracketed capital of
the Hindus, but that the Doric or quasi-Doric column is found all along
the valley in temples dating from the eighth to the twelfth century.
Doctor Birdwood, again, has succeeded in tracing the inlaid woodwork or
marquetry of India from Shiraz in Persia to Sindh, Bombay and Surat.
Further, the mosaic-work of Agra is of Florentine extraction, having
been introduced by Austin de Bordeaux in the seventeenth century, and
recently revived.
[Illustration: NATIVE GOLD JEWELRY OF POONA, BOMBAY.]
Let these examples suffice to show that India did not originate all the
arts it now practises. Unfortunately, all that has been borrowed by it
has not been to its advantage--such as the Dutch black-wood carving
at Bombay--and it is scarcely possible that Anglo-Indian art will add
anything to the laurels won by the workmen of the same presidency. It
is moreover to be feared that the machine-made dry goods of England,
the French patterns of Cashmere, the introduction of machinery, the
absorption of hand-weavers by factories, and, above all other things,
the establishment of art-schools, may ultimately break down the
barriers which for two thousand years and more have, in spite of war,
commerce and the introduction of new arts, preserved in the work of the
art-craftsmen of India an element essentially indigenous.
Many conservative agencies were no doubt at work in preserving to
Indian art a distinctively national character. Amongst these the
religious epics and the Code of Manu come first. Of the former, those
already referred to, the _Ramayana_ and the _Mahabharata_, show what
the art and life of the Hindus were between the fifth and the third
centuries before Christ. The Code gave them a form which they preserve
to-day in at least all essential respects. The arts have been handed
down from father to son for countless generations, and traditional
skill has reached its high perfection chiefly by the village-system
of the Code. The centre of the political interest of the Hindu is his
own village. In our sense of the word he has no country, but he has a
village home, and his loyalty is absorbed by the administrators of that
home's affairs. He is unmoved either by conquest or commerce. His life
has crystallized into a certain form. It is the life his forefathers
led, and it is the life his children will lead. His village is to all
intents and purposes an independent community. This is the account of
a traveller: "Outside the entrance, on an exposed rise of ground, the
hereditary potter sits by his wheel moulding the swift-revolving clay
by the natural curves of his hands. At the back of the houses which
form the low irregular street there are two or three looms at work in
blue and scarlet and gold, the frames hanging between the acacia trees,
the yellow flowers of which drop fast on the webs as they are being
woven. In the streets the brass- and copper-smiths are hammering away
at their pots and pans; and farther down, in the veranda of the rich
man's house, is the jeweller working rupees and gold mohrs into fair
jewelry--gold and silver ear-rings and round tires like the moon,
bracelets and nose-rings and tablets, and tinkling ornaments for the
feet--taking his designs from the fruits and flowers around him or from
the traditional forms represented in the paintings and carvings of the
great temple which rises above the groves of mangoes and palms at the
end of the street above the lotus-covered village-tank." By and by the
work-day closes with feasting and music and the songs chosen from the
religious epics. In the morning the same routine begins again: the same
sounds are heard, the same sights seen, the same pleasures indulged in.
It is the life of the Code and of the great epics--a happy, contented,
frugal and, in a sense, cultured life, based upon a religion which
gave it expression and form long before our era began, and fenced it
in from the influences of external change. All its conquerors have
succumbed to the social and religious life of India. They came and
found themselves within a magic circle. All that they brought of art
was Indianized. A new art meant nothing more than a new illustration of
Hindu religion. We have seen the craftsmen at work, and the fountain
of their inspiration is not far to seek when we are told that the
stories of the _Ramayana_ and the _Mahabharata_ are told nightly all
over India to listening millions. Let us suppose the village-festival
is approaching its close. Then "a reverend Brahman steps upon the scene
with the familiar bundle of inscribed palm-leaves in his hands, and,
sitting down and opening them one by one upon his lap, slow and lowly
begins his antique chant, and late into the starry night holds his
hearers, young and old, spellbound by the story of the pure loves of
Rama and Sita, or of Draupadi who too dearly loved the bright Arjuna,
and the doom of the froward sons of Dhritarashtra."
[Illustration: COPPER-GILT SACRIFICIAL VASE: MADURA.]
Can we wonder, then, that from these legends of the heroic age are
taken figures for the sculptor, scenes for the carver and the graver,
and subjects for the jeweller and the worker in ivory? Religion is thus
the greater conservator of Indian art as it appeared in its earlier
forms, and reduces into conformity with it all that comes from abroad.
Further agencies toward the same end are the caste-system, in the large
cities trade-guilds--or, as we would call them, trades unions--and,
finally, hereditary offices in both village and city. Under the
village-system artisans may be said to have undergone successive
generations of training, and the result is that in a country where
_manufacture_ means, literally, "making by hand," any object of
industrial art represents the development of hereditary skill. His
craftsmanship is the father's richest legacy to his son.
One point more deserves consideration. In America and Europe nearly
everything is done by machinery: in India nearly everything is made by
hand. Whatever is done, therefore, is the expression of a thought; and
that art in the East is not trammelled by tradition may be inferred
not less from the variety of its productions than from the Indianizing
process to which foreign arts are subjected. The hand leaves almost
unconsciously the impress of the workman's individuality. There is room
there for patronage to lead to superexcellence. The saving of time
and rapidity of output are not important objects when a prince lends
his encouragement to art and his influence to its elevation. In the
East--in China, in Persia and in India--artisans have worked directly
under the imperial power. All that was asked of them was good work. In
India offices of this kind were, in the imperial workshop as in the
villages, hereditary; and without trouble about subsistence, without
a thought of time, without limit in expense--without, in short, one
disturbing element--the art-workers labored only for their art and for
the approval of their king or chief. In the museum is a rug of silk
woven by deft fingers which have for possibly three centuries been
still. Four hundred knots occupy every square inch, and the size of the
rug leads to the total of three and a half millions of knots, between
every two of which the pattern demanded a change in the treadles of
the loom. We turn from this to a bowl of jade beautifully engraved
upon which were expended the labors of three generations of workers in
the employ of the emperors of Delhi. It is in this way the best work
of all kinds is produced to-day. Spinning, weaving and embroidering
are, moreover, practised all over the country in the homes of the rich
and in the dwellings of the poor. "Every house in India," says Doctor
Birdwood, "is a nursery of the beautiful." The words are suggestive.
They imply that correct taste is best formed by practice. We who
have lectures on decorative art and technological schools live in
too fast an age ever to rival the industrial art of India, and shall
in our hurry do well if we arrive at something like an understanding
appreciation of the works of the villagers of Hindostan.
[Illustration: PIERCED AND REPOUSSÉE SILVER SHRINE-SCREEN: MADURA,
MADRAS.]
The general attributes of Indian art as displayed in the museum
are richness of decoration, great manipulative skill, good taste,
brilliancy, harmony of color, intricacy of decorative forms, and the
due subserviency of both color and design to decorative effect. Nearly
all these qualities are illustrated by the textile fabrics, the dresses
and turbans, the horse and elephant caparisons, the carpets and the
rich canopies of the howdahs. These are the tissues that spread the
fame of India on every side. It is not known how long it has possessed
the art of weaving. Possibly it originated in the Valley of Roses or by
the banks of the sacred Ganges. The weaving of silk India appears to
have borrowed from China, but when or how it first wove silk we cannot
tell, any more than we can tell when first it wove its marvellous gold
brocades or gauzy muslins. It was weaving cotton in times beyond the
realm of history, and continues weaving it to-day all over the Panjab,
Sindh, Rajputana, Oudh, Bengal, the Central Provinces, in Assam, Bombay
and Madras. The prince of Wales obtained a few pieces of the famous
muslin of Dacca, requiring about six yards to weigh an ounce. Of this
kind one was called _shabnam_, or "dew of the evening," because if laid
upon the grass it became undistinguishable from the dew; another was
called _bafthowa_, or "woven air;" a third was called _abrawan_, or
"running water," because when placed in water it became invisible. Even
the prince's pieces weigh nearly twice as much as the older tissues.
Indian lace in gold or silver, cotton or silk, is in texture and design
the highest representative of that most beautiful fabric. The brocades
are glories of color and rich with glittering flowers of gold, and the
embroidery on velvet, silk, wool or cotton is both pleasing and rich.
The museum contains several examples of the gorgeous embroideries
of the Dekkan, and we find in one or two of the costumes and some of
the fans a beautiful embroidery of shining green beetle-wings and
gold. As to the carpets, they are as a rule satisfying to the eye and
possess a general simplicity of design blended with richness of color.
In all the more brilliant textile fabrics of India warmth is secured
without violence of contrast; and one fact it will be well for Western
manufacturers to study--namely, that floral or animal decoration is
invariably flat.
[Illustration: SARAI DAMASCENED IN SILVER: HYDERABAD, IN THE DEKKAN.]
In furniture the Hindus do not follow the prevailing American rule:
with them, the less furniture the better. There are, however, specimens
from Bombay of their works upon forms supplied by Europe--as, for
example, two sofas and a high-backed chair, the backs of which are so
perforated that they seem as cool and light as cane. A sideboard from
Bombay has its top and panels so perforated that one wonders how long
a time it took to weave the endless flower-stems of the design and to
carve the fruits and flowers and the griffin-like monsters that support
the upper shelf. Some of the heavy, deep-cut flower-stands are less
pleasing. On the other hand, a dark wood stand from Ahmedabad is carved
in a fine, close and perforated pattern which is altogether appropriate
and admirable. It seems to have been made in parts. The bottom or
stand is solid and deeply cut in twining snakes and leaves: to this is
fastened the lowest section, hollow and perforated in a floral design;
above this is another of a different design; a third section supports
the vase and cover, which are also perforated. The work throughout is
elaborate and exquisite. A good deal of the furniture and many of the
tables, trays and boxes or coffers are variously lacquered and colored,
but when color is used lavishly it is never inharmonious. Ivory is
frequently employed in conjunction with ebony, and the effect is often
striking. The carving of ivory is practised in many parts of India, and
the Berhampore stately state-barges with their rowers all in position,
and the elephants with howdahs on their finely-modelled backs, are all
that need be mentioned, though there are numberless objects that come
from Bombay carved in low relief or perforated. Even after the small
ivories and the larger chess-tables, cots and palanquins in which ivory
is employed, the sandal-wood carving is amongst the most attractive in
the museum. There is a model of a doorway from Ahmedabad cut after a
microscopic pattern, and all around are designs, some mythological and
others purely naturalistic. The low-relief foliated ornamentation of
Bombay seems more attractive than the mythological designs of Canara
and Mysore, or than the mixed foliated and mythological designs of
Ahmedabad, possibly because the Western mind finds less to sympathize
with in the figures of the Hindu Pantheon than in the exuberant wealth
of India's gorgeous flowers and shady groves.
There are many carvings in horn and tortoise-shell from Vizagapatam and
Belgaum; pots, vases, bowls and bottles in marble of various colors,
solid, mottled and variegated; in soapstone, flowers, and notably a
model of a tomb, in which the most minute details are reproduced;
and specimens of the original Florentine inlaid marble-work of Agra.
In the latter we find white marble inlaid after various designs
with agate, chalcedony, topaz, jasper, garnet, lapis-lazuli, coral,
crystal, carnelian, and even with pearls, turquoises, amethysts and
sapphires. It demands judgment in the selection of the stones, skill
in their handling and taste in their arrangement in order to be what
may worthily be called artistic. It is ever too easy to perpetrate the
grossest crimes against good taste in the richest materials, and it is
the crowning glory of the industrial art of India that mere richness
of effect is never sought at the expense of taste.
[Illustration: ENAMELLED HUKU-STAND OF MOGUL PERIOD.]
Lac is used in an endless variety of ways--from making lacquered
walking-sticks, boxes, toys and bangles to bracelets and beads. The
best work is found in house-decoration and furniture. In the case of
some of the Sindh boxes the decorative design is worked out by covering
the box with successive layers of variously-colored lacquer and then
cutting away the pattern to the depth required by the color-treatment.
Sometimes metal rings appear to be let into incisions, and again the
decoration consists exclusively of surface-painting in bright colors.
The latter is found upon the _papier-mâché_ of Cashmere, which ranks
with the best lac-work of India.
We pass the pottery, merely noting the beauty of the colors, and
especially of the turquoise-blue, and the graceful simplicity of some
of the early forms, the trappings and caparisons, and glance round the
magnificent collection of arms, from the rough robbers' clubs bound
with serrated iron to the finest chain-mail and rifles inlaid with
gold. From Sindh comes a flintlock gun having the barrel inlaid and
plated with gold at the muzzle and breech, and bearing an inscription
inlaid in gold. Round the muzzle are set nine uncut rubies, and an
emerald forms the "sight." The stock is rosewood, curved and expanding
at the butt, enriched with mounts of chased gold, and attached to the
barrel by three perforated and chased gold bands. In some cases the
woodwork is almost obscured by the gold ornaments. On all sides are
weapons richly chased and damascened in gold. Weapons are there of
the steel that Persia, and even Damascus, never equalled, and they
come, as to a masquerade of the dread weapons of war, with handles
of crystal, of jade set with rubies and emeralds, of gold and green
enamel set all over with table diamonds, and sheathed in green velvet
scabbards gleaming with diamonds and fitted with cap, band and chape of
green-enamelled gold.
If this people carried such arms, what must their jewelry be? An
answer is found in the museum. We again find jade set with emeralds
and rubies. From Trichinopoly are gold chains of the snake pattern so
finely wrought that the scales are almost invisible, and the chain
doubles like thread, or chains and bracelets of rose open-work, most
minute and beautiful. From Madras and Delhi comes granulated gold
made into ear-drops or set as bosses in open-work. About everything
there is a lightness as far removed as possible from Western ideas of
handsome solidity and valuable weight. In the museum a model stands for
the purpose of showing how the woman of India wears jewelry. She has
not only "rings on her fingers and bells on her toes," but in nose and
ears, on her hand, dropping over her bosom, round her arms and waist,
and loading her ankles, are stringed gems and hoops of gold.
Akin to the jewelry is the gold and silver plate. The cup, or Buddhist
relic-casket, already mentioned, is interesting as being one of the
oldest examples found in India, and its age, about two thousand years,
only tells how much India art-work in the precious metals has been
destroyed or lost. There are many excellent examples of the parcel-gilt
work of Cashmere, and one shrine-screen of silver, pierced and
repoussée, is exceptionally fine in design and treatment. There are
tinned brass vessels with incised decorations, sculptured vessels of
brass, brass incrusted with copper and copper incrusted with silver,
but which can be called the baser and which the richer metals when
all assume shapes of such wondrous beauty as the _lotas_ and _sarais_,
and are decorated with designs so pleasing and with a skill so perfect
with damascened work, incrustations or enamel? The metal excipient is
forgotten in the art. The enamelled huku-stand in the illustration
belongs to the best Mogul period of transparent enamelling, and is
painted in green and blue enamels. At Jaipur red, blue and green
enamels are laid upon pure gold, and the richness and brilliancy of the
result have raised the enamels of that place to the first rank among
those of all the East.
Here our round of inspection may close, and as the doors shut behind us
a remarkable fact presents itself: that in no branch of industrial art,
either in metal-work, weaving or carving, can the science of Europe
cope with the plodding industry of the East.
JENNIE J. YOUNG.
ADAM AND EVE.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
While the small party of soldiers were employed in attracting the
attention of the inhabitants to the meaningless parade of taking down
the offer of reward and replacing it by the announcement of discovery,
the larger portion of their company had already entered Uncle Zebedee's
house and seized upon Jerrem, their object being to avoid any defence
on the part of the neighbors, which Adam, with a view of preventing
further search being made in the house, had assured them was certain to
take place unless they could find a means of very speedily effecting
their purpose. Although little disposed to be influenced by any of
his suggestions, the force of this one was greatly strengthened by
the necessity of dividing themselves into two parties, one of which
must take Adam on, while the other returned to Polperro to seize the
prisoner. And this they managed with such promptitude that in less than
ten minutes they had entered the house and had dragged out Jerrem, who,
half stupefied, was pinioned and marched off before he was sufficiently
aroused to thoroughly comprehend or realize his situation.
The tattoo of the drums announced to the men on the quay that the
capture was effected, and the party, hurrying off by the Warren, had
joined their comrades, already half up Talland lane, before those who
had been spectators of one calamity could exchange their evil tidings
with those who had witnessed the other.
Yes, Jerrem was gone--led off to disgrace, maybe to death, through the
treachery of his shipmate, his comrade, his--all but in blood--brother.
What would come next? Ghastly fears crowded in upon all present.
Vengeance grew rank, hatred spread out on all sides: the earth thirsted
for his blood, and the air was thick with curses showered on his name.
Even Joan turned relentless and flung pity from her heart; while
old Zebedee, stung to the quick by the odium brought upon his name,
disowned Adam for his son and took God to witness that so long as life
remained every farthing he possessed should be spent in saving Jerrem.
At early dawn of the next day, Joan, at the instance of her uncle and
in company with several trusty friends, set off first for Liskeard, and
then, if need be, to get on to Plymouth or to Bodmin, at one of which
places Jerrem, they said, was certain to be tried. Bodmin jail and
Plymouth clink had both been familiar in days gone by to many who still
lived to tell their tales and give their experience, and schemes were
already abroad to put the larger boats on wheels, so that, if Bodmin
were selected, conveyances might be supplied by which the mass of the
people could be transported there and see fair play dealt out to their
comrade.
But days went by without Joan coming back, and Eve, who was left behind
to look after Uncle Zebedee, had to sit and listen to the terrible
outpourings of wrath against his son to which the old man gave vent in
the presence of his neighbors, and see the more heartrending desolation
of spirit which bowed him to the ground when no strange eye was near to
witness his weight of woe.
So entirely had the chain of circumstances overpowered Eve that this
climax of disaster seemed to have sealed up the flow of her emotions,
and listening to and looking at the tears, exclamations, sighs and
groans with which the excitable, sympathetic Cornish folk expressed
their anguish and their indignation, she asked herself, "Had all
feeling left her? Did she no longer care what happened to herself
or anybody around her? Was it nothing to her that her life was, as
it were, at an end, her future blighted, her hopes dead, her lover
disgraced, reviled, disowned and denounced by his own father and his
own family?" Any way, she could find no tears to bewail her sad fate
in, no sighs to relieve her burdened heart, no groans to ease her
desolate spirit: all was chaos, over which two dark shadows moved--the
spectral forms of herself and Adam.
"Uncle, what do you think's become of him? where can he have gone
to?" Eve asked one night as, no longer afraid of his neighbors seeing
him, the old man tore off the armor under which in their presence he
concealed every softer feeling.
"To bottom o' sae, clane gone out o' the warld, I hope, where I wishes
I was too," groaned Zebedee. "Awh! to think e'er a boy o' mine should
ha' sarved us so!--that he us counted 'bove all other flesh and blood
should ha' bin the whiles carryin' 'bout the heart of a fausse Judas in
his body!"
"Perhaps he was mad," said Eve, dropping her voice in terror of the
suggestion.
"Lord send I could see un ravin'!" cried Zebedee. "Why," he added, his
voice breaking under the pictured joy, "I'd thraw mysel' 'pon un and
hug un to me close, though he tored out my heart 'pon the spot for 't.
Naw, lass, naw," he sighed, "he ain't mad: 'tis the devil has seazed
hold on un somehow: that's what's brought un to this."
"Didn't he say nothing that seems now as if he'd told you that night
what he meant to do?" urged Eve.
"Naw, nothin'."
"And you didn't say anything to him, did you?"
"Iss, there 'tis: that's what sticks by me and shaws me plain the
vengeance that was in un, 'cos I tawld un that us was tryin' to dale
double, so as to manage for Jerrem to stale away."
"You didn't tell him about the soldier?" faltered Eve. "No, you
couldn't, because you didn't know anything about it yourself, did you?"
"Iss, I did. Jerrem tawld--he allays tawld me everything Jerrem
did--and I ups and tells Adam."
An icy grip seized Eve by the heart. "Oh, uncle!" she groaned, "could
it be because of that--that he thought about me?"
"What damon's in the maid now?" cried the old man, starting to his feet
and standing before her with clenched hands and quivering limbs. "Do
'ee give heed to what 'tis you'm sayin' of? Doan't 'ee knaw that if I
thought that 'twas you was the cause of it I'd scat out yer brains on
the planchin' where you'm standing to?"
Eve shrank back in terror, while Zebedee, after a minute's pause,
his outburst ended, sank down into his former despondent attitude,
muttering, "There! there! let be! let be! Awh, I wander what 'tis a
keepin' o' Joan so? Things is all bottom side upmost when her's out o'
hailin'-distance."
But two days more passed before Joan returned, bringing with her the
startling intelligence that, instead of Bodmin or Plymouth, Jerrem was
to be tried in London, to which place report said Adam had already
been removed. But, though every one thirsted for news, beyond the bare
facts Joan had little with which to satisfy them: she had failed in her
endeavor to see Jerrem, of whose present whereabouts even no one could
speak with certainty; she could learn no positive tidings of Adam,
neither had she been able to ascertain any trustworthy account of the
betrayal, only that it was in every one's mouth that Adam had done it,
and had meant to do it from the first moment he found that the shot
fired against his will would bring them all to trouble. Mr. Macey, the
lawyer at Fowey, who had always managed Uncle Zebedee's money-business,
had said 'twas a terrible job of it, and though he couldn't take it
himself he'd see 'twas carried through by somebody sharper at such work
than he was; and he'd sent Uncle Zebedee word that not a stone should
be left unturned or a guinea unspent while hope was left that Jerrem's
life might be saved; but he also sent a solemn warning to him and to
all the Lottery's crew to keep quiet and out of sight until 'twas
seen whether they meant to carry their vengeance further, or whether
Jerrem's life alone would serve to content them.
"Wa-al," sighed Zebedee, who had listened eagerly to the whole of
Joan's details and patiently to old Mr. Macey's friendly warning,
"they'm fair words and kindly spoken, and, so far as they goes, I'll
bide by 'em. But hark 'ee here, Joan: if the warst comes to warst, mind
this--though they strings me up with un and we swings together, I'll
stand yet wance more face to face with Jerrem afore he dies."
"And that you shall," said Joan; "and so will I too, for while in life
us cherished un, so while life lasts us 'll never desert un."
"And as for t' other wan," said the stricken old man, his wrinkled face
growing pinched and sharp, "may the wound that he's planted in my heart
rankle and fester in his own! May he live to know the want o' they he's
cast hisself off from, and die a stranger in a furrin land, and be
buried where none who knawed un here can point to the grave that holds
un!"
"Uncle!" cried Eve, thrusting her fingers into her ears to keep out
these terrible words from falling on them--"uncle!" But Joan's upraised
hand warned her to keep silent, and turning she saw that a sudden
change had fallen upon Zebedee: his features had relaxed, his stretched
eyelids were half closed over his glazed eyes, his head drooped low and
was sunk down upon his breast.
For some minutes the two girls stood anxiously gazing at him, until
Joan, terrified by the ashen pallor which had blanched his usually
ruddy cheeks, ventured to speak, and at length succeeded in so far
rousing him that he allowed himself to be persuaded to go to bed, and
the two girls were left alone.
"You're wanting to run up to your mother's, Joan, ain't you?" said Eve.
"I'll sit and watch Uncle Zebedee while you're gone."
"No, never mind for to-night," said Joan wearily.
"Then let me go," said Eve: "'twon't take me any time, and I want a
breath of fresh air;" and she rose from her seat as she spoke.
But Joan intercepted. "No, now sit down," she said hurriedly: "there
ain't no call for neither to go; 'sides which, 'tis too late. I don't
wan't 'ee to go wanderin' 'bout in the dark: you'm too much given to
goin' out by yourself. It won't do now: 'tain't safe, you knaw."
Eve stared: "Not safe, Joan? Why not?"
"Well, now, I'd rather you didn't. Sit down now, like a dear."
Eve sat down, but, her curiosity awakened by Joan's agitated, nervous
manner, she said, "Joan, what is it? I'm sure you've heard something.
Tell me, what makes you say we oughtn't to go out by ourselves, eh?"
Joan hesitated. "I wonder," she said, "whether I'd best tell 'ee or
not? It may be nothin' but a passel o' mazed talk, only I wouldn't have
a finger o' harm laid 'pon 'ee for warlds."
"Why, what is it, Joan?"
"Well, my dear, you see, I've see'd Jonathan. Through Adam's tellin'
he was tooked off too and lodged in Plymouth clink; but findin' they
couldn't make un spake a word o' sense, when they carr'd Adam away they
left Jonathan bide; and there he is, and there I hopes he'll stay."
"You do? What for?" asked Eve, amazed.
"Why, 'cos o' you, Eve. Iss," she said, answering her look of surprise,
"he's for all the world like anybody ravin' mad agen you."
"Against me? But why against me?"
"He will have that you'm the cause of it all," said Joan; "and 't
seems now he let out to Adam 'bout the letter that Jerrem writ and he
broffed, and then he drove un further mad by a passel o' lies he's
somehow got tagged on t' it--that you'd ha' told the sergeant, and
through that he dropped a bit o' paper, tellin' of it all, into the
rendevoos winder; for, seemin', that was how they got scent o' the
Lottery's landin'."
"And Adam believed him?" gasped Eve.
"He must have," sobbed Joan; "and then I reckon somethin' he see'd or
heerd that night finished un."
"Oh, Joan!" cried Eve, flinging herself down and burying her head on
Joan's lap.
"Iss: don't it seem as if us all must have some hand in tightenin' the
rope that's round that poor sawl's neck?"
"And Adam could believe that I would betray them--would betray him?"
and, clasping her hands, Eve looked up as if making an appeal to some
unseen presence--"him," she said, "for whom I would have given my
life--for whom," she cried, breaking down, "oh, Joan, I would give my
life now!"
"Iss, I know you would," said Joan, hugging her close to her. "Why,
haven't I called un everything bad before 'ee, o' purpose 'cos I should
see 'ee flare up agen me for doin' it? and haven't I blessed 'ee in my
heart for stickin' to un through thick and thin? Awh, Eve, my dear,
don't 'ee judge me hard for keeping all to Jerrem's side. 'Tain't only
love for Jerrem makes me do it, but that Adam sha'n't never be fouled
by havin' the stain o' blood restin' 'pon un. If 'twas only for that
I'd spend my last breath to save Jerrem from hangin'."
"They think they'll try to hang him?" said Eve in a faltering voice.
"Iss, for certain they'll try; and, though I didn't say so to uncle,
all Mr. Macey fears is that wan life won't content 'em, neither."
"Could Adam have known that?" whispered Eve.
"He knawed 'twas death to whoever was took, and a free pardon to
whoever told on 'em, or else why didn't he take and knock him on the
head hisself? Jonathan says," she added after a minute's pause, "that
when he'd told un 'bout you he sprung on un like a tiger and shook un
like a rat; and after, when it comed to 'bout the letter, he roared out
like a bull belvin', and then fell flat down 'pon his face like one
struck for death."
"Oh, why, why did Jerrem send that letter?" moaned Eve, wringing her
hands in desperation.
"Iss, why indeed?" said Joan. "Though that could have had nothin' to
do with the findin's out, that I can see; for, if 'twas the last word
I spoked, I could take an oath to never havin' quitted a word 'bout it
to a single livin' sawl; and as to you meetin' the sergeant, why, you
never stirred from this, did 'ee?--Let's see: what did us do that day?"
she added, trying to recall the past events; while Eve, sensible of
having concealed her meeting with Reuben May, averted her face so that
Joan might not perceive its terrible pallor.
Over and over again had Eve endeavored to screw up her courage to
tell Joan of this meeting, since which one misfortune after another
had crowded so thickly upon them as to make each endeavor seem
inopportune. For days after the interview she had every now and again
been seized with terror lest Reuben should make his appearance, and
great was her relief when, as time went on, she began to be released
from this anxiety. But no suspicion that he could in any way have
been connected with the betrayal had ever entered her mind until now,
when, as Joan spoke of her being the supposed betrayer, a sudden dart
of terror seemed to strike her. Was it possible? Could she have said
anything that Reuben had laid hold of against them? For an instant Eve
wrestled with the doubt and tried to crush it, but so vividly did it
rise up before her that at any cost she felt it must be set at rest,
and seizing Joan's hand she blurted out, "Joan, there's one thing
I've never told you of--that the day we expected them all back, after
Jerrem's letter had come, I went out for a bit by Talland way, and
there, just down before you come to the Warren stile, I met--"
"Not he! No, doan't 'ee tell me you see'd the sergeant!" cried Joan,
forcing her hands up to Eve's mouth as if to keep back the words.
"The sergeant? no!" said Eve indignantly; "but the young man I told you
of from London--Reuben May."
"Reuben May, Eve? Why, however did he come down 'long this ways? What
broffed un here, eh?"
"He was coming to see me," said Eve. "He had come in Capen Triggs's
vessel because of something he'd heard about us, and the minute he
saw me he began about uncle and Adam, calling them both thieves and
robbers, and I can't tell what."
"But that wouldn't make 'ee tell un nothin' 'bout their landin'?" said
Joan.
"No: I feel sure I never mentioned that. I told him they were expected
home, because I feared he'd want to come that night and see you all;
but then we fell to quarrelling again, and parted in such anger that I
said I hoped never to see his face again."
"But whatever made 'ee keep it to yourself and never spake of it till
now?" said Joan, turning her eyes upon Eve with a look of anxious
scrutiny.
"I never meant to keep it from you, Joan," said Eve earnestly; "and
only that your mother and Mrs. Climo and the rest were here, I should
have told you the minute I got back: then, when they were gone, I
said, 'I'll tell her as soon as we come down from the cliff;' but what
happened there put everything else out of my head for that night,
and since then, though I've had it on my lips to say twenty times,
something has always come up to hinder me from speaking."
"I'd a made sure you'd never cast eyes on any man outside the place,"
said Joan, perplexed by this new opening-out of difficulties.
"I wish now, more than ever, that it had never happened," sighed Eve.
"Still, Joan, the more I think of it the more certain I feel that
Reuben May had no hand in it, unless it could be that anybody might
have watched us together. That's not impossible, although I never met a
single soul, coming or going."
Joan made no comment: for a minute she seemed to struggle and debate
with her thoughts; then, suddenly looking up, she said, "Eve, you'll
have to go back home to wance: it 'ull never do to have 'ee stayin'
here now."
"But why, Joan? Has what I have told you made you think ill of me?
Don't you believe that I am speaking the truth when I say that what
kept me silent were the bitter words that Reuben May spoke? I meant to
tell you of it, because I had spoken of him to you before, but I could
never have told Adam that one I had counted as my greatest friend had
called him a thief over whose head the gallows was dangling;" and at
the remembrance of how near those words seemed now to the truth Eve
burst into a passion of tears.
"Now, don't 'ee go for to cry like that," exclaimed Joan, dashing
away the drops which were blinding her own eyes. "Whatever 'tis, I
loves 'ee too well to think harm of 'ee for it; and whether 'twas he
or some other man, t' mischief's done now and can't be set straight
agen. But, Eve, us mustn't let more harm come to us if we can hinder
it; and I tawld 'ee that I didn't like the angry words and the manin'
looks o' Jonathan, and he gived two or three twists o' hisself while he
was spakin' that made me turn as cold as death, and 't seemed as if I
couldn't draw my eyes away from the glarin' roll he was lookin' about
un with."
"Oh, I'm not afraid of Jonathan," said Eve, trying to brave down
the tremor of nervous fear which was creeping through her--"a poor
half-witted creature, who says one thing this minute and forgets all
about it the next."
"Awh, my dear, don't 'ee sneer at Jonathan," said Joan reprovingly:
"he's a bitter foe, I'll warn 'ee. And when," she added, dropping her
voice to a whisper, "he talks of maidens who loves to stand gazin' 'pon
the sea growin' dizzy and fallin' in, and o' folks bein' 'ticed fro'
their homes and never comin' back 'longs agen, 'tis time to steer clear
of un, Eve, for there's devilry in his words and mischief broodin' in
his mind."
"Why, Joan," gasped Eve, "surely he wouldn't--you don't think he'd
murder me?" and as the words came trembling out her very lips turned
white with horror.
"I wouldn't like to lave 'ee in his way," faltered Joan.
"But he'd be afraid, wouldn't he?"
"Wa-al, if so be he could get free to tell his story there's no knawin'
what might come of it. I had to dale double with un as it was, and
manage so that neither wan but me got in to see un; and 'fore he gets
set free altogether, Eve, you must put miles atween you and they who,
when they'd listened to his story, would awnly be too quick to shut
their eyes to what they wasn't axed to take part in."
"Of course, in that case," said Eve, "'tis best I should go back by
myself again to London."
And as the words came slowly dragging forth, the narrow street, the
obscured sky, the stifling air weighed down upon her, and crushed her
with a sense of gloom unknown before when her thirst for freedom was
but a want unsatisfied. Her whole being revolted against the cruel
exchange: her nature cried out in protest, but in vain.
The more they discussed the point the more convinced they both became
that there was no other possible alternative; and the money for her
journey being supplied by Uncle Zebedee, under pretence of accompanying
Jochabed Giles in one of her stolen visits to Plymouth Eve set off late
one afternoon, intending to rest by the way, and get on the next day to
Plymouth, whence she would take coach to London.
There was to be no leavetaking, for no one must know that she was going
away. So, with only a nod of good-bye to Uncle Zebedee and a moment's
desperate clinging to Joan, Eve left the house, and in silent sadness
followed Jochabed down the street, past the Warren, and away along
by the cliff-path until they came to the jutting point which, once
past, shuts out all view of Polperro from beyond. Here Eve paused, and
motioning Jochabed to go on she turned and bade her eyes gaze round
upon the scene and look their last farewell.
The sun, which all day long had shone hot and fierce, had run its
course and sunk to rest, leaving its trail of glory to tip the hills
above and be reflected down in crimson glow upon the sea below. The
mist of heat which all day long had hung over the land, though rolled
away from there, still floated in filmy clouds before the harbor's
mouth, veiling the little haven and casting broad shadows on the rugged
cliffs, up whose steep sides the white-faced houses clung, higher and
higher still, till they were lost amid the tangle of the ridge which
crowns the valley's sides.
Like an echo awakened by some tuneful strain which jars on the ear and
smites the heart because the voice which gave it melody is still and
hushed for ever, the sunset calm of that peaceful scene jarred on the
misery of her who stood stricken and desolate. Involuntarily she shut
her eyes, that through them at least her heart should be no longer
pierced; and when she opened them again a mist of gathering tears
obscured her view and blotted out the prospect from her sight. Then,
slowly turning, Eve went her way, knowing that while this life should
last the face of that fair portion of earth would never meet her eyes
again.