I would not dare to undertake to describe to you the spirit of
patriotism of the Lithuanians in their native land, for I am a
Lithuanian, and some may say that it is quite natural to praise one's
own. But what I have heard from their enemies, the Germans, would seem
to be legitimate. Even they are amazed to see the patriotic spirit of
the Lithuanians, especially young boys eighteen and nineteen years of
age who are so anxious to defend their liberty. They are presenting
themselves in great numbers to the officials of the present government
to be enrolled in the army, but for the lack of ammunition and clothing
great numbers are turned away. In my conversation with some of these
soldiers I asked them if they really thought they could defend their
country from the yoke of their oppressors. Their answer was: "We will
not submit to any yoke; we know well that our fathers and forefathers
suffered for so many centuries, and we in turn shall defend our liberty
to the last drop of blood." One of these soldiers was preparing to
return to war against the Kolchakians and Germans, to expel them from
the city called Siauliai, which they had lately occupied. After
repulsing the Bolshevik from the Dvinsk, they had a few weeks' rest and
then marched to Kaunas.
At the time I was visiting Lithuania she was surrounded by enemies--on
the north and east by the Bolsheviks, on the west by Kolchak and the
insurgent Germans, and on the south by the Poles. The most stupendous
fact is that at present the Poles are the most dangerous foes of the
Lithuanians. The Poles, rejoicing in their own liberation from the yoke
of oppression, are altogether unmindful that they are striving to place
the Lithuanian nation under worse oppression. When the Germans occupied
Lithuania they did not treat them as roughly as the Poles are doing at
this moment. For example, I was in Lithuania when the Poles took Seinai,
the seat of Bishop Karosas, which is a Lithuanian city, imprisoned the
Lithuanian Bishop in his residence, expelled the ecclesiastical students
from their seminary, arrested two priests and carried them to Poland. If
any of the remaining priests are called out on a sick call, they send
armed soldiers to accompany the priest and guard his movements strictly.
They did not permit the Bishop to correspond with his pastors, or the
priests of the diocese, nor was anyone permitted to call on him. The
Germans during their occupation never guarded a priest going to sick
calls.
Here is a translation of a little article taken from a Lithuanian
political daily newspaper called Lietuva (Lithuania) of October 10,
1919:
"Actions of the Polish Occupants.--The Polish army came to the district
of Vilkaviskis in September. After two weeks they began to show their
rapacity. They robbed Augustin Kliogutis of Norvydai while he was going
home from church, with five other companions, stripped them of their
clothing and left them in puris naturalibus."
Similar notices filled the paper with the various robberies committed
by soldiers of the Polish army. On September 21, 1919, one of the Polish
officials called the Lithuanian people together and promised them great
favors--while the people asked him to stop the robberies, which would
have been the greatest favor possible. The Lithuanians say: "If the
Poles could grant us favors they would not keep their soldiers half
naked and half starved."
For all this greediness and avariciousness of the Polish people I do not
blame the good Polish citizens and patriots, because in our days in all
nationalities there are a great many political parties, of which the
governments are composed, the greater number of those compelling the
entire nation to act against the good will of the citizens. On the other
hand we Lithuanians cannot boast too much of our patriotism, as though
we had no traitor, even among the Poles. There are many Polonized
Lithuanians, or so-called Poles who by the familiar and long intercourse
with the Polish race, gradually neglected and despised and finally
rejected entirely the Lithuanian language, adopted the Polish language
in such a manner that some of them do not acknowledge to be Lithuanians
but claim to be of Polish descendency--in other words, Polish by birth.
These are the greatest persecutors of the Lithuanians now. This is the
principal reason why the Poles took possession of Vilna, the first
capitol of Lithuania. They maintain that all the province of Vilna is
purely Polish. In this way the Polish patriots, joined by the Polonized
Lithuanian renegades and traitors, try to induce others to join their
party, and to struggle to find the demarkation between the two countries
would appear endless without the final decision of the allies.
It is true what the Rev. Laukaitis remarked in his speech, that the
Poles are carrying on their propaganda to induce more of the Lithuanian
farmers, ignorant enough, to sign the Polish alliance. They send their
crafty speakers to the villages near the boundary trying to persuade the
Lithuanian government to permit a ballot to be cast in Vilna as to
which side they prefer to belong. These propagandists do not tell the
truth. They, like the Bolsheviks, promise mountains of gold, and in the
end give bitter sorrow. It would indeed be foolish to allow a ballot
after these speakers obtain the signatures of the farmers, who, through
their ignorance, are misled by the vain promises and misleading
arguments that the Lithuanians are incapable of self-government, without
first hearing our side. With such arguments it would take only a few
months to lead astray all the Lithuanians or vice versa Lithuanian
speakers could bring to our side all Poles.
Members of the British mission at Kaunas (Kovo) told me that the
Lithuanians are very brave soldiers who have so many enemies, yet
nevertheless keep their spirit of patriotism so long and so firmly. It
stands to reason then, that the Lithuanians, as a nation, are very
brave, considering the numbers of Poles and Lithuanians, you could
hardly imagine how the Lithuanians could dare oppose the Poles, and yet
you see they attempt to oppose many armies. Lithuania has about
one-fifth the population of Poland in Europe and about one-third the
population of the Poles in America.
While I was spending five days in Kaunas, the temporary capital of
Lithuania, the President received a cable from Lloyd George, London,
recognizing the independence of Lithuania. This was on the night of
September 26th. As soon as the cable arrived the Lithuanian government
had the greatest demonstration in the history of the nation, wholly
unmindful of the weather and rain. Parades, speeches, and the wildest
rejoicing for this newly realized dream took possession of the city.
I intended to remain in Lithuania until May, but was obliged to change
my mind for more than one reason. My winter apparel was in the lost
baggage in Germany and the cold weather was approaching rapidly. There
was no possibility for me to visit all the Parish churches as intended.
There was no means of travel, train or vehicle. During the war the
Lithuanians were deprived of all their horses. Those which they have now
are used on the farms. With the greatest difficulty I managed to visit
the following: Kybartai, Virbalis, Alvitas, Lankeliskiai, Valkaviskis,
Gizai, Marjampole, Kaunas, and Kamendulai. I did not get the opportunity
to see the Bishop of Vilona; for there was no consul of Poland in
Lithuania to sign my passport. I spoke with the suffragan of the bishop
of Kaunas. The Bishop of Seinai was arrested by the Poles. The last and
to me the most important reason why I was determined to return to
America immediately was because of the bad treatment the Lithuanian
Bishops, priests and ecclesiastical students received in Seinai. I
resolved to return to appeal to the sympathetic hearts of the Americans
to protest against the wrong-doings of the Poles.
After visiting the above mentioned places, I decided to find out when
and how I could get a ship from England to New York. I went to Kaunas a
second time, as I was advised that I should telephone to Libow for
information with regard to sailings of English ships--so as to know how
long I could remain in Lithuania.
At Kaunas I learned that the Germans and Kolchakians had taken Siauliai,
a city between Kaunas and Libow, and that I could not go back to America
by way of Libow. The telephone was interrupted by the occupants. Then
there was no way left to me but to go to the English mission at Kaunas
to get a permit to go back via Germany, and to go to the German consul
at Kaunas to put a visa on my passport for the same purpose. Having
obtained all the documents I said adieu to Kaunas, adieu Lithuania,
adieu Vilkaviskis, adieu my sister and all her family. On October 16 I
took the German train from Eytkunen to Berlin and Cologne. In Cologne I
remained three days, making investigation for my lost baggage, but in
vain. Via Brussells to Ostend, where I embarked on the four hours vessel
from Ostend to Dower, an English port. On October 23 I came to London
at 9:30 p. m. There I was obliged to spend all night walking up and down
the front of the church to avoid catching cold, because there was no
possibility of getting a place in any of the hotels. Next morning the
first thing I went to find out how soon I could get the ship Mauretania.
I was informed that it was not sure if the Mauretania would be able to
start for New York on December 30, because it was in repair. There were
some smaller ships to start sooner, which I did not risk. In Scotland
two Lithuanian priests who were informed of my coming to London and
would not be able to get a ship to America for a long time, invited me
to Scotland to give mission to the Lithuanians there. Having consented
to do so, I came to Glasgow November 5. In the following places I gave
mission of four days each: Graigneuk, Motherwell, Garfin, Burnbank; and
a whole week in each of the following places: Mossend and Glasgow. I
also spent one week at Manchester in England. The missions were very
successful in all places. The Lithuanians were rejoicing and saying that
my not getting a ship was very providential. On December 21, I came back
to London and bought my ticket to cross the ocean on the Canadian ship
called Empress of France, which was to start January 3, 1920. On
December 24 I came to Liverpool to spend a few days there in getting
ready for my voyage to Canada and the United States. On coming to
Liverpool, I learned that the "Empress of France" was to start four days
later, than was intended, on January 7th.
The Lithuanian people of Liverpool asked me to give a Mission to them.
On the Sunday after Christmas I opened a mission for the Lithuanians of
Liverpool, and closed it the next Sunday.
On Wednesday, January 7th, I embarked on the ship for St. John, Canada.
The "Empress of France" claims to make her trip in six days, but in
rough weather it took us fully eight days, so it was January 15th, about
7:30 p. m., we arrived in St. John, Canada. Next morning, after
examining our passports and trunks, we landed. There was no train to
Boston, Mass., till 7:30 p. m. I arrived at Boston January 17th, just a
few minutes before 12 o'clock a. m.
The Object of This Lecture.
Some one may inquire of me, what I wish the Americans to do for
Lithuania?
All small nations of the world, so far, had the greatest confidence in
the +League of Nations+, which promised to all equal liberty of existence
and self-determination, toleration of its language, etc. The principal
characteristic of any nation is the language of that nation. If the
native language is forbidden to any nation by those becoming its
conquerors, the nation is exterminated.
All the enemies of Lithuania seem to be very anxious to deprive the
people of their language, for as soon as they take possession of some of
the Lithuanian cities or towns, the first step they take is to forbid
the children to be taught the Lithuanian language. Now, with all the
smaller nations of the world, Lithuanians are crying: "Where is Justice?
Why are our enemies so anxious to deprive us of our language? In what
respect is our enemies' language better than our own? Is it our fault
that we are born of Lithuanian parents and speak Lithuanian language?"
Philologists are demonstrating that the Lithuanian language, of all
European languages, is the nearest to Sanscrit. All educated people are
glad to know that there is some nation in existence using the oldest of
speaking tongues. Why is it that, in our days, people who claim to be
very highly educated are attempting to exterminate the nation which is
using the oldest language? Nothing but envy, greed and grab!
Now, as the +League or Nations+ is gradually dying, so all hope of
preserving the Lithuanian nation, together with its language, is
diminishing.
Some people maintain that the +League of Nations+ is diametrically opposed
to the will of God, expressed in the prophesies of the Bible; that there
will be no end of wars to the very end of the world. But we know,
positively, that God does not want wars; that God wants peace. We know
very well that all the causes of the wars are to be found in the
iniquities of men--in the seven capital sins. If not all the prophesies
of the Bible, at least a great many can be explained conditionally. If
people mend their behaviour, the punishments, which have been foretold
for their crimes, will not take place, because the nature itself, which
has been so directed by the Creator to punish man for deviating from the
order, is changed by man's actions. In fact, some of the prophesies of
the Old Testament we could not explain, save in this way. If all people
would strive to stop the wars, the +League of Nations+ would become the
means of bringing universal peace on earth, according to the will of the
Almighty. I wish the American people would study this question as
closely as possible, and bring all nations to everlasting peace.
We can plainly see, from the following text of the Bible, that God wants
all people to live in peace always: "But if one strike thee on thy right
cheek, turn to him also the other. * * * And if any man will contend
with thee in judgment, and take away thy coat, let go thy cloak also
unto him."--Matt. v. 40. God could never have said this, unless He
foresaw the possibility of lasting peace among all men and all nations
in this world.
Just imagine, if all people and all nations in this world were readily
prepared to turn their other cheek to the one who is ready to strike you
on your right cheek. It is self evident there would be none to strike
his neighbor on his right cheek. And if everybody in the world would be
ready to let go his cloak to one who is ready to take away his coat,
there would be none to deprive any one of his coat. As long as we
believe that Jesus Christ, who said these words, is true God and true
man; as long as we know that every man has free will, and can do what he
pleases, so long is this principle possible to every man. Even to those
people who do not believe in the divinity of Jesus Christ, this
principle could be explained as a natural law: Do not do unto others
what you do not want others to do unto you; do unto others what you wish
others to do unto you. If all intelligent people, together with those
who are aspiring to a higher education, would strive to organize a
league to educate all people in this particular principle, there would
be no doubt of its success, because no people would desire to have
another war. Everybody knows that war does no good to any one; and that
another war would be ten times worse than the one we have had. I do not
see why the +League of Nations+ or another similar reorganized regulation
of nations, should not attract all nations to a union of such principles
as these.
The objector insists: "I do not mean that the +League of Nations+ is
opposed to the will of God, as if God wanted wars, but God, foreseeing
the wickedness of men, prophesied that there will be no peace among men
to the end of the world."
It is sufficient to us to know that God does not want war, that God
wants peace; or, in other words, to know God's will, and to strive to do
it. As long as we know that either the +League of Nations+ or other
international organization is in accordance to the will of God--who is
striving to induce all nations to prevent wars in future--just as God
wants all people to live in peace always--so we ought to strive, by word
and example, to induce all nations to hate wars and live in peace. As
every human being has a right to existence, so every family and every
nation has a right to exist and use its own language, etc. No one has
the right to destroy small nations because they are too small to govern
themselves. For the very reason, if there be no more wars, if the +League
of Nations+ is to be sincere in every respect, to reject all greediness,
which is the cause of wars, there would be no more necessity of
greatness to be able to defend against foes. Just as every family is
capable of governing itself, so the smallest nation can govern itself.
So far the League of Nations does not produce its desired effect,
because there is no confidence in some nations in one another. One
nation does not trust the other. It is a new branch of science. It
requires a good deal of study--and study by all nations and all
persons--until some one may discover the means to induce the desired
confidence satisfactory for all nations. I hope Americans will make the
greatest progress in this line, as in everything else.
My opinion is that all nations could be induced to trust one another, if
the above principle of natural law would be plainly explained, either in
all languages or in +Aspiranto+ language. If all representatives of all
nations would sign the agreement, then the danger would be removed far
away. If it is so difficult to induce one nation to trust the other
nation to join the League, how can you expect any small nation to be
inspired with any confidence when it is annexed to another greater
nation by force? No matter how long it will be annexed, it will seek
opportunity to free itself, and, unless you amputate its tongue, it will
adhere to its language. Just exactly like a cat and a dog in one bag,
one will bark, the other will cry its own song, or, like a patched
dress, will remain patched forever.
[Illustration: Decoration]