When the emperor was seated on his throne, the seven ambassadors were

brought forwards, facing the emperor, and at the same time a great number

of criminals were presented. There were seven hundred of these, some of

whom were fastened by the neck, others having their heads and hands

inclosed by a board, six sometimes fastened thus to one board. Each

criminal was attended by a keeper, who held his prisoner by the hair: and

all thus waited the imperial sentence. Most of these were remanded to

prison, and only a few were condemned to die, which power resides solely in

the emperor. All the governors of this vast empire, however distant from

court, send all malefactors to Khanbalik, to appear in presence of the

emperor. Each persons crime is written on one end of the board which he

carries about his neck; and the crimes against religion are the most

severely punished of all. Great care is taken to examine into all the facts

on these occasions, insomuch that the emperor holds council twelve several

times before he condemns any one to death. Hence a person who has been

condemned in eleven successive councils, is sometimes acquitted in the

twelfth, which is always held in presence of the emperor, who never

condemns any but those he cannot save. When the criminals were dismissed,

the ambassadors were led by an officer within fifteen cubits of the throne;

and this officer, on his knees, read out of a paper the purport of their

embassy; adding that they had brought rarities as presents to his majesty,

and were come to knock their heads against the ground before him. Then the

_Kadhi Mulana Haji Yusof_, a commander of ten thousand, who was a favourite

of the emperor and one of his twelve councillors, approached to the

ambassadors, with some Moslems who spoke the Persian language, and ordered

them to fall on their knees and knock their ground with their foreheads;

but they only bowed their heads three times. Then they delivered the

letters of Shah Rokh and the other princes, wrapped up in yellow satin, to

Kadhi Mulana, who gave them into the hands of a khoja of the palace at the

foot of the throne, and he presented them to the emperor. He took them into

his own hands, opened them and looked at them, and delivered them back to

the khoja, who descended from the throne, and sat down on a seat at the

foot of the steps. At the same time were brought out three thousand

vestments of fine stufis, and two thousand coarse, such as are the usual

clothing of the imperial children and household[35]. The emperor then

commanded the ambassadors to draw near, and being on their knees, he

inquired after the health of Shah Rokh, and put many other questions to

them, all of which they answered. He then ordered them to rise, and go eat,

saying that they had come a far journey. From thence the ambassadors were

conducted back to the first court, where they were feasted in a similar

manner as at other times already mentioned.

When this entertainment was finished, they were conducted to their

lodgings, in which the principal chamber was furnished with a large sofa or

raised platform, laid with fine silk cushions, a great basin, and a pan for

fire. On the right and left of this, there were other chambers, with beds,

silk cushions, and foot carpets or fine mats, for lodging the ambassadors

separately. Each person had a kettle, a dish, a spoon, and a table. Every

day, for six persons, there were allowed a sheep, a goose, and two fowls;

and to each person two measures of flour, a large dish of rice, two great

basins full of things preserved with sugar, a pot of honey, some garlic,

onions, salt, several sorts of herbs, a bottle of _dirapum_[36], and a

basin of walnuts, filberts, chesnuts, and other dried fruits. They were

likewise attended from morning till night by a number of handsome servants.

[1] The capital of Khorassan, or Corassan, in the north-east of Persia,

then the residence of Shah Rokh.--Astl.

[2] Or Zu'lkaadeh, as pronounced by the Persians, called Dhu'lkaddeh by the

Arabians, which is the eleventh month of the Mahometan year. As this

year is lunar, the months run through all the seasons, for want of a

properly regulated kalendar, or a period like the Julian or Gregorian.

To enable the reader to understand the journal, we give the Persian

names of the months in their order: 1. Moharram; 2. Safar; 3.

Rabiya-al-awal, or Prior; 4, Rabiya-al-Akher, or Latter; 5. Jomada-al-

awal; 6. Jomada-al-akher; 7. Rajeb; 8. Shaaban; 9. Ramazan; 10.

Shawal; 11. Zu'lkaadeh; 12. Zu'lhejjeh.--Astl.

[3] This year began on Thursday, 16th January, 1420.--Astl.

[4] Ulug-Beg was the son and successor of Shah-Rokh, and was famous for his

astronomical tables.--Astl.

The Kathayans of Ulug-Beg, here mentioned, were probably Chinese

astronomers in the service of that prince, sent on the present

occasion to ascertain and report the geographical circumstances of the

journey.--E.

[5] The text here is obscure, as appearing to indicate Kathayan ambassadors

going to Kathay. They may have been ambassadors from Yong-lo to

Shakh-Rokh, now on their return.--E.

[6] Called Asperah by Forster.--E.

[7] From this description of the route, and the implied division of empire,

it would appear that Shah-Rokh ruled over a very ample portion of the

vast conquests of Timur, having under has command the countries of

Iran and Touran; or Persia, Chorassan, Balkh, Kharism, Great Bucharia,

and Fergaana; even including Samarkand, the imperial residence of

Timur.--E.

[8] Mr Forster calls this place Pielgutu, and explains the name by the

substitution of _Palchas_ with a mark of interrogation as doubtful.

The geography of the East is rendered difficult and obscure, by the

frequent recurrence of names in different languages, and by a lax

orthography. Perhaps Pielgutu or Palchas, may have been situated on

the lake Balcash, otherwise named Palkati-nor, and Tengis--E.

[9] Otherwise Dagis and Dakgis--Astl.

[10] Called Lenger in Forster, who gives, as synonymous, Ab-lenger and Abi-

longur; which merely repeat the original name Lenger, with the prefix

abi, which signifies water or river. Of this river no mention is made

on our maps; but, from the direction of the route, it must have

crossed their way somewhere between the Palkati-nor and Turfan, which

is the next station mentioned.--E.

[11] Called Gurgu by Forster.--E.

[12] Fifth son of Shah-Rokh.--Astl.

[13] Perhaps the same place called Yulduz, and Yilduz by others, and

supposed to be the Chialis of later authors, in Little Bucharia. In

the Jesuits maps there is a river called Cheldos, near the Ili, on

which this town may have stood.--Astl.

[14] This is doubtless a mistake for Tarfan, or Turfan, in little Bucharia;

the Arabic F and K differing only by a point. Astl. Turfan, Turkhan,

or Farkhaan, is situated in Tenduc or Uiguria, in Lat. 43° N. Long.

85°. SO. E. The snowy mountains crossed in such haste must have been

the Alahtag. The cold desert of the tribe of Jel, was probably in the

eastern part of Soongria; perhaps the Karang desert, north from

Turfan and the Alak mountains.--E.

[15] This is supposed to be the same place with Aramuth in other Journals;

and to be named Oramchi in the Jesuits map--Astl. Called Kharadztah,

Harasliar, Hara-cosa, and Asarlic, by Forster. Now named Asarleak on

our best maps.--E.

[16] In Forsters edition, this sentence is differently expressed, as

follows: "On the nineteenth they came to a town called Naas, or Naar,

near which several Zeijids, or descendants of Mahomet, are settled, at

a place named Termed".--E.

[17] This name Kabul is evidently a mistake for Kamul, Khamul, Khamil,

Kamyl, or Chamil; called Hami by the Chinese.--Astl.

[18] This is certainly So-chew, near the entrance of the great wall in

Shensi.--Astl. Called by Forster Katasekt-schen, Sekt-scheu, Schel-

scheu, or Su-tcheu.--E.

[19] This commentary on tea is placed in the text of Forster, and is

therefore here preserved in the same form, though no part of the

original.--E.

[20] An arpent is a French measure nearly one and a half of which are equal

to an English acre.--Astl.

[21] This Persian term Karawl or Karawul, is also introduced into the

Tartarian language, from which it has been adopted into Russian, in

which language a guard or outpost is termed a Karaul.--Forst.

It seems more probable that the Tartar conquerors had introduced their

own military term into the languages of subjugated Persia, and

tributary Russia.--E.

[22] In the description of this route by Forster, he brings the ambassadors

to Su-tchew before their arrival at the Karaul, and interposes a

desert of several days journey between these two places.--E.

[23] This seemingly trifling circumstance was matter of great surprize and

scandal to the Mahometans, who consider hogs as unclean animals, and

to whom pork is a forbidden food.--Astl.

[24] It is singular how very nearly this arrangement resembles the supposed

modern invention of a chain of telegraphs.--E.

[25] Six merres make a pharasang, or Persian league, which is equal to four

English miles, and 868 feet. One merre is therefore equal to 1221

yards, and each post station of ten merres is equal to 12,213 yards,

or almost seven English miles.--Astl.

[26] Otherwise Kamgiou or Kan-chew, the Kampion or Kainpiou of Marco Polo;

which is a city of Shen-si, near the great wall and the desert.--Astl.

In Forsters account of this journey, the ambassadors arrived from the

Karaul, or fortified pass, at Natschieu, Nang-tsiew, or Naa-tsieu;

after which, they are said to have arrived at Kham-tcheou, the Kan-

chew of the text.--E.

[27] The description given in the text of this Chinese pagoda has much the

air of a fiction; yet we can hardly conceive the author would venture

to report to Shah-Rokh what must have been contradicted by his

ambassadors, if false.--Astl.

[28] This is called Lam in the French of Thevenot, and is the same with

the Lamb of Marco Polo.--Astl.

[29] This is the Cara-moran or Whang-ho, which they crossed a second time

between Shen-si and Shan-si, where it is much larger than at Lan-chew,

the place probably alluded to in this part of the text.--Astl.

In the edition, by Forster, this river is named Abi Daraan, or the

Daraan, afterwards Kara-raan; but is obviously the Kara-moran, Whang-

ho, or Hoang-ho.--E.

[30] This _other_ river, certainly is the same Kara-moran, passed again at

a different part of their route.--Astl.

[31] This must have been some city in the province of Pe-che-li, or near

its borders in Shan-si; but no such name as that of the text is to be

found in any of the maps of China.--Astl.

In Forsters edition, this place is named Chien-dien-puhr, perhaps

Tchin-teuen-pou, a city at some distance to the west of the Hoan-ho

river. The route is not distinctly indicated in the text; but seems to

have been from Soutcheo, at the N.W. extremity of Chensi, in lat. 40°

N. following a S. E. direction to the Hoan-ho, somewhere about Yung-

nam, in lat. 37° N. long. 104° E.; and Yung-nam may have been the fine

city which the Persians named Rosna-baad, or the Habitation of

Beauty.--E.

[32] About seventeen or twenty-one English miles, or nineteen miles on the

average.--E.

[33] This is the same with the Khambalu of Polo. One name signifies the

palace of the Khan, the other the city of the Khan.--Astl.

[34] This is the Fong-whang, or fabulous bird of the Chinese. The Simorg-

Anka, is supposed among the Persians to have existed among the

Preadamites, and to have assisted Solomon in his wars.--Astl.

[35] The text is here abrupt and inconclusive: These vestments were

probably presented to the ambassadors and their suite.--E.

[36] What this may have been does not appear; it may possibly have been

arrack, or the wine made of rice and spices, which is frequently

mentioned in the travels of Marco Polo.--E.

SECTION II.

_The several Audiences of the Ambassadors, their Entertainments, Presents,

and Return_.

On the ninth of the month Zu'lhajjeh, the _Sekjin_, or officer belonging to

the court who had charge of the ambassadors, came to their lodgings before

day, and raised them from their beds, saying that the emperor meant to

feast them that day. He brought them to the palace on horses which were

sent for the purpose, and placed them in the outer court, where two hundred

thousand persons were in attendance. As soon as the sun was up, they were

led to the foot of the throne, where they saluted the emperor, by bowing

their heads to the ground five several times. At length the emperor

descended from the throne, and the ambassadors were led back to the outer

court, where they were separated for a while, that they might perform the

deeds of necessity; being told that no person could be allowed to stir out

on any pretence during the continuance of the feast. After this, they were

led through the first and second courts, and thence into a third, which was

entirely open, and paved with fine freestone. In the front of this court

there was a great hall sixty cubits long, having chambers over it; and in

the hall was a great sofa, higher than a man, which was ascended by three

silver stairs, one in front, and the others at the two sides. In this place

there stood two khojas of the palace, having a kind of pasteboard covers on

their mouths, and fastened to their ears. Upon the great sofa or platform,

there was a smaller one in form of a couch, having pillows and cushions for

the feet; and on each side there were pans for fire, and perfuming pans.

This smaller sofa was of wood, beautifully gilded, and looking quite fresh,

though sixty years old, and every thing was finely varnished. The most

eminent of the Dakjis stood on each side of the throne, armed, and behind

them were the soldiers of the imperial guard, with naked sabres. The

ambassadors were placed on the left hand, as the most honourable station.

Three tables were placed before each of the _Amirs_ and other most

distinguished persons, while others had only two, and the more ordinary

persons but one; and there were at least a thousand tables at this

entertainment.

Before the throne, near a window of the hall, there was a great kurkeh or

drum, on a raised stage, attended by two men, and near it a great band of

musicians. Part of the hall was divided off by curtains which came close to

the throne, that the ladies belonging to the palace might see the company

without being seen. After all the victuals and liquors were brought in and

properly distributed, two khojas withdrew, the curtains which covered a

door behind the throne, and the emperor came forth, amid the sound of many

instruments of music, and took his seat under a canopy of yellow satin,

ornamented with four dragons. After the ambassadors had made five

prostrations, they sat down to table, and were treated as at other times.

During the entertainment, many comic tricks were acted for the amusement of

the emperor and the company. The first performers that appeared were

painted with white and red, like girls, and dressed in gold brocade,

holding nosegays of artificial flowers. After this, a man lay down on his

back, as if asleep, holding his feet raised up in the air; then another

person held several thick canes in his hands, seven cubits long, placing

the other ends between his legs, on which a youth of ten or twelve years of

age mounted, with surprising agility, and performed several tricks at the

top. At last the canes slipped away from under him, and every person

thought he must have fallen to the ground and been dashed to pieces; but

the pretended sleeper instantly started up and caught him in the air. There

was one musician who played tunes after the twelve different modes of the

Kathayans. Two men played the same air together, each having one hand on

his own instrument, and the other on that of his companion. During this

entertainment, several thousand birds of different kinds flew about the

court of the palace, and lighted among the people, to eat up what they

could find scattered on the ground, without appearing to be in the least

scared at the multitude. During the five months that the ambassadors

remained at Khanbalik, they were regaled at several other banquets, where

plays were acted, much surpassing that now mentioned.

On the seventeenth of the month Zu'lhajjeh, all the criminals were carried

to be punished according to the nature of their offences, and as prescribed

by the laws. The twenty-fifth of Moharram, Mulana Kadhi Yusof sent to

acquaint the ambassadors that next day, being the first of the new year,

according to the reckoning of the Kathayans, the emperor was to go to his

new palace, and that no person must wear white, as that was the dress of

mourning in this country. On the twenty-eighth, at midnight, the Sekjin

came to conduct them to the new palace, which had been nineteen years

building, and was only newly finished. Every person had his house or shop

illuminated, with torches, lanterns, candles, and lamps, so that it

appeared as light as noon-day. At the palace they found an hundred thousand

people, who had come from all parts of Kathay, the countries of Tachin and

Machin, Kalmak, Kabul, Karakoja, Jurga, and the sea coasts. This day the

ambassadors tables were set out of the hall where the throne stood, while

those of the _Amirs_, or great officers and lords of the court were within;

and there were near two hundred thousand armed men, carrying umbrellas and

bucklers. This feast lasted till the afternoon, and among the music were

many songs in praise of the new palace. To give some idea of this superb

structure, it may be mentioned that, from the gate of the hall to the first

inclosure, measured 1925 paces. On each side are buildings and gardens one

within another. The edifices were of freestone, porcelain, or marble, so

delicately put together that they seemed inchased. There are many hundred

cubits of pavement, the stones of which are so even and well joined, that

they looked like the checkered ruling in books. Nothing in other countries

can equal the Kathayans in masonry, joiner-work, making relievos or raised

figures in plaster, and in painting.

The ambassadors were called early to audience, on the ninth of the month

Safar; the emperor having then come out from a retirement of eight days;

for it is his custom to retire every year for some days, during which he

eats no kind of victuals and abstains from going near his ladies, neither

does he, during all that time, see or converse with any one. In this

retirement, the emperor has no picture or idol of any of his gods; as

during this period, all his devotions are addressed solely to the GOD of

Heaven. On this occasion, the imperial elephants were all adorned in a

style of magnificence, which is quite inexpressible; many of them having

silver seats, like litters, on their backs, adorned with standards of seven

different colours, and the seats were filled with armed men; fifty of the

elephants carried the imperial musicians. This grand procession of

elephants was preceded, or followed, by at least 50,000 persons, who all

preserved the most exact order, and the most profound silence. In all this

pomp and splendour, the emperor was conducted from, the place of his

religious retirement to the female apartments of the palace. The court

astrologers had predicted that the palace of the emperor was this year to

suffer by fire, on which account, a solemnity, accompanied by splendid

fireworks and illuminations, was exhibited during seven days. On this

occasion, an artificial mount was erected in the middle of the imperial

court, covered all over with branches of cypress, and planted with 100,000

torches; by means of little artificial mice, made of bitumen or wild fire,

which ran along a number of ropes, fixed for the purpose, these torches

were all lighted up in a moment, forming a wonderful blaze of lights from

the bottom of the mountain to the top; and many other lights appeared all

over the city. During all the seven days of this festival, no criminals

were sought after; the emperor discharged all debtors under arrest for

debt, and set free all persons in prison for crimes, except murderers, and

he distributed large presents. All this was notified on the thirteenth of

the month Safer, by an imperial edict or proclamation, the emperor being

seated on his throne, in the grand _kiosk_, or pavilion of the first court,

surrounded by more than 100,000 persons; and in this edict, the emperor

notified that he would send no ambassadors to any country during three

years. After this edict had been read aloud by three officers of the court,

who stood on a bench before the emperor, it was conveyed down from the

pavilion into the court below, by means of rings fastened to yellow silk

cords; and, being reverently placed on a board with a golden border, it was

carried to the city, followed by music, and accompanied by a multitude of

the people. After the conclusion of this ceremony, the emperor left the

pavilion, and the ambassadors were feasted, as at other times.

On the first of the month Rabiya-al-awal, the ambassadors were again called

to court before the emperor, who had several Shankars[1] brought in, which

he said he meant to give to those who had presented him with good horses;

and at this time, he caused three to be given to each of the ambassadors of

the Mirza Ulug-Beg, Mirza Baysangar, and Sultan Shah-Rokh. Next day he sent

for them again; when, addressing himself to Arjak, the ambassador of Mirza

Siurgatmish, he said, "I have no Shankar to give you; and even if I had, I

should not give you any, lest it should be taken from you, as was done from

Ardeshir, a former ambassador from your, master." To this Arjak made

answer: "If your majesty will do me that honour, I will engage my word that

no person shall take it from me." To this the emperor replied: "On that

condition I will give you two, which I have ordered to be brought for that

purpose." On the eighth day of the month, the ambassadors of Soltan Shah,

and Bakshi Malek were sent for, to receive the Shankish, or imperial

present. The first received eight _balish_ of silver[2], thirty furred

imperial vestments, twenty-four under petticoats[3], two horses, one of

which was provided with furniture, 100 bundles of cane arrows, twenty-five

great porcelain vases, and 5000 ***[4]. Bakshi Malek had as much, bating

one balish of silver; the women belonging to the ambassadors had no silver

given them, but they each received half the quantity of stufis that had

been given to their lords. On the thirteenth of the same month, the

ambassadors were sent for to court, when the emperor said to them: "I am

going to hunt; take your shankars, therefore, which fly well, and divert

yourselves; but the horses you brought me are good for nothing." About this

time, the emperors son returned from the country of _Nemray_, and the

ambassadors went to pay their compliments to him in his particular court,

to the east of the imperial palace, where they found him seated in state,

amid his attendants, and having his table served in the same manner with

that of the emperor.

On the first of the month Rabiya-al-akher, the ambassadors received notice

to go to meet the emperor, who was then on his return from hunting; and, on

getting on horseback before day for that purpose, they found Mulana Kazi

Yusof waiting for them at the door of their hotel, in great dejection.

Inquiring the cause, he told them privately that the emperor had been

thrown in hunting from the horse they had presented him from Shah Rokh, and

had given orders that they should be carried in chains to certain cities in

the east of Kathay. The ambassadors were much afflicted at this news, and

continued their journey for about twenty miles to the emperors camp. At

this place, the Kathayans had in one night inclosed a plot of ground 500

paces square, with walls ten feet high. This wall was composed of earth,

hard pressed down between two planks, as in a mould, leaving two gates; and

the place whence the earth was dug, served for a ditch. There were strong

guards posted at both of the gates, and other soldiers posted along the

ditch. Within this outer inclosure, there were two others, each twenty-five

cubits high, formed of yellow satin, supported upon square posts and all

set round with tents of yellow satin. When the ambassadors were arrived

within 500 paces of the imperial quarters, Mulana. Cazi Yusof desired them

to alight, and wait for the emperor, while he went forwards to the

presence. The emperor was on the point of giving orders for having the

ambassadors arrested, when _Lidaji_ and _Jandaji_, officers named _Setalid_

and _Jik-fu_, in the Kathayan or Chinese language, who stood before the

emperor, and Kazi Yusof, fell prostrate before him, entreating him not to

proceed to that extremity, as it might have very bad consequences to put

them to death, and would give occasion for the world to say that the

emperor had violated the law of nations in the persons of these

ambassadors. The emperor at length yielded to their reasons and entreaties,

and Kazi Yusof went with great joy to let them know that they were

pardoned. The emperor even condescended to send them victuals; but, being

mixed with pork, they could not eat of it, on account of their religion.

Afterwards, the emperor approached, mounted on a great black horse, with

white feet, richly caparisoned with brocade housings, which had been sent

to him by Mirza Uleg Beg, and haying two attendants on each side at the

saddle-bow. He was dressed in a vest of rich gold brocade on a red ground,

and had his beard inclosed in a bag of black satin. The emperor marched

slowly forwards, followed by his women, who were carried by men in seven

covered litters, after whom came a large covered litter, carried by seventy

men. A body of horse marched in squadrons before the emperor, each squadron

twenty paces asunder, and the cavalcade reached all the way to the city.

The emperor rode in the middle, attended by ten Dajis, or governors of

provinces, and by the three lords who had so warmly pled in flavour of the

ambassadors. When the emperor drew near, Kazi Jusof, one of these friendly

lords, came up and ordered the ambassadors to prostrate themselves; and

when they had done so, the emperor ordered them to arise and mount their

horses, and to accompany him. Then turning to them, he thus addressed Shadi

Khoja, one of the ambassadors: "The presents, rarities, horses, and wild

beasts which are sent to me in future must be better chosen, in order to

preserve and increase the amity which I have for your princes. At the hunt,

I mounted the horse which you presented me; but he is so vicious, and I am

so old, that he threw me, by which I was wounded, and have received a

contusion on my head, which gave me great anguish; but by laying much gold

on the place, the pain is assuaged." Upon this, Shadi Khoja said, that it

was the horse on which the great Amir Timid Karkan[5] used to ride; and

that Shah Rokh, who kept him as a rarity, had sent him to the emperor, as

the most valuable horse in all his dominion. Being satisfied with this

apology, the emperor called for a shaker, which he let fly at a crane; but

on the bird returning, without seizing his prey, the emperor gave it three

strokes on the head. He then alighted from his horse, and sat down in a

chair, resting his feet on another, and gave a shaker to Soltan Shah, and

another to Soltan Ahmed, but none to Shadi Khoja. After this he mounted his

horse, and as he approached towards the city, was received by vast crowds

of people with a thousand acclamations.

On the fourth of the before named month, the ambassadors were brought to

court to receive their presents from the emperor; who was seated on his

throne, and caused tables to be set before him, on which the presents were

displayed. These were much of the same nature with those already mentioned,

which were given to Soltan Shah, and Bakshi Malek. Sometime afterwards, the

most beloved of the emperor's wives died, and her death was made public on

the eighth day of the month Jomada-al-awake, the next day being appointed

for her interment. The ladies belonging to the imperial family are buried,

on a certain mountain, on which all the horses that belonged to them are

turned out to graze at liberty for the rest of their lives. At the same

time, several maidens and Khojas of the palace, who had belonged to the

retinue of the deceased, are placed in attendance on the grave, having

provisions allowed them to subsist upon for live years, perhaps more; and

when their victuals are expended, they are permitted to die of famine. But

on the ensuing night, the new palace took fire, not without suspicion of

the astrologers haying a hand in it. By this misfortune, the principal

apartment, which was eighty cubits long, and thirty cubits broad, adorned

with pillars, painted blue, and richly varnished, so large that three men

could hardly grasp them, was entirely consumed. From thence, the flames

communicated to a kiosk or gallery of twenty fathoms, and to the apartment

of the ladies, which was still more magnificent. By this fire, 250 houses

were destroyed, and several men and women lost their lives[6]. The emperor

and his _Amirs_ did not consider that this chastisement fell upon them for

being infidels. On the contrary, the emperor went to an idol temple[7],

where he said on his knees, "The GOD of Heaven is angry with me, and

therefore hath burned my palace. Yet have I done no evil; for I have

neither offended my father nor my mother, nor can I be charged with the

exercise of any tyranny on my people."

The emperor was so deeply affected by these untoward circumstances, that he

fell sick, and the prince his son assumed the administration of the

government, and gave the ambassadors an audience of leave[8]; after which,

they received no farther subsistence from the court, till their departure.

They left Kham-balik on the fifteenth of the month Jomada-al-awal,

accompanied by certain dajis from the court; and they were lodged and

treated with all necessaries on their return, in the same manner as they

had been on their journey to court. They arrived on the first of Rajeb at

the city of _Nikian_[9], where the magistrates came out to meet them, but

did not search their baggage, as is customary there, as they had an express

order from the emperor to the contrary. On the day after their arrival at

that place, they were magnificently feasted. On the fifth of Shaaban,

thirty-five days afterwards, they reached the river Karamuran, Whang-ho, or

Hoang-ho; and on the twenty-fifth of that month arrived at Kamju[10], where

they had left their servants, and heavy baggage; where every thing that

they had committed to the custody of the Kathayan officers, when on their

journey to the capital, was faithfully restored. After remaining

seventy-five days in this place, they resumed their journey, and came soon

afterwards to Nang-tschieu, or Nang-chew[11]. At this place, or rather at

Sa-chew, they met with ambassadors from Ispahan and Shiras in Persia, on

their way to Khambalik, who told them that they had met with many

difficulties on their journey.

As the roads through the country of the Mongals were very unsafe, owing to

confusions and civil wars among the hordes, they remained ten months at

So-chew, whence they set out at full moon in the month of Moharram, of the

year 825 of the Hegira[12], and came in a few days to the Karaul at the

pass leading into the desert, where their baggage was searched. Leaving

this place on the nineteenth of Moharram, on purpose to avoid the obstacles

and dangers they were likely to encounter, on account of intestine war

among the tribes of the Mongals, they took the road through the desert[13],

where they suffered much distress on account of the scarcity of water. They

got out from the desert on the sixteenth of Rabiya-al-awal, and arrived at

the city of Khoten[14] on the ninth of Jomada-al-akher. Continuing their

journey from thence, they came to the city of Kashgar[15] on the sixth of

Rajeb. On the twenty-first of the same month, the ambassadors separated a

little way beyond the city of Endkoien[16], some taking the road towards

Samarkand, and the rest directing their way for Badakshan. Those of Shah

Rokh arrived at the castle of Shadman on the twenty-first of Shaaban; at

Balkh on the first of Ramazan; and on the tenth of that month at Herat, the

residence of their sovereign.

[1] Shankars, Shonkers, or Shongars, are birds of prey, famous among the

Tartars, and may probably have been the most esteemed species of

falcon, and which are said to have been white.--Astl.

[2] These silver _balishes_ seem to have come in place of the paper money

of the emperors of the race of Zingis, formerly mentioned; but its

value is nowhere described.--E.

[3] This surely must be an error for under garments--E.

[4] In Forsters account of these travels, the blank in the text is filled

up with Dzjau, or Tzjau; which he supposes to have been tea, and that

the numbers refer to certain Chinese weights or packages of that

commodity. Forster adds, that small pieces of tin were given to the

ambassadors, to some twenty-four, and to others as far as seventy

pieces; and he says that Witsen left many of the articles enumerated

in the original untranslated, as not understanding the terms.--Forst.

[5] This is the famous Timur-Beg, or Tamerlane the Great.--Astl.

[6] In the abstract of these travels, as given by Forster, this fire is

said to have been caused by lightning.--E.

[7] It is to be remarked, that the author of these travels was a Mahometan.

The circumstances of the idol temple, says the editor of Astleys

Collection, seems malicious; as, in his opinion, there are no images

in the imperial temples of Pe-king. I suspect the editor is mistaken;

for however strongly the philosophical sect of Confucius may be

convinced of the absurdity of idolatry, the religion of Fo is as

grossly idolatrous as any on the face of the earth; and it is to be

noticed, that the dynasty then reigning in China was native.--E.

[8] The emperor died in the same year; but after the departure of the

ambassadors.--Astl.

[9] No such name can be found among the cities of Pe-che-li or Shan-si

--Astl.

In the abstract given by Forster, this place is called Sekan or

Segaan; named in the maps Sigan-fou, or more properly Si-Ngan-Fou.--E.

[10] Or Kan-chew, in the province of Shen-si; otherwise called Kam-tsiu, or

Kan-tcheou, on the river Etchine.--Forst.

[11] This name is probably erroneously substituted for Sou-chew; as that is

the regular station for retracing their former journey, which the text

distinctly indicates to have been the case hitherto.--E.

[12] This month began on Thursday the twenty-fifth December, 1421.--Astl.

According to Forster, they recommenced their journey in the month of

January, 1421.--E.

[13] Probably taking their route by the lake of Lop, to the south of Little

Bucharia.--Astl.

[14] Called likewise Koton, Khateen, and Hotam, in Little Bucharia, or

Eastern Turkistan.--E.

[15] Named likewise Khasiger, Kashar, Cashgar, and Hasiker.--Forst.

[16] Probably the same with Anghein, on the river Sir.--Astl.

In Forsters abstract, this place is called Andigan, and the names of

Andischdan and Dedschan are said to be synonymous.--E.

CHAP. XVIII.

_Voyage and Travels of Pietro Quirini into Norway, in 1431_.[1]

INTRODUCTION.

Pietro Quirini, a Venetian nobleman, was a merchant and master of a ship

belonging to the island of Candia, which at that time was in the possession

of the Venetian republic. With a view both to fame and profit, he undertook

in 1431 a voyage from Candia to Flanders; and towards the end of autumn of

that year suffered shipwreck on the coast of Norway, not far from the

island of Rost. He wintered in that island, and in the following summer,

1432, travelled through Drontheim to Wadstena, in Sweden, and from thence

returned to Venice that year. He has himself given an account of his

adventures, and two of his companions, Christopho Fioravente and Nicolo di

Michiel, did the same. Both of these journals are to be found in the

collection of Ramusio; and extracts have been published from them by

Hieronimus Megiserus, in a work entitled, Septentrio Novantiquus, printed

in 8vo, at Leipsic in 1613.--Forst.

[1] Forster, Voy. and Disc. in the North, p. 209.

SECTION I.

_Voyage and Shipwreck of Quirini_.

On the 25th of April 1431, Pietro Quirini set sail from Candia, steering

westwards to the straits of Gibraltar; but, owing to contrary winds, he was

obliged to keep near the coast of Barbary. On the 2d of June, he passed the

straits, and, through the ignorance of the pilot, the ship got upon the

shoals of St Peter, in consequence of which accident the rudder was thrown

off the hinges, and the ship admitted water in three several places;

insomuch that it was with great difficulty they could save the vessel from

sinking, and get her into Cadiz. The vessel was here unloaded; and, having

given her a thorough repair, the lading was again put on board in

twenty-five days after their arrival. Having learned in the meantime that

the republic of Venice had entered into a war with Genoa, he thought proper

to augment the number of his men, so that his crew in all amounted to

sixty-eight. He set sail again on the 14th of July, and endeavoured to bear

up for Cape St Vincent; but, owing to a strong north-east wind, which on

that coast is called _Agione_, he was forced to beat up to windward

forty-five days at a great distance from land, and was driven into

dangerous and unknown seas near the Canary islands. When at length their

stock of provisions was nearly exhausted, they got a fair wind from the

south-west, and directed their course towards the north-east; and the iron

work about their rudder giving way, they mended it up as well as they

could, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the 25th of August.

Having here carefully repaired the iron work of their rudder, and taken in

a fresh stock of provisions, they again set sail on the 14th of September;

and were a second time baffled by contrary winds, insomuch that they had to

put in at the port of Mures in Spain, whence Quirini went with thirteen of

his crew to perform his devotions at the shrine of St Jago di Compostella.

They returned from thence with all speed, and again set sail with a fair

wind at south-west, and kept at the distance of 200 miles from the land, in

hopes the wind might continue. But on the 5th November the wind shifting to

the east and south-east, prevented them from entering the English channel,

and forced them beyond the Scilly islands. The wind now again increased in

violence, and on the 10th November carried the rudder a second time from

its hinges. They slung it by means of ropes to the quarters of the ship,

but it soon broke loose, and was dragged after the ship for three days,

when, by exerting their utmost efforts, it was again made fast. The vessel

now drove continually farther from land; and as the crew consumed the

victuals and drink without bounds or moderation, two or three of the men

were appointed to guard the provisions, with orders to distribute regular

shares to each person on board twice a day, Quirini himself not excepted.

As a substitute for their disabled rudder, they constructed, by the advice

of the carpenter, out of some spare masts and yards, two rudders with

triangular boarded ends, in order to steady the course of the vessel. These

being properly fastened proved highly serviceable, and inspired them with

fresh hopes of safety; but, by the extreme violence of the winds and waves,

this their last refuge was torn away. On the 26th of November the storm

increased to such extreme violence, that they expected every moment to

founder, and had no doubt this was to have proved the last day of their

lives. By degrees, indeed, the storm abated; but they were driven out to

sea to the W.N.W., and the sails, from being perpetually fatigued by the

rain and wind, were now torn to shivers; and though they put up new ones,

they were soon likewise destroyed. The ship now drove without either sails

or rudder, at the mercy of the winds and waves, and was filled by the sea

which continually beat over it; insomuch that the crew, worn out with

constant labour, anxiety, and watching, were scarcely able to keep the

water under. On heaving the lead they found water at 80 fathoms; on which

they spliced all their four cables on end, and rode at anchor for the space

of forty hours; when one of die crew, terrified at the dreadful working of

the ship occasioned by the winds and waves, cut the cable at the

forecastle, and the ship now drove about as before. On the 4th December,

four large waves broke in succession over their ill-fated vessel, and

filled it so full of water that it seemed just ready to sink. By exerting

their utmost strength and resolution, the crew baled the water out, though

it reached to their waists, and at length succeeded in emptying the vessel

entirely. On the 7th, the tempest increased with such violence, that the

sea flowed into the ship uninterruptedly from the windward, and their

speedy destruction seemed quite inevitable; so that they were now of

opinion their only chance of safety was by cutting away the mainmast, which

might lighten the ship. This was done therefore immediately; and a large

wave fortunately carried the mast and yard clear away, by which the ship

worked with considerably less strain and violence. The wind and waves too,

now became less violent, and they again baled out the water. But now the

mast was gone, the ship would no longer keep upright, and lay quite over on

one side, so that the water ran into her in torrents; and the people, being

quite exhausted with labour and want of food, had not strength remaining to

clear out the water.

In this desperate situation, expecting every moment that the vessel would

sink or go to pieces, they came to the resolution of endeavouring to save

themselves in the boats, of which the larger held only forty-seven men, and

the smaller twenty-one. Quirini had the choice of either of the boats, and

at last went with his servants, into the larger boat, in which the officers

had embarked. They took with them a stock of provisions; and on the 17th

December, the winds and waves having somewhat moderated, they quitted their

unfortunate ship. Among other costly articles of commerce, the ship was

laden with 800 casks of Malmsey wine, and a great quantity of sweet-scented

Cyprus wood, with pepper and ginger. On the following night, the small boat

in which twenty-one of the crew were embarked, was separated from them by

the violence of the storm, and they never heard of her more. Those in the

larger boat were obliged to throw overboard most of their stock of wine and

provisions, and all their clothes except those they had on, in order if

possible to lighten her a little. As the weather proved fair for some time,

they steered to the eastwards, in hopes of getting as they thought to

Iceland; but the wind again chopping about, drove them about at its will,

and they were quite ignorant whereabouts they were.

Their liquor now began to fail, and many of the people being quite

exhausted with incessant labour, long watchings, and the other hardships

they had undergone, and through scarcity of provisions, a great number of

them died. So great particularly was the scarcity of drink, that the

allowance for each man was only a fourth part of a moderate cupful once in

twenty-four hours. They were better provided with salted meat, cheese, and

biscuit; but this dry and salt food excited an intolerable thirst, which

they had no means to quench; in consequence of which some of them died

suddenly, and without having exhibited any previous symptoms of illness;

and it was particularly observed, that those were first carried off who had

formerly lived in the most intemperate manner, and had given themselves up

to drunkenness, or had continually indulged themselves in hovering over the

fire. Though these had the external appearance of being strong and healthy,

they were least able to endure the hardships they had now to suffer, and

two or three of them used to die in a day. This mortality prevailed for ten

days, from the 19th to the 29th of December. On the 29th the last remainder

of the wine was served out, and every one resigned himself to meet death,

which seemed at hand. Some of the people, urged by raging thirst, drank sea

water, which evidently hastened their dissolution. Others had recourse to

their own urine, and this nauseous beverage, joined to the precaution of

eating as little salt provision as possible, contributed most of all to the

preservation of their lives.

For the space of five days they continued in this dreadful situation,

sailing all the time to the north-eastward. At length on the 4th of

January, one of the people who sat in the bow of the boat, descried

somewhat to leeward which he conceived to be the shadow of land, and

immediately informed the crew of his discovery in an anxious voice. All

eyes were now eagerly directed to this object, and as day broke they saw

with extreme joy that it really was the land. The sight of this welcome

object inspired them with fresh vigour, and they now plied their oars in

order to arrive the sooner at the shore; but on account of its great

distance, as well as the shortness of the day, which was only two hours

long, they were unable to accomplish this desire. Besides, they were now so

weak as to be unable to make use of their oars for any length of time; and

as night soon overtook them, and was of long continuance, it seemed to men

in their forlorn state as if it would never end. When the next day broke,

they could no longer discern the land which they had seen the day before;

but they discovered another mountainous country very near them and to

leeward. That they might not lose the way to this during the ensuing night,

they took its bearings by the compass, and hoisting sail with a fair wind

they reached it about four o'clock in the evening. On approaching the

shore, they observed that it was surrounded by many shallows, as they

distinctly heard the sea breaking over these; but they gave themselves up

to the guidance of providence, and at one time the boat grounded on a

shoal, but a vast wave came and floated them over, and at the same time

carried them safely to land upon a shelving rock, which was now their great

security, as the spot was encompassed on every side with rugged projecting

rocks, and they could not possibly have got on shore in any other place.

Here therefore they ran their boat on shore; and those who were on the bows

leaped directly on the coast, which they found entirely covered with snow,

which they swallowed in immense quantities, filling their parched and

burning stomachs and bowels. They likewise filled a kettle and pitcher for

those who from weakness remained in the boat; and Quirini alleges, that he

swallowed as much snow as he would have found it difficult to have carried

on his back, all his happiness and welfare seeming to depend upon the

quantity of it he could swallow. This extravagant quantity of snow agreed

so ill with some of the people, that five of them died that night; though

their deaths were attributed to the sea water which they had previously

drank.

SECTION II.

_Preservation of Quirini on the Coast of Norway, and Residence In the Isle

of Rostoe_.

As they had no rope with, which to make fast their boat to the shore and

prevent it from being dashed to pieces, they remained in it the whole

night. Next day at dawn, sixteen weak, miserable and exhausted wretches,

the sad remains of forty-seven who had originally taken refuge in the large

boat, went on shore and laid themselves down in the snow. Hunger, however,

soon obliged them to examine if there might not remain some of the

provisions which they had brought with them from the ship: All they found

was a very small ham, an inconsiderable remnant of cheese, and some biscuit

dust in a bag, mixed with the dung of mice. These they warmed by means of a

small fire, which they made of the boat seats, and in some measure appeased

their hunger. On the following day, having convinced themselves beyond

doubt that the rock on which they then were was quite desert and

uninhabited, they resolved to quit it in hopes of being able to reach some

inhabited island, or part of the adjacent coast of Norway; but, after

filling five small casks with snow water, and getting into the boat to put

their resolution into execution, the water ran in torrents through all the

seams, and the boat went to the bottom immediately, so that they were

forced to get on shore again quite drenched in the sea. During the whole of

the preceding long night, the boat had been beating against the rock, which

had loosened its planks and opened all the seams. Despairing now of any

relief, as they were utterly destitute of any means to repair their boat,

they constructed two small tents of their oars and sails, to shelter

themselves from the weather, and hewed the materials of their boat in

pieces to make a fire to warm themselves. The only food they were able to

procure consisted in a few muscles and other shell-fish, which they picked

up along the shore. Thirteen of the company were lodged in one of the

tents, and three in the other. The smoke of the wet wood caused their faces

and eyes to swell so much that they were afraid of becoming totally blind;

and, what added prodigiously to their sufferings, they were almost devoured

by lice and maggots, which they threw by handfuls into the fire. The

secretary of Quirini had the flesh on his neck eaten bare to the sinews by

these vermin, and died in consequence; besides him, three Spaniards of a

robust frame of body likewise died, who probably lost their lives in

consequence of having drank sea water while in the boat; and so weak were

the thirteen who still remained alive, that during three days they were

unable to drag away the dead bodies from the fire side.

Eleven days after landing on this rock or uninhabited island, Quirini's

servant, having extended his search for shellfish, their only food, quite

to the farthest point of the island, found a small wooden house, both in

and around which he observed some cow-dung. From this circumstance the

forlorn people concluded that there were men and cattle at no great

distance, which inspired them with, fresh hopes of relief, and revived

their drooping spirits. This house afforded them abundant room and good

shelter; and all, except three or four, who were too weak to be able for

the fatigue of removing to such a distance, changed their abode to this

hut, crawling with great difficulty through the deep snow, the distance

being about a mile and a half, and they took with them as much as they were

able of the ruins of their boat, to serve them for fire-wood. Two days

after this, while going along the shore in search of the usual supply of

shell-fish, one of the company found a very large fish quite recently cast

up by the sea, which appeared to weigh about two hundred pounds, and was

quite sweet and fresh. This most providential supply they cut into thin

slices and carried to their dwelling, where they immediately set to work to

broil and boil it; but so great was their famine, and so tempting its

smell, that they had not patience to wait till it was thoroughly dressed,

but devoured it eagerly half raw. They continued to gorge themselves with

this fish almost without intermission for four days; but at length the

evident and rapid decrease of this stock of food taught them more prudent

economy, and by using it sparingly in future it lasted them ten days more.

Those who staid behind in one of the tents near the place of their first

landing, sent one of their number to see what had become of the rest; and,

when he had been refreshed with some of the fish, he carried a portion to

his two companions, and the whole survivors were soon afterwards

reassembled in the wooden hut. During the whole time that they subsisted

upon the providentially found fish, the weather was so exceedingly

tempestuous that they certainly would not have been able to have looked out

for shellfish, and they must inevitably have perished of famine.

Having made an end of the large fish, which seems to have lasted them for

fourteen days, they were obliged to have recourse again to the precarious

employment of gathering shellfish along the shore for their subsistence.

About eight miles from the rock upon which they now were, which Fioravente

informs us was called _Santi_, or Sand-ey by the natives, there was another

isle named _Rustene_[1], which was inhabited by several families of

fishers. It happened that a man and two of his sons came over from Rost to

Sandey to look after some cattle which were amissing. Observing the smoke

from the hut in which Quirini and his wretched companions had taken

shelter, curiosity led them to examine the hut. On their approach, their

voices were heard by the people within the hut; but they believed it to be

only the screaming of the sea-fowl who devoured the bodies of their

deceased companions. Christopher Fioravente, however, went out to examine

whence the unusual sound proceeded; and espying the two youths, he ran back

in haste, calling aloud to his companions that two men were come to seek

them. Upon this the whole company ran out immediately to meet the lads, who

on their parts were terrified at the sight of so many poor famished

wretches. These latter debated for some time among themselves whether they

should not detain one of their visitors, with the view of making themselves

more certain to procure assistance; but Quirini dissuaded them from this

projected violence. They all accompanied the youths to the boat, and

entreated the father and sons to take two of their people along with them

to their habitations, in order the sooner to procure them assistance from

thence. For this purpose they chose one Gerrard of Lyons, who had been

purser of the ship, and one Cola a mariner of Otranto, as these men could

speak French and a little German.

The boat with the fishermen, and the two men who had been deputed to seek

assistance, went over to Rostoe on Friday the 31st. of January 1432. On

their landing, the inhabitants were much astonished at their appearance,

but were not able to understand them, though the strangers addressed them

in different languages; till at last one of the strangers began to speak a

little German with a German priest of the order of friars predicant who

lived there, and informed him who they were and whence they came. On Sunday

the 2d February, which happened to be the festival of the purification of

the blessed Virgin, the priest admonished all the people of Rostoe to

assist the unhappy strangers to the utmost of their power, at the same time

representing the hardships and dangers they had undergone, and pointing to

the two famished wretches then present. Many of the congregation were

softened even to tears at the recital, and a resolution was formed to bring

away the miserable survivors as soon as possible, which they accomplished

next day. In the mean time, those who remained behind at Sandey considered

the absence of their companions as extremely long; and what with hunger,

cold and anxiety, they were almost dead. Their joy may be more easily

conceived than expressed, when they perceived six boats approaching to

their relief. On landing, the Dominican priest inquired which of them was

the captain of the unhappy crew; and when Quirini made himself known as

such, the priest presented him with some rye bread and some beer, which he

looked upon as manna sent from heaven. After this the priest took him by

the hand, and desired him to choose two of his companions to accompany him;

and Quirini pitched upon Francis Quirini of Candia, and Christopher

Fioravente a Venetian, all three embarking in the boat of the principal man

of Rostoe along with the priest. The rest of the company were distributed

in the other five boats; and these good Samaritans went even to the tents

where these unfortunates had first dwelt, taking away with them the only

survivor of the three men who had staid behind from weakness, and buried

the other two; but the poor invalid died next day.

On the arrival of the boats at Rostoe, Quirini was quartered with the

principal person of the island: This man's son led him to his father's

dwelling, as his debility was so great he was unable to walk without

assistance. The mistress of the house and her maid came forwards to meet

him, when he would have fallen at her feet; but she would not permit him,

and immediately got him a bason of milk from the house, to comfort him and

restore his strength. During three months and a half that Quirini dwelt in

this house, he experienced the greatest friendship and humanity from the

owners; while in return he endeavoured by complaisance to acquire the good

will of his kind hosts, and to requite their benevolence. The other

partners of his misfortunes were distributed among the other houses of the

place, and were all taken good care of.

The rocky isle of Rost, or Rostoe, lies 70 Italian miles to the westwards

of the southern promontory of Norway, which in their language they call the

worlds backside, and is three miles in circumference[2]. This rocky isle

was inhabited at this time by 120 souls, of whom 72 received the holy

communion on Easter-day like good catholics. They get their livelihood and

maintain their families entirely by fishing, as no corn of any kind grows

in this very remote part of the world. From the 20th of November to the

20th of February, the nights were twenty-one hours long; and on the

contrary, from the 20th of May to the 20th of August the sun is either

always seen, or at least the light which proceeds from it. Thus during

June, July and August, they may be said to have one continued day of three

months; while in the opposite months of winter they have one almost

continued night. During the whole year they catch an incredible quantity of

fish; which, however, are almost solely of two kinds. One of these they

catch in prodigious quantities in the great bays, which they call

_stockfish_[3]. The other, called Halibut, is a kind of flat fish of an

astonishing size, for one of them was found to weigh near two hundred

pounds. The stockfish are dried without being salted, in the sun and air;

and, as they have little fat or moisture, they grow as dry as wood. When

they are to be prepared for eating, they arc beaten very hard with the back

part of a hatchet, by which they are divided into filaments like nerves;

after which they are boiled, and dressed with butter and spices to give

them a relish. The people of this country carry on a considerable trade

with these dried stockfish into Germany. The halibuts, are cut into pieces

on account of their great size, and are then salted; in which state they

are very good eating. With these two kinds of fish the people of Rostoe

load every year a ship of about 50 tons burthen, which they send to Bergen,

a place in Norway, about a thousand miles from their island; and from

whence a great number of ships of 300 or 330 tons burthen, carry all the

produce of the fisheries of different parts of Norway into Germany,

England, Scotland, and Prussia, where they are exchanged against the

produce of these countries, particularly for every necessary article of

food, drink and clothing, as their own country is so extremely barren and

unfruitful, that they cannot raise these things for themselves.

Thus, most of their traffic being carried on by means of barter, they have

little money among them, nor is it very necessary. When these exchanges

have been made at Bergen, the vessel returns to Rostoe, landing in one

other place only, whence they carry wood sufficient for a whole year's

fuel, and for other necessary purposes.

The inhabitants of these rocks are a well-looking people, and of pure

morals. Not being in the least afraid of robbery, they never lock up any

thing, and their doors are always open. Their women also are not watched in

the smallest degree; for the guests sleep in the same room with the

husbands and their wives and daughters; who even stripped themselves quite

naked in presence of the strangers before going to bed; and the beds

allotted for the foreigners stood close to those in which their sons and

daughters slept. Every other day the fathers and sons went out a fishing by

day-break, and were absent for eight hours together, without being under

the least anxiety for the honour and chastity of their wives and

daughters[4]. In the beginning of May, the women usually begin to bathe;

and custom and purity of morals has made it a law among them, that they

should first strip themselves quite naked at home, and they then go to the

bath at the distance of a bow-shot from the house. In their right hands

they carry a bundle of herbs to wipe the moisture from their backs, and

extend their left hands before them, as if to cover the parts of shame,

though they do not seem to take much pains about the matter. In the bath

they are seen promiscuously with the men[5]. They have no notion of

fornication or adultery; neither do they marry from sensual motives, but

merely to conform to the divine command. They also abstain from cursing and

swearing. At the death of relations, they shew the greatest resignation to

the will of God, and even give thanks in the churches for having spared

their friends so long, and in now calling them to be partakers of the

bounty of heaven. They shew so little extravagance of grief and lamentation

on these occasions, that it appeared as if the deceased had only fallen

into a sweet sleep. If the deceased was married, the widow prepares a

sumptuous banquet for the neighbours on the day of burial; when she and her

guests appear in their best attire, and she entreats her guests to eat

heartily, and to drink to the memory of the deceased, and to his eternal

repose and happiness. They went regularly to church, where they prayed very

devoutly on their knees, and they kept the fast days with great strictness.

Their houses are built of wood, in a round form, having a hole in the

middle of the roof for the admission of light; and which hole they cover

over in winter with a transparent fish skin, on account of the severity of

the cold. Their clothes are made of coarse cloth, manufactured at London,

and elsewhere. They wore furs but seldom; and in order to inure themselves

to the coldness of their climate, they expose their new born infants, the

fourth day after birth, naked under the sky-light, which they then open to

allow the snow to fall upon them; for it snowed almost continually during

the whole winter that Quirini and his people were there, from the 5th of

February to the 14th of May. In consequence of this treatment, the boys are

so inured to the cold, and become so hardy, that they do not mind it in the

least.

The isle of Rostoe is frequented by a great number of white sea-fowl called

_Muris_ [6] in the language of the country. These birds are fond of living

hear mankind, and are as tame and familiar as common pigeons. They make an

incessant noise; and in summer, when it is almost one continued day for

three months, they are only silent for about four hours in the twenty-four,

and this silence serves to warn the inhabitants of the proper time of going

to rest. In the early part of the spring, there arrived an amazing quantity

of wild geese, which made their nests on the island, and even sometimes

close to the walls of the houses. These birds are so very tame, that when

the mistress of the house goes to take some eggs from the nest, the goose

walks slowly away, and waits patiently till the woman has taken what she

wants; and when the woman goes away, the goose immediately returns to her

nest.

In the month of May, the inhabitants of Rostoe began to prepare for their

voyage to Bergen, and were willing also to take the strangers along with

them. Some days before their departure, the intelligence of their being at

Rostoe reached the wife of the governor over all these islands; and, her

husband being absent, she sent her chaplain to Quirini with a present of

sixty stockfish, three large flat loaves of rye-bread and a cake: And at

the same time desired him to be informed, that she was told the islanders

had not used them well, and if he would say in what point they had been

wronged, instant satisfaction should be afforded; it was also strongly

recommended by that lady to the inhabitants, to give them good treatment,

and to take them over to Bergen along with themselves. The strangers

returned their sincere thanks to the lady for the interest she took in

their welfare, and gave their full testimony, not only to the innocence of

their hosts in regard to what had been alleged, but spoke of the kind

reception they had experienced in the highest terms. As Quirini still had

remaining a rosary of amber beads which he had brought from St Jago in

Gallicia, he took the liberty of sending them to this lady, and requested

her to use them in praying to God for their safe return into their own

country.

When the time of their departure was come, the people of Rostoe, by the

advice of their priest, forced them to pay two crowns for each month of

their residence or seven crowns each; and as they had not sufficient cash

for this purpose, they gave, besides money, six silver cups, six forks, and

six spoons, with some other articles of small value, which they had saved

from the wreck, as girdles and rings. The greater part of these things fell

into the hands of the rascally priest; who, that nothing might be left to

them of this unfortunate voyage, did not scruple to exact these as his due

for having acted as their interpreter. On the day of their departure, all

the inhabitants of Rostoe made them presents of fish; and on taking leave,

both the inhabitants and the strangers shed tears. The priest, however,

accompanied them to Bergen, to pay a visit to his archbishop, and to give

him a part of the booty.

[1] Rost, or Rostoy.--Forst.

[2] The small island of _Rust_ probably the one in question, is the

south-westernmost of the Loffoden isles of Norway, in lat. 67°. 80 N.

long. 11°. E. and is about 80 statute miles from the nearest land of

the continent of Norway to the east. The rest of the Loffoden islands

are of considerable size, and are divided from Norway by the

Westfiord, which grows considerably narrower as it advances to the

north-east.--E.

[3] The Cod or Gadus Morrhua, is termed stock-fish when dried without

salt.--E.

[4] This must have appeared a most wonderful reliance upon female chastity,

in the opinion of jealous Italians, unaccustomed to the pure morals of

the north.--E.

[5] This custom of promiscuous bathing is very ancient, and existed among

the Romans, from whom it was learnt by the Greeks, but gave rise to

such shameful lewdness, that it was prohibited by Hadrian and

Antoninus. This law seems to have fallen into oblivion, as even the

Christians in after times fell into the practice, and gave occasion to

many decrees of councils and synods for its prohibition; yet with

little effect, as even priests and monks bathed promiscuously along

with the women. Justinian, in his 117th novel, among the lawful causes

of divorce, mentions a married woman bathing along with men, unless

with the permission of her husband. Russia probably adopted bathing

from Constantinople along with Christianity, and in that country

promiscuous bathing still continues; and they likewise use a bundle of

herbs or rods, as mentioned in the text, for rubbing their bodies.

--Forst.

Norway certainly did not learn the practice of bathing either from

Rome or Constantinople. Some learned men are never content unless they

can deduce the most ordinary practices from classical authority, as in

the above note by Mr Forster.--E.

[6] The Norwegians call this species of sea fowl _Maase_; which is probably

the Larus Candidus; a new species, named in the voyage of Captain

Phipps, afterwards Lord Mulgrave, _Larus eburneus_, from being

perfectly white. By John Muller, plate xii. it is named _Lams albus_;

and seems to be the same called _Raths kerr_, in Martens Spitzbergen,

and _Wald Maase_, in Leoms Lapland. The Greenlanders call it

_Vagavarsuk_. It is a very bold bird, and only inhabits the high

northern latitudes, in Finmark, Norway, Iceland, Greenland, and

Spitzbergen. This _Maase_, or sea-gull, is probably the white _Muxis_

of the text.--Forst.

SECTION III.

_Voyage from Rostoe to Drontheim, and journey thence into Sweden_.

At their departure from Rostoe, the season was so far advanced, being now

the end of May, that during this voyage they saw the image of the sun for

forty-eight hours above the horizon; but as they sailed farther to the

south, they lost the sun for one hour, though it continued broad day the

whole time. Their whole course lay between rocks, and they perceived here

and there, near the projecting points of land, the marks of deep navigable

waters, which intersected the coast. Many of these rocks were inhabited,

and they were received very hospitably by the inhabitants, who freely gave

them meat and drink, and would accept of no recompense. The sea-fowl,

which, when awake, are always loud and noisy, they found had built their

nests in all the rocks past which they now sailed, and the silence of these

birds was a signal for them likewise to go to rest.

In the course of their voyage, they met the bishop of Drontheim; who, with

two gallies, and attended by 200 people, was making the tour of his

diocese, which extends over all these countries and islands. They were

presented to this prelate, who, being informed of their rank, country, and

misfortunes, expressed great compassion for them; and gave them a letter of

recommendation for his episcopal residence at Drontheim, where St Olave,

one of the kings of Norway, was buried. This letter procured them a kind

reception at this place. As the king of Norway happened at this time to be

at war with the Germans, the host of Quirini, who was likewise master of

the vessel, refused to sail any further; but landing them at a small

inhabited island near Drontheim, recommended them to the care of the

inhabitants, and immediately returned home. On the next day, which was

Ascension day, they were conducted to Drontheim, and went into the church

of St Olave, which was handsomely ornamented, and where they found the

lord-lieutenant with a great number of the inhabitants. After hearing mass,

they were conducted before the lord-lieutenant, who asked Quirini if he

spoke Latin? and being informed by him that he did, invited him and all his

attendants to his table, to which they were conducted by a canon. They were

afterwards taken, by the same canon, to good and comfortable lodgings, and

were amply provided with all kinds of necessaries.

As Quirini wished for nothing more than to return to his own country, he

desired therefore advice and assistance to enable him to travel either by

the way of Germany or England. That they might avoid travelling too much by

sea, which was not safe on account of the war, they were advised to apply

to their countryman, _Giovanne Franco_, who had been knighted by the king

of Denmark, and who resided at his castle of Stichimborg, or Stegeborg, in

east Gothland, in the kingdom of Sweden, at the distance of fifty days

journey from Drontheim. Eight days after their arrival in Drontheim, the

lord-lieutenant gave them two horses and a guide to conduct them to

Stegeborg; and as Quirini had presented him with his share of the

stockfish, a silver seal, and a silver girdle, he received in return a hat,

a pair of boots and spurs, a leathern cloak-bag, a small axe, with the

image of St Olave, and the lieutenants coat of arms engraved on it, a

packet of herrings, some bread, and four Rhenish guilders. Besides the two

horses from the lieutenant, they received a third horse from the bishop;

and, being now twelve in number, they set out together on their journey,

with their guide and three horses. They travelled on for the space of

fifty-three days, chiefly to the south or S.S.E., and frequently met with

such miserable inns on the road, that they could not even procure bread at

them. In some places they were reduced to such shifts, that the wretched

inhabitants grinded the bark of trees, and made this substance into cakes

with milk and butter, as a substitute for bread. Besides this they had

milk, butter, and cheese given them, and whey for drink. Sometimes they met

with better inns, where they could procure meat and beer. They met with a

kind and hearty welcome, and most hospitable reception wherever they went.

There are but few dwellings in Norway, and they often arrived at the places

where they were to stop in the night, or time of repose, though broad

daylight. On these occasions, their guide, knowing the customs of the

country, opened the door of the house without ceremony, in which they found

a table surrounded by benches covered with leathern cushions, stuffed with

feathers, which served them for mattresses. As nothing was locked up, they

took such victuals as they could find, and then went to rest. Sometimes the

masters of the houses in which they stopt would come in and find them

asleep, and be much amazed till the guide acquainted them with their story,

on which their astonishment became mingled with compassion, and they would

give the travellers every thing necessary without taking any remuneration;

by which means these twelve persons, with the three horses, did not spend

more than the four guilders they had received at Drontheim, during their

journey of fifty-three days.

On the road they met with horrid barren mountains and vallies, and with a

great number of animals like roes[1], besides abundance of fowls, such as

hasel-hens, and heath-cocks, which were as white as snow, and pheasants the

size of a goose[2]. In St Olave's church at Drontheim, they saw the skin of

a white bear, which was fourteen feet and a half long; and they observed

other birds, such as gerfalcons, goss-hawks[3], and several other kinds of

hawks, to be much whiter than in other places, on account of the coldness

of the country.

Four days before they reached Stegeborg, they came to a town called

Wadstena, in which St Bridget was born, and where she had founded a

nunnery, together with chaplains of the same order. At this place the

northern kings and princes have built a most magnificent church covered

with copper, in which they counted sixty-two altars. The nuns and chaplains

received the strangers with great kindness; and, after resting two days,

they set out to wait on the chevalier Giovanne Franco, who relieved them in

a manner that did honour to his generosity, and did every thing in his

power to comfort them in their distressed situation. A fortnight after

their arrival at his residence, a plenary indulgence was given at the

church of St Bridget, in Wadstena, to which people from Denmark, Norway,

and Sweden, and even from Germany, Holland, and Scotland, came to partake;

some of whom came from a distance of more than 600 miles. They went to the

indulgence at Wadstena along with Giovanne Franco, in order to inquire if

there were any ships bound for Germany or England, there being always a

great concourse of people on such occasions. The chevalier was five days on

the road, and had more than 100 horses in his train. At Wadstena they took

leave of their beneficent countryman, who furnished them amply with money

and clothes for their journey, and ordered his son Matthew, a very amiable

young man, to accompany them eight days journey on their way to Lodese, on

the river Gotha; and where he lodged them in his own house for some time,

till the ship in which they were to embark was ready to sail The chevalier

Franco lent them his own horses all the way from his castle of Stegeborg;

and, as Quirini was ill of a fever, he mounted him on a horse which had a

wonderfully easy pace.

From Lodese, three of Quirini's crew went home in a vessel bound for

Rostock, and eight of them accompanied him to England, where they came to

their friends in London, by way of Ely and Cambridge. After residing two

months at London, they took shipping thence for Germany; and, travelling

thence by way of Basil, in Switzerland, they arrived, after a journey of

twenty-four days, in safety and good health at Venice.

[1] The Rein-deer, Cervus tarandus, Lin.--Forst.

[2] Probably the Tetrao lagopus, Lin.--Forst.

[3] Falco Gyrfalcus, and Falco astur.--Forst.

CHAP. XIX.

_Travels of Josaphat Barbaro, Ambassador from Venice to Tanna, now called

Asof, in 1436_[1].

INTRODUCTION.

Josaphat Barbaro, a Venetian, was sent, in the year 1436, by the republic

of Venice, as ambassador to Tanna, now called Asof, which at that time was

in the hands of the Genoese. This relation was printed in a small and

scarce collection at the Aldus press in Venice, by Antonio Minutio in 1543,

and was afterwards inserted in the collection of Giovanne Baptista Ramusio.

The following is an abstract of that journey. He went afterwards into

Persia in 1471, as ambassador to Ussum Hassan, or Assambei, a Turkomanian

prince of the white weather tribe, and was sixteen years among the Tartars;

and on his return to his native country wrote an account of both these

expeditions. He died at Venice at a very advanced age, in 1494.

These travels are not given in any regular order, nor is any itinerary

mentioned. It would appear that he resided for some time at Tanna, now

Asof, making several journeys into the Crimea, and among the nations which

inhabit between the Don and the Wolga, the Black Sea and the Caspian; and

that he returned home by way of Moscow, Novogorod, Warsaw, and Francfort on

the Oder, and through Germany into Italy.

* * * * *

Josaphat Barbaro began his journey to Tanna in 1436, and explored that

country with great assiduity, and a spirit of inquiry that does him much

honour, partly by land and partly by water, for sixteen years. The plain of

Tartary is bounded on the east by the great river Ledil, Edil, or Wolga; on

the west by Poland; on the north by Russia; on the south by the Great or

Black Sea, Alania, Kumania or Comania, and Gazaria, all of which border on

the sea of Tebache[2]. Alania has its name from the people called Alani,

who call themselves _As_ in their own language. These people were

Christians, and their country had been ravaged and laid waste by the

Tartars or Mongals. The province of Alania contains many mountains, rivers,

and plains, and in the latter there are many hills made by the hand of man,

serving for sepulchral monuments, on the top of each of which there is a

flat stone with a hole in it, in which a stone cross is fixed. About 110

years before the journey of Barbaro, or in 1326, the religion of Mahomet

was adopted by the Tartars or Mongals; though, indeed, before that period

there were some Mahometans in the country, but every one was permitted to

follow what religion he chose. In consequence of this, some worshipped

wooden images, which they carried about with them on their carts or

moveable huts: But the compulsatory establishment of the Mahometan religion

takes its date from the time of Hedighi, Edigi, or Jedighei, who was a

general under the Tartarian emperor Sidahameth khan. This Hedighi was the

father of Naurus, in whose days Ulu-Mohameth, or Mahomet the great, was

khan of the Tartars.

A misunderstanding happened between the Naurus and the khan Ulu-Mohameth,

in consequence of which Naurus retired to the river Ledil or Wolga,

attended by the Tartar tribes who adhered to him personally, and joined

himself to Khezi-Mohamet, or _little_ Mahomed, who was a relation to the

khan or emperor. Naurus and Khezi resolved to make war against Ulu, and

accordingly marched with their combined forces by way of Giterchan or

Astrakan, and through the plains of Tumen, or the great step or desert,

which extends from the Wolga to the Don, and quite down the mountains of

Caucasus. On this march westwards they kept southwards close to Circassia,

and turned off towards the Don and the sea of Asof, both of which were

frozen over. In order to find food for their cattle and horses, they

marched in separate parties, at so great a distance from each other, that

some crossed the river Don at a place called Palastra, while others crossed

it where it was covered with ice, near Bosagaz, which two places are 120

miles separate from each other; yet so well were their movements combined,

that they came upon Ulu-Mohameth quite unexpectedly, and he was constrained

to fly with his wife and children, leaving every thing in confusion behind

him, as Khezi Mohameth became emperor or khan in his stead, and again

crossed the Don in the month of June.

Proceeding westwards to the left from Tanna or Asof, along the coast of the

sea of Zabachi, or the Palus Maeotis, and then for some distance along the

Great or Black Sea, quite to the province of Mingrelia, one arrives, after

three days journey, at the province of _Chremuch_, Kremuk, or Kromuk, the

sovereign of which is called _Bisserdi_[3], and his son is named

_Chertibei_[4], which signifies the true or real lord. Bisserdi possesses a

beautiful country, adorned with fertile fields, considerable rivers, and

many fine woods, and can raise about a thousand horse. The higher order of

the people in this country chiefly subsist by plundering the caravans. They

have excellent horses; the people are valiant, inured to war, and very

artful; but have nothing singular in their manners and appearance. Their

country abounds in corn, cattle, and honey; but produces no wine. Beyond

this country there are other provinces, which have a different language,

and are not far from each other[5]. These in their order, considering

Kremuk as the first, are, 2. _Elipehe_ (Chippiche, or Kippike); 3.

_Tartarkosia_ (otherwise Tatakosia, Titarcossa, Tatartofia, or

Tatartussia); 4. _Sobai_; 5. _Chernethei_ (otherwise Cheuerthei,

Khewerthei, Kharbatei, Kherbarthei, or Khabarda); 6. _As_, or the Alani. All

these provinces extend for twelve days journey, quite to Mingrelia; which

latter province borders on the _Kaitacchi_ or Chaitaki, who live about the

Caspian mountains; and partly also near _Georgiana_, and on the shores of

the Black Sea, and on the range of mountains which extends into Circassia.

On one side likewise Mingrelia is encompassed by the river Phasis, which

falls into the Black Sea. The sovereign of this country is called

_Bendian_, or Dadian, and is in possession of two fortified towns near the

sea, one of which is called _Vathi_, or Badias, and the name of the other

is Savastopol[6]. Besides these he has several other castles and fortified

rocks. The whole country is stony and barren, and millet is the only kind

of grain that it produces. They get their salt from Kaffa. They manufacture

some dark coarse stuffs, and are a gross and barbarous people. In this

country _Tetarti_ signifies _white_, and the word is likewise used to

denote silver coin: thus likewise the Greeks call silver money Aspro[7],

the Turks Akeia, and the Kathayans _Teugh_, all of which words signify

_white_; and hence, both in Venice and in Spain, certain silver coins are

all called _bianchi_, which has the same signification.

We must now give some account of Georgiana, Georgia, or Gurgistan, which

lies opposite to the last mentioned places, and borders on Mingrelia. The

king of Georgia is called Pancratius, and is sovereign of a delightful

country, which produces bread, corn, wine, cattle, and all other fruits of

the earth in great abundance; and they train up their vines around trees as

in Trebisond. The people are very handsome and well made, but they have the

most horrid manners, and the worst customs of any people I ever met with.

Their heads are shaved, except a few hairs all around, like our rich

abbots; and they wear whiskers, six inches long. On their heads they wear a

cap of various colours, with a feather on the top. Their bodies are covered

by a strait-bodied jacket, having tolerably long skirts, which are cloven

behind, quite up to their loins, as otherwise they could not conveniently

sit on horseback; but I do not blame them for this fashion, as the French

wear the same kind of dress. On their feet and ankles they wear boots, but

the soles are so strangely made, that when a man walks, his heels and toes

only touch the ground, while the middle of the foot is raised up so high,

that one may thrust the fist through below; and thence they walk with great

difficulty. I should blame them for this, if I had not known that the same

fashion prevails in Persia. At their meals, they have the following custom,

which I saw in the house of one of their great men. They use a quadrangular

table, about half an ell across, having a projecting rim, on the middle of

which they heap up a quantity of boiled millet, which is without salt or

fat, or any other seasoning, and this they eat to their meat by way of

bread. On another similar table, but having live coals underneath, there

was some wild boars flesh, but so little roasted that the blood ran out

when it was cut, and of this they are very fond. For my part, I thought it

quite disgusting, and was forced to content myself with a little millet, as

we had no other provisions. There was wine, however, in abundance, which

was handed round the company with great hospitality.

In this country there are a great number of woods and mountains. One of its

districts is named Tiflis, in which is a town of the same name, situate on

the Kur or Kyrus, which runs into the Caspian. Gori is likewise a fortified

place in the same country, and lies nearer to the Black Sea.

Going from Tanna or Asof, by the river Don, and along the sea of Tabache or

Asof, quite to Kaffa, and keeping that sea close on the left hand, we come

to an isthmus or narrow neck of land, which connects the peninsula of the

Crimea; with the mainland, and which is named Zuchala[8]. This is similar

to that called Essimilia, formerly the Isthmus of Corinth, which connects

the Morea or Peloponnesus with the continent of Greece. Near this isthmus

of Zuchala, there are large salt water lakes, from which the salt

crystallizes in summer, and is taken out in large quantities for the supply

of the surrounding nations.

Within the peninsula, and on the sea of Tabache or Asof, the first province

we come to is _Kumania_, deriving its name from the people called

Kumanians. The chief province is called _Gazzaria_ or Chazaria, in which

Caffa is situate; and the measure of length used by merchants in all these

countries is called the Gazzarian ell, which is even used at Tanna[9].

The low country of the island of Kaffa[10] is occupied by the Tartars, who

are governed by a prince named _Ulubi_[11], the son of _Azicharei_. They

are able, in case of need, to bring 3000 or 4000 horse into the field.

These people possess two walled towns, which are by no means strong. One of

these, _Sorgathi_[12], is by them likewise called _Incremia_ or _Chirmia_,

which signifies a fortification. The other is _Cherchiarde_ or

_Kerkiarde_[13], which signifies forty places in their language[14]. On the

island, which the Italians call the Cimmerian Bosphorus, close to the mouth

of the sea of Asof, is _Cherz_, Kersch, or Kars[15]. Then come Kaffa[16],

Saldaia[17], Grassui[18], Cymbalo[19], _Sarsona_ or Cherson[20], and

Kalamita[21]. Farther on from Kaffa lies _Gothia_, and still farther

Alania, which is without the island towards Moncastro[22].

The Goths of these places speak a dialect of the German language, as I

learned from a German servant who accompanied me on my travels; for he

conversed with them, and they understood each other tolerably well, just as

a native of Friuli in the Popes dominions might understand a

Florentine[23]. From the vicinity, or intermixture of the Goths and

Alanians, originates the denomination of _Gotitalani_. The Alanians were

the first inhabitants of this county: The Goths came at an after period and

made a conquest of part of the country inhabited by the Alanians; and, as

the two nations mingled together, this mixed name became likewise into use.

All these people profess the Greek religion, which is likewise followed by

the Tscherkassians, or Circassians.

Having already made mention of Tumen and Githerean, I shall now relate some

remarkable particulars concerning them. Going from Tumen eastwards, or

rather to the north-east, in seven days journey we arrive at the river

_Ledil_[24], on the banks of which stands _Githercan_[25], a small

insignificant town, laid waste, and in ruins. It was formerly a very

considerable and celebrated place; as before the devastation of it by

Tamerlane, the spices and silks which go to Syria[26] were carried by

Githercan, and thence to Tanna, from whence they were brought, by six or

seven large gallies to Venice; for at that time no other nation besides

Venice traded to Syria. The Ledil or Wolga is a large and very broad river,

which discharges itself into the Sea of Baku, or the Caspian, twenty-five

Italian miles below Astracan; and both this river and the Caspian, which is

tolerably salt, contain innumerable quantities of fish called tunnies and

sturgeons. One may sail up this river to within three days journey of

Moscow in Russia; and the inhabitants of that place go every year with

their vessels to Astracan, to procure salt. The passage downwards is easy,

as the river Mosco runs into the Oka, and that again into the Wolga. In

this river there are many islands, and many forests along its banks. Some

of these islands are thirty miles in circumference; and in the forests

there are trees of such vast size, that one of them may be hollowed into a

boat, that will require eight or ten horses, and twice as many men, to draw

it against the stream. Crossing the river Wolga, and going fifteen days

journey to the north-west, along the river, we meet with innumerable hordes

of Tartars. But in travelling northwards, towards Russia, we come to a

small town called Risan[27], which belongs to a relation of the grand duke

of Russia. The inhabitants of this place are all Christians, and follow the

usages of the Greek church. This country abounds in corn, cattle, honey,

and other good things; and they import a species of beer called

_Bossa_[28]; and the country abounds in woods and villages without number.

Somewhat farther, and about half way between Riazan and Moscow, is a town

called Colonna. The fortifications, both of Riazan and Colonna, are built

of timber, as are also the houses; as nothing is to be seen in these parts

constructed of brick or stone. Three days journey from Colonna, to the

north-west, we come to the city and province of Moscow, or Mosqua, where

the great Duke Jvan or John resides; and through this province there runs a

river of the same name, having several bridges over it; and from which the

city and province have probably acquired their names. The castle of Moscow

is situated upon a hill, and is encompassed round with woods[29].

The fertility of this country, in respect to corn and cattle, may be

understood from this circumstance, that flesh is not sold by weight, but

they give it out in large pieces, as much as would weigh four pounds[30].

Seventy hens may be bought for a ducat, worth four or five shillings; and a

goose may be had for less than threepence. In this country, the cold of

winter is very severe, and the rivers are long frozen over: Taking

advantage of this circumstance, they carry oxen and other beasts to market

in winter, ready slaughtered, skinned, and embowelled; which they set up on

their feet in the market places, frozen as hard as a stone, and in such

numbers, that one may buy 200 or more of them at a time. Cutting them in

pieces, as in our markets, is quite impossible, as they are as hard as

marble, and are delivered out whole. The only fruits to be met with are

apples, nuts, and small walnuts. When the Russians have a mind to travel,

especially if the distance is very great, they prefer the winter season,

when the whole country is covered over with frozen snow, and all the rivers

are passable on the ice. They then travel with great convenience and

expedition, being only subjected to the severity of the cold. At this

season, they use sledges, which are to them as waggons are to us; and in

them they take every thing along with them, with the utmost ease, that they

have a mind to. In the summer, the roads are extremely miry, and full of

inequalities, proceeding from the country being extremely woody; and they

do not therefore take long journeys at that season, more especially as it

is very thinly inhabited. They have no grapes, but make a species of wine

from honey, and a kind of beer from millet, into which they put hop

blossoms, of which the odour is so strong, as to occasion sneezing, and

which intoxicates like wine. I must not omit to mention in this place,

that, about twenty-five years ago, the great duke, on finding that his

subjects were much addicted to drinking, which made them neglect their

affairs, gave orders that no more beer or mead should be made; by which

means, he obliged them, to live sober and regular lives. Besides this, he

did many other things for the advantage of his dominions.

Before the reign of this prince, the Russians paid tribute to the Tartars;

but they have now conquered a country called Kasan, which is 500 miles to

the east of Moscow, and the chief city of which lies on the left bank of

the Wolga, in descending towards the sea of _Bochri_, or the Caspian[31].

This country of Kasan enjoys considerable trade, especially in furs, of

which large quantities are carried from thence by way of Moscow to Poland,

Prussia, and Flanders. These furs come from a great distance to the

north-east, out of the empire of Zagathai[32], and from Moxia[33]; both of

which northern districts are inhabited by Tartars, part of whom are

idolaters, particularly the Moxians, who continue so to this day.

Having received some account of these Moxians, I shall relate, what I know

concerning their religious customs. At a certain season they lead a horse

into the middle of their assembly, and fasten it strongly by the head and

feet to five stakes, driven into the ground for that purpose. After this, a

particular person goes to some distance, with his bow and arrows, and

shoots at the heart of the animal till he has killed him. The horse is then

flayed, and the flesh eaten after the performance of certain ceremonies.

They then stuff the horses skin with straw, and sew it up, so as to appear

entire, fixing pieces of wood under the skin of the legs, that the stuffed

animal may stand up as it did when alive. They next construct a scaffold,

amid the branches of a large tree, upon which they fix the stuffed horse

skin, and worship it as a god; offering up to it the furs of sables,

ermines, grey squirrels, and foxes, which they hang among the boughs of the

sacred tree, just as we offer up wax-lights to the images of the saints.

The food of this people consists mostly of flesh, and that chiefly of

venison, got by hunting; but they likewise catch abundance of fish in the

rivers of their country. Many of the Tartars are idolaters, and carry the

idols which they worship about with them, on carts, in their moveable huts;

and some of them have the strange custom of worshipping each day, the

animal they meet first in a morning, after going out of their houses.

The grand duke of Russia has likewise conquered Nowgorod, or Novogorod[34].

This is an extensive province, about eight days journey to the north-west

of Moscow, which was formerly a republic. The inhabitants were without

sense or reason, and had a great many heretics among them; but at present,

the catholic faith makes its way among them by degrees, though some are

still misbelievers. In the meantimes, however, they lead more rational

lives, and justice is properly administered.

Poland is twenty-two days journey from Moscow; and the first place we come

to in Poland is a fortified town, called Trocki, or Trozk[35], to which we

arrive through woods, and over hills, travelling a long way in an

uninhabited desert. There are, it is true, certain places by the way, in

which travellers may rest a while, and make a fire, if ordered before hand;

and sometimes, though very rarely, one finds a small hamlet or two, a

little way out of the road. Going beyond Trozk, one meets with more hills

and forests, in which there are some habitations; and nine days journey

beyond Trozk, we come to a fortified town called _Loniri_ or Lonin[36].

After this, we quit that part of Poland called Lithuania, and come to a

district named _Varsonich_[37], which belongs to certain lords, who are

subject to _Kazimir_, or Cassimir, King of Poland. This part of the country

is fertile, and contains a great many walled towns and villages, but none

of any great importance. From Warsaw, it is seven days journey to the

frontiers of Poland, through a good and beautiful country; where one meets

with _Mersaga_[38], a tolerably good town, where Poland ends. Respecting

the towns and provinces of Poland, I shall say nothing farther, for want of

proper information; except that the king and his sons, and whole household,

are very good Christians, and that the eldest of his sons is king of

Bohemia.

Travelling four days more beyond Poland, we came to Francfort, a city which

belongs to the Margrave of Bandenburgh. But having reached Germany, I shall

say nothing of it, as we are now in a manner at home, and in a country with

which most people are well acquainted.

[1] Forster, Voy. and Disc, in the North p. 165.

[2] Called likewise the sea of Zabachi, Ischaback-Denghissi, the Palus

Maeotis, and Sea of Asof.--Forst.

[3] This is explained to signify Deodati, or Given by God.--Forst.

[4] The _Ch_ is used in Italian orthography before _e_ and _i_ to indicate

the letter _k_. Hence Cheremuch is Kererouk, and Chertibei, Kertibei,

or Kertibey. In the perpetually varying nomenclature, from vitious

orthography, and changes of dominion, it is often difficult to

ascertain the nations or districts indicated. This is peculiarly the

case in the present instance, and the sequel, which enumerates a

number of the Caucasian petty tribes, lying between, the sea of Asof

and the Caspian, now mostly subject to the Russian empire, whose

momentary names and stations we dare not pretend to guess at.--E.

[5] This odd expression, that these provinces are not far from each other,

certainly means that they are not large.--E.

[6] Otherwise called Sebastopolis, also Isguriah or Dioskurios.--Forst.

[7] Hence _Asper_, the ordinary denomination of silver coin in moderns

Turkey is evidently borrowed from the Greek.--E.

[8] Now Precop.--E.

[9] Kumania and Gazzaria, here said to be provinces of the Crimea, or

island of Kaffa, must have been small districts of that peninsula,

inhabited by tribes of the Kumanians and Gazzarians of the country

between the sea of Asof and the mouths of the Wolga, now frequently

called the Cuban Tartary. The whole of that country, together with the

country between the Wolga and Ural rivers, often bore the name of

Kumania. But the destructive conquests of the Mongals, has in all ages

broken down the nations of those parts into fragments, and has induced

such rapid and frequent changes as to baffle all attempts at any fixed

topography, except of lakes, rivers, and mountains.--E.

[10] The ancient Taurica Chersonesus; the Crimea of our days, now again

called Taurida by the Russians.--E.

[11] Probably Ulu-beg, or the great prince.--E.

[12] Soragathi or Solgathi, is named by Abulfeda Soldet or Kirm; and is at

present called Eskikyrym, or the Old Citadel.--Forst. From the name of

this place, Chirmia, Kirmia, Kirm, or Crim, the name of the peninsula

and its inhabitants, Chrimea, and Crim-Tartars, are evidently

derived.--E.

[13] Kerkiardi is the Kerkri of Abulfeda, and signifies in Turkish forty

men. Some call the place Kyrk, and the Poles name it Kirkjel. It is

situated on an inaccessible mountain, and was one of the castles

belonging to the Goths who dwelt in those mountains, absurdly called

Jews by some authors; of whom some traces remained not long ago, as

their language contained many words resembling German.--Forst.

[14] I should suspect that this term, here applied to one place only, had

been originally the general appellation of the _forty_ castles

belonging to the Goths, who long defended themselves in the Tauric

Chersonese. The ridiculous conversion of these Goths into Jews, may be

accounted for, by supposing that some ignorant transcriber had changed

Teutschi into Judei, either in copying or writing from the ear.--E.

[15] The Pantikapaeum of the ancient Bosphorian kings. The Ol-Kars of

Abulfeda.--Forst.

[16] This is nearly on the same spot with the Theodosia of the Greeks and

Romans.--Forst.

[17] Otherwise Soldadia, Soldadia, or more properly Sugdaja, now Sudak or

Suday, by which name it is mentioned in Abulfeda.--Forst.

[18] Grasui, or Grusui, now unknown, perhaps stood at a place now called

Krusi-musen, which seems to preserve some traces of the name.--Forst

[19] Called likewise Cimbolo, the [Greek: Symbolan Hormoos] or [Greek:

lymaen], the Buluk-lawa of the moderns, or Limen.--Forst.

[20] Otherwise Sherson and Schurschi; which was formerly called Cherson

Trachea, and was built 600 years before the Christian era, by the

inhabitants of Heraclea in Pontus. It was also called Chersonesus, or

the Peninsula; but that term properly signified the whole of the

peninsula between this harbour and Symbolon or Limen, which was

entirely occupied by the Greeks. The Russians took this place in the

reign of Wolodimer the great, and it is called Korsen in their annals.

By the Turks, it is named Karaje-burn. It must be carefully

distinguished from another Cherson on the Dnieper, at no great

distance, but not in the peninsula.--Forst.

[21] This seems a corruption of Klimata; as all the towns named by Barbaro

formerly belonged to [Greek: chastxa ton chlimata] of the Greeks, and

all belonged till lately to the Turks.--Forst.

[22] This is a place at the mouth of the Dniester called Ak-Kierman by the

Turks; Tshelatalba by the Walachians; Belgorod by the Russians; Aspro

Kastra by the Greeks; and Moncastro by the Genoese. It was the Alba

Julia, of the Romans.--Forst.

[23] This circumstance was before noticed by Rubruquis, and is likewise

mentioned by Busbeck. Father Mohndorf met with many slaves in the

gallies at Constantinople, who were descended from the Goths, and

spoke a dialect of German. Now that the Crimea belongs to Russia, it

is to be wished that the remaining traces of the Gothic language may

be inquired after; as this language might serve to explain and

illustrate the remains we still possess of Ulfila's translation of the

gospels into Gothic; while the names and customs of this people,

together with many of their phrases and turns of expression, might

throw light on the manners and customs of the ancient Germans. It is

even possible, that some families among them, of the higher rank, may

still possess some books in their ancient language, which would be a

very important discovery.--Forst.

[24] Otherwise called Erdir, Erdil, Atel, Athol, Etilia, and now the Volga

or Wolga.--Forst.

[25] Likewise named Citracan and Astrakhan, Astracan.--Forst.

[26] There is an obvious blunder here, for this account of the trade must

be understood as follows: "That the trade in silks and spices from the

East, which now come by way of Syria, came over land by way of

Astracan to Tanna, whence it was transported by sea to Venice." The

concluding sentence, "That no other nation but the Venetians then

traded with Syria," is quite inexplicable; as the Syrian trade could

not possibly come to Venice by way of Astracan and Tanna. The various

routes of trade from India or the East to Western Europe, before the

Portuguese discovered the way by sea, have been well illustrated by Dr

Robertson; and will be explained in the course of this work.--E.

[27] Riazan on the Oka, the capital of a province or the same name.--E.

[28] Even at present, they make an inebriating liquor in Russia, from

millet, called busa, which is very heady, and is probably what is

named bossa in the text--Forst.

[29] I strongly suspect that this passage is wrong translated, and that it

ought to have been, that the castle as encompassed with wooden walls,

as it is well known that the city of Moscow environs the castle or

Kremlin.--E.

[30] This expression has no meaning. Barbaro probably wrote that four

pounds could be had at Moscow for the same money that would buy one in

Venice.--E.

[31] The Caspian, besides the names of Bochri and Bakhu, is likewise called

the sea of Khozar, and the sea of Tabristan.--E.

[32] Zagathai was one of the sons of the great conqueror Zingis Khan, and

received that part of the empire for his share, which comprehended

Turkistan, Mawaralnahar, and Kuaresm; which extensive country took

from him the name of Zagathai.--Forst.

The furs mentioned in the text could not be brought from this country,

which besides, is to the _south-east_ of Kasan. To the north-east lies

Siberia, the true country of fine furs; and which Barbara, by mistake,

must have named Zagathai: though perhaps it might at one time form

part of that extensive empire.--E

[33] Moxia is the country of the Morduanians, one tribe of whom call

themselves Mokscha, or Moxa.--Forst.

[34] This word signifies the New Castle; of this name there are two cities

and provinces in European Russia, Novogorod proper, and Nisney

Novogorod: The former is the one here meant.--E.

[35] This is near Wilna in Lithuania.--Forst.

[36] I imagine that Slonym is here meant; formerly a place of note, and

which used to be the appanege of one of the Lithuanian princes.

--Forst.

[37] Varsonich is an evident corruption for Varsovich, or Warsaw, the

capital of Masurea or Masovia.--Forst.

[38] It is not easy to determine the situation of _Mersaga_; but, as on the

borders of Poland, towards Brandenburgh, and in the direction of

Francfort on the Oder, it is probable that Meseriz, or Miedzyrzyez, is

here meant.--Forst.

END OF VOLUME FIRST.