The repeal of the embargo, which received the President’s signature
March 1, closed the long reign of President Jefferson; and with but
one exception the remark of John Randolph was destined to remain true,
that “never has there been any Administration which went out of office
and left the nation in a state so deplorable and calamitous.” That the
blame for this failure rested wholly upon Jefferson might be doubted;
but no one felt more keenly than he the disappointment under which his
old hopes and ambitions were crushed.
Loss of popularity was his bitterest trial. He who longed like a
sensitive child for sympathy and love left office as strongly and
almost as generally disliked as the least popular President who
preceded or followed him. He had undertaken to create a government
which should interfere in no way with private action, and he had
created one which interfered directly in the concerns of every private
citizen in the land. He had come into power as the champion of
State-rights, and had driven States to the verge of armed resistance.
He had begun by claiming credit for stern economy, and ended by
exceeding the expenditure of his predecessors. He had invented a
policy of peace, and his invention resulted in the necessity of
fighting at once the two greatest Powers in the world.
The feelings of the New England Democrats have been described in
their own words. Angry as Ezekiel Bacon and Joseph Story were,
their bitterness against Jefferson was hardly so great as that
of the Clintonians in New York; but the same irritation extended
even into the compact democracy of Pennsylvania. In the preceding
summer, before the Presidential election, A. J. Dallas said to
Gallatin:[381] “I verily believe one year more of writing, speaking,
and appointing would render Mr. Jefferson a more odious President,
even to the Democrats, than John Adams.” So far as could be judged
from the conduct of the party, the prophecy became truth. The Southern
Republicans, always loyal to a Southern President, would not openly
turn against their old leader, but the Northern Democrats made no
disguise of their aversion.
Not even in 1798 had factiousness been so violent as in the last month
of President Jefferson’s power; in 1800 the country in comparison had
been contented. Feb. 23, 1809, nearly three weeks after the disastrous
overthrow of the embargo in Congress, the Connecticut legislature met
in special session to “interpose” between the people and the national
government. In a Report echoing the words of Governor Trumbull’s
speech, the House instantly approved his refusal to aid in carrying
out the “unconstitutional and despotic” Enforcement Act, and pledged
itself to join the legislature of Massachusetts in the measures
proposed “to give to the commercial States their fair and just
consideration in the Union.”[382] The spirit in which Massachusetts
meant to act was shown in a formal Address to the People issued by her
Legislature March 1, bearing the official signatures of Harrison Gray
Otis, President of the Senate, and Timothy Bigelow, Speaker of the
House.
“Protesting in the sight of God the sincerity of their attachment
to the Union of the States, and their determination to cherish and
preserve it at every hazard until it shall fail to secure to them
those blessings which alone give value to any form of government,” the
Massachusetts legislature laid before the people of the State certain
Reports and measures adopted for the purpose of impeding the embargo
laws, and apologized for having done no more, on the ground that more
could not have been done “without authorizing a forcible resistance
to Acts of Congress,--an ultimate resource so deeply to be deprecated
that the cases which might justify it should not be trusted even to
the imagination until they actually happen.” Less than forty years
before, Massachusetts had used much the same language in regard to
Acts of Parliament, and the world knew what then followed; but even in
the bitterest controversies over Stamp Act or Port Bill, the General
Court of Massachusetts had never insulted King George as they insulted
President Jefferson. The Address at great length asserted that his
Government was laboring under “an habitual and impolitic predilection
for France;” and even in making this assertion it apologized for
England in terms which echoed the words of Canning and Castlereagh:--
“Without pretending to compare and adjust the respective injuries
sustained from the two nations, it cannot be disguised that in some
instances our nation has received from Great Britain compensation; in
others offers of atonement, and in all the language of conciliation
and respect.”
On the other hand, war with England must lead to alliance with France;
and that a connection with France “must be forever fatal to the
liberty and independence of the nation is obvious to all who are not
blinded by partiality and passion.”
Such reasoning had the merits of its emphasis. The case of forcible
resistance which could not be trusted to the imagination until it
happened pointed designedly to a war with England, which, being
equivalent to a connection with France, must be forever fatal to
the liberty and independence of the United States. The dogma that
a British war must dissolve the Union had become more than ever an
article of Federalist faith. Even Rufus King, writing to Pickering,
January 31, said:[383] “The embargo, as we are now told, is to
give way to war. If the project be to unite with France against
England, the Union cannot be preserved.” To prevent war with England
was to prevent a dissolution of the Union; and the legislature
of Massachusetts, acting on that idea, closed what it called
its “Patriotick Proceedings,” by declaring to the people of the
Commonwealth the measures by which alone the Union could be saved:--
“As the malady is deep, you will still be deceived by trusting
to any temporary relief. You must realize and comprehend the
nature of your peculiar interests, and by steady, persevering, and
well-concerted efforts rise into an attitude to promote and preserve
them. The farmer must remember that his prosperity is inseparable
from that of the merchant; and that there is little affinity between
his condition and habits and those of a Southern planter. The
interests of New England must be defined, understood, and firmly
represented. A perfect intelligence must be cultivated among those
States, and a united effort must be made and continued to acquire
their just influence in the national government. For this purpose
the Constitution should be amended, and the provision which gives
to holders of slaves a representation equal to that of six hundred
thousand free citizens should be abolished. Experience proves the
injustice, and time will increase the inequality, of this principle,
the original reason for which has entirely failed. Other amendments
to secure commerce and navigation from a repetition of destructive
and insidious theories are indispensable.”
Such were the conditions on which Massachusetts must insist:--
“The Legislature are aware that their measures and sentiments will
encourage their opponents in propagating the foul imputation of a
design to dismember the Union. But when did party malice want a theme
to excite popular prejudice? When did it have recourse to one more
absurd and unfounded?”
The object of the Federalist majority was to strengthen the Union,--so
they protested and so they doubtless believed; but in truth they
insisted upon creating a new Union as a condition of their remaining
in the old. The fatal word “must” ran through all their demands:--
“If the Southern States are disposed to avail themselves of the
advantages resulting from our strength and resources for common
defence, they must be willing to patronize the interests of
navigation and commerce without which our strength will be weakness.
If they wish to appropriate a portion of the public revenue toward
roads, canals, or for the purchase of arms and the improvement of
their militia, they must consent that you who purchase your own arms,
and have already roads, canals, and militia in most excellent order,
shall have another portion of it devoted to naval protection. If they
in the spirit of chivalry are ready to rush into an unnecessary and
ruinous war with one nation, they must suffer you to pause before
you bid an eternal adieu to your independence by an alliance with
another.”
Union of New England against the national Union--an idea hitherto
confined to the brain of Timothy Pickering--had become the avowed
object of the Massachusetts and Connecticut legislatures. “Nothing
less than a perfect union and intelligence among the Eastern States”
could answer the objects of Pickering; but side by side with the
perfect union of the Eastern States went a perfect intelligence
between those States and the British government. On one side,
Pickering maintained relations with Rose; on the other, Sir James
Craig kept a secret agent at Boston. January 26, at the moment when
the crisis of war or peace was about to be decided at Washington,
Mr. Ryland at Quebec, on behalf of the Governor-General of Canada,
sent for John Henry to undertake another winter journey through
New England.[384] His instructions, dated February 6 and signed
by Sir James, Craig himself, enjoined the utmost secrecy, and
restricted Henry to the task of ascertaining how far, in case of
war, the Federalists of the Eastern States would look to England for
assistance, or be disposed to enter into a connection with the British
government.[385] Only in case the Federalist leaders should express
a wish to that effect was Henry cautiously to avow his official
character, and to receive any communication for transmittal. February
10 Henry started on this errand, but before he reached Boston the news
that Congress had decided to repeal the embargo without declaring war
left him little to do. He remained quietly in Boston, in familiar
relations with the Federalist leaders,[386] without betraying his
errand; and the substance of his reports to the governor-general
amounted only to a decided opinion that the Federalists were not
yet ready to act: “I can assure you that at this moment they do not
freely entertain the project of withdrawing the Eastern States from
the Union, finding it a very unpopular topic.”[387] Until midsummer,
when the last fear of war vanished, this accredited agent of the
governor-general waited at Boston for events. “His manners being
gentlemanly and his letters of introduction good,” said Josiah Quincy,
“he was admitted freely into society and heard the conversation at
private tables.”
Had Jefferson known that a British emissary was secretly waiting at
Boston to profit by the result of eight years’ Republican policy, he
could not but have felt deep personal mortification mingled with his
sense of wrong. Of all Jefferson’s hopes, perhaps the warmest had been
that of overthrowing the power of his New England enemies,--those
whom he had once called the monarchical Federalists,--the clergy and
the Essex Junto. Instead of overthrowing them he had given them, for
the first time in their lives, unlimited power for mischief; he had
overthrown only the moderate Federalists, who when forced to choose
between treason and embargo submitted to the embargo and hated its
author. The Essex Junto became supreme in New England; and behind it
stood the power of Great Britain, ready to interpose, if necessary,
for its defence.
Jefferson submitted in silence, and even with an air of approval, to
the abrupt abandonment of his favorite measure. He admitted that the
embargo had failed; he even exaggerated its evils, and described it
as more costly than war. His language implied that the failure of
peaceable coercion was no longer a matter of doubt in his mind.
“The belligerent edicts,” he wrote to Armstrong,[388] “rendered our
embargo necessary to call home our ships, our seamen, and property.
We expected some effect, too, from the coercion of interest. Some it
has had, but much less on account of evasions and domestic opposition
to it. After fifteen months’ continuance, it is now discontinued
because, losing fifty million dollars of exports annually by it, it
costs more than war, which might be carried on for a third of that,
besides what might be got by reprisal.”
To Dupont de Nemours Jefferson wrote in the same strain.[389] He
signed without the betrayal of a protest the bill repealing the
embargo, and talked of war as a necessary evil. Not until more than a
year afterward did he admit the bitterness of his disappointment and
mortification; but July 16, 1810, he wrote to his old Secretary of War
a letter which expressed, in his familiar note of irritability, the
feelings he had pent up:[390]--
“The Federalists during their short-lived ascendency have
nevertheless, by forcing us from the embargo, inflicted a wound
on our interests which can never be cured, and on our affections
which will require time to cicatrize. I ascribe all this to one
pseudo-Republican,--Story. He came on in place of Crowninshield, I
believe, and stayed only a few days,--long enough, however, to get
complete hold of Bacon, who, giving in to his representations, became
panic-struck, and communicated the panic to his colleagues, and they
to a majority of the sound members of Congress. They believed in the
alternative of repeal or civil war, and produced the fatal measure
of repeal.... I have ever been anxious to avoid a war with England
unless forced by a situation more losing than war itself; but I did
believe we could coerce her to justice by peaceable means; and the
embargo, evaded as it was, proved it would have coerced her had it
been honestly executed. The proof she exhibited on that occasion that
she can exercise such an influence in this country as to control
the will of its government and three fourths of its people is to
me the most mortifying circumstance which has occurred since the
establishment of our government.”
In truth, the disaster was appalling; and Jefferson described it in
moderate terms by admitting that the policy of peaceable coercion
brought upon him mortification such as no other President ever
suffered. So complete was his overthrow that his popular influence
declined even in the South. Twenty years elapsed before his political
authority recovered power over the Northern people; for not until the
embargo and its memories faded from men’s minds did the mighty shadow
of Jefferson’s Revolutionary name efface the ruin of his Presidency.
Yet he clung with more and more tenacity to the faith that his theory
of peaceable coercion was sound; and when within a few months of his
death he alluded for the last time to the embargo, he spoke of it as
“a measure which, persevered in a little longer, we had subsequent and
satisfactory assurance would have effected its object completely.”[391]
A discomfiture so conspicuous could not fail to bring in its train a
swarm of petty humiliations which for the moment were more painful
than the great misfortune. Jefferson had hoped to make his country
forever pure and free; to abolish war, with its train of debt,
extravagance, corruption, and tyranny; to build up a government
devoted only to useful and moral objects; to bring upon earth a new
era of peace and good-will among men. Throughout the twistings and
windings of his course as President he clung to this main idea; or if
he seemed for a moment to forget it, he never failed to return and
to persist with almost heroic obstinacy in enforcing its lessons. By
repealing the embargo, Congress avowedly and even maliciously rejected
and trampled upon the only part of Jefferson’s statesmanship which
claimed originality, or which in his own opinion entitled him to rank
as a philosophic legislator. The mortification he felt was natural
and extreme, but such as every great statesman might expect, and such
as most of them experienced. The supreme bitterness of the moment
lay rather in the sudden loss of respect and consideration which at
all times marked the decline of power, but became most painful when
the surrender of office followed a political defeat at the hands of
supposed friends.
The last days of his authority were embittered by a personal slight
which wounded him deeply. After the peace of Tilsit the Emperor
Alexander of Russia expressed a wish to exchange ministers with the
United States government. In every point of view America must gain
by winning the friendship of Russia; and much as Jefferson disliked
multiplying diplomatic offices, he could not but feel that at a time
when his ministers were likely at any moment to be driven from France
and England, nothing could be more useful than to secure a foothold
at St. Petersburg. Without loss of time he created the mission, and
appointed his old personal friend William Short to the new post. In
August, 1808, during the recess of Congress, he sent Short to Europe,
with orders to stop at Paris until the Senate should confirm his
appointment. For political reasons Jefferson waited till the close of
the session, and then, February 24, made this appointment the subject
of his last Message to the Senate, explaining the motives which had
induced him to create a diplomatic agency at St. Petersburg, and
announcing that Short had received his commission and had gone to
Europe six months before on this errand.
No sooner had the Senate, on receiving this Message, gone into
executive session than Senator Bradley of Vermont offered a Resolution
that any intercourse with Russia, such as the President suggested,
might “be carried on with equal facility and effect by other public
agents of the United States without the expense of a permanent
minister plenipotentiary;” or in case of sudden negotiations for
peace in Europe, “the permanent minister at any of the Courts thereof
may be instructed to attend on the same;” and that for these reasons
the proposed appointment was at present inexpedient and unnecessary.
After much secret debate, Senator Bradley, February 27, withdrew his
motion, and the Senate then abruptly and unanimously rejected Short’s
nomination.
The discourtesy was flagrant. As a matter of policy the new mission
might fairly be subject for argument; and the Senate had a right, if
it chose, to follow its own opinions on such a subject. Unreasonable
as was the idea of sending hither and thither the American ministers
“at any of the Courts of Europe,” when every senator knew that on the
continent of Europe America had but one minister, and even he was on
the verge of dismissal or recall; ill-judged as was the assertion that
a consular agent could carry on “with equal facility and effect” at
a Court like that of St. Petersburg a diplomatic intercourse which
would need every resource of public and private influence; narrow
as was the policy of refusing “the expense of a permanent minister
plenipotentiary” to the only nation in the world which offered her
friendship at a moment when England and France were doing their utmost
to spare America the expense of legations at London and Paris,--yet
these objections to Jefferson’s wish were such as the Senate might
naturally make, for they were the established creed of the Republican
party, and no one had done more than Jefferson himself to erect
them into a party dogma. Dislike of diplomacy was a relic of the
old colonial status when America had been dependent on Europe,--a
prejudice rising chiefly from an uneasy sense of social disadvantage.
Whenever America should become strong and self-confident, these petty
jealousies were sure to disappear, and her relations with other Powers
would be controlled solely by her wants; but meanwhile the Senate in
every emergency might be expected to embarrass the relations of the
Executive with foreign governments, and to give untenable reasons
for its conduct. That the Senate should object, could have been no
surprise to Jefferson; but that it should without even a private
explanation reject abruptly and unanimously the last personal favor
asked by a President for whom every Republican senator professed
friendship, and from whom most had received innumerable favors, seemed
an unpardonable insult. So Jefferson felt it. He wrote to Short in
accents of undisguised mortification:--
“It is with much concern I inform you that the Senate has negatived
your appointment. We thought it best to keep back the nomination to
the close of the session, that the mission might remain secret as
long as possible, which you know was our purpose from the beginning.
It was then sent in with an explanation of its object and motives.
We took for granted, if any hesitation should arise, that the
Senate would take time, and that our friends in that body would
make inquiries of us and give us the opportunity of explaining and
removing objections; but to our great surprise and with an unexampled
precipitancy they rejected it at once. This reception of the last of
my official communications to them could not be unfelt.”[392]
Senators attempted explanations: Short had been too long in the
diplomatic service or resident abroad; the diplomatic connections of
the United States with Europe were already too extensive, and rather
than send more ministers those actually abroad should be recalled;
“riveted to the system of unentanglement with Europe,” the Senate,
though sensible of “the great virtues, the high character, the
powerful influence, and valuable friendship of the Emperor,” declined
the honor of relations with him. Yet these reasons showed only that
the Senate felt as little regard for Jefferson’s opinions and feelings
as for those of the Czar. The manner of the rejection, even more
than the rejection itself, proved the willingness of the President’s
oldest friends to inflict what they knew to be a painful wound on the
self-respect of a fallen leader.
These mortifications, which rapidly followed each other in the last
days of February, were endured by Jefferson with dignity and in
silence. Perhaps senators would have better understood and might
have more respected a vigorous burst of anger, even at some cost of
dignity, than they did the self-restraint of the sensitive gentleman
who had no longer a wish but to escape from Washington and seek peace
in the calm of Monticello. He could with only a pang of mortified
pride write his excuses to the Emperor Alexander and to William Short,
and dismiss the matter forever from his mind. Public annoyances were
for him nearly at an end, and could never recur; but unfortunately
these public trials came upon him at a moment when his private
anxieties were extreme.
In his style of life as President, Jefferson had indulged in such easy
and liberal expenses as suited the place he held. Far from showing
extravagance, the White House and its surroundings had in his time the
outward look of a Virginia plantation. The President was required to
pay the expenses of the house and grounds. In consequence, the grounds
were uncared for, the palings broken or wanting, the paths undefined,
and the place a waste, running imperceptibly into the barren fields
about it. Within, the house was as simple as without, after the usual
style of Virginia houses, where the scale was often extravagant but
the details plain. Only in his table did Jefferson spend an unusual
amount of money with excellent results for his political influence,
for no President ever understood better than Jefferson the art of
entertaining; yet his table cost him no excessive sums. For the best
champagne he paid less than a dollar a bottle; for the best Bordeaux
he paid a dollar; and the Madeira which was drunk in pipes at the
White House cost between fifty and sixty cents a bottle. His French
cook and cook’s assistant were paid about four hundred dollars a
year. On such a scale his salary of twenty-five thousand dollars was
equivalent to fully sixty thousand dollars of modern money; and his
accounts showed that for the first and probably the most expensive
year of his Presidency he spent only $16,800 which could properly be
charged to his public and official character.[393] A mode of life so
simple and so easily controlled should in a village like Washington
have left no opening for arrears of debt; but when Jefferson, about
to quit the White House forever, attempted to settle his accounts,
he discovered that he had exceeded his income. Not his expenses as
President, but his expenses as planter dragged him down. At first he
thought that his debts would reach seven or eight thousand dollars,
which must be discharged from a private estate hardly exceeding
two hundred thousand dollars in value at the best of times, and
rendered almost worthless by neglect and by the embargo. The sudden
demand for this sum of money, coming at the moment of his political
mortifications, wrung from him cries of genuine distress such as no
public disaster had called out. He wrote to his commission-merchant
entreating him to borrow the money:--
“Since I have become sensible of this deficit I have been under an
agony of mortification, and therefore must solicit as much urgency in
the negotiation as the case will admit. My intervening nights will be
almost sleepless, as nothing could be more distressing to me than to
leave debts here unpaid, if indeed I should be permitted to depart
with them unpaid, of which I am by no means certain.”[394]
Large as it was, this estimate of the debt fell far short of
the reality. The arrears amounted in truth to twenty thousand
dollars.[395] Nothing but immediate and rigid economy could restore
the loss, and even with every advantage Jefferson could never hope to
live again upon his old scale without incurring bankruptcy; he must
cease to be a _grand seigneur_, or drag his family into the ruin which
seemed to be the fate of every Virginian.
Under the weight of these troubles, public and private, Jefferson’s
longing to escape became intense; and his letters repeated, in accents
more and more earnest, the single wish that filled his mind.
“I shall within a few days,” he wrote February 25,[396] “divest
myself of the anxieties and the labors with which I have been
oppressed, and retire with inexpressible delight to my family, my
friends, my farms, and books. There I may indulge at length in that
tranquillity and those pursuits from which I have been divorced by
the character of the times in which I have lived, and which have
forced me into the line of political life under a sense of duty and
against a great and constant aversion to it.”
March 2 he wrote to Dupont de Nemours,[397] in stronger terms of
weariness and disgust: “Never did a prisoner released from his chains
feel such relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles of power.
Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science by rendering
them my supreme delight.” March 4 he rode once more on horseback to
the Capitol, and stood by the side of Madison while John Marshall
administered the oath of office. The weight of administration was at
last removed, but the longing for home became only the greater. March
5 he wrote to Armstrong:[398] “Within two or three days I retire
from scenes of difficulty, anxiety, and of contending passions, to
the elysium of domestic affections and the irresponsible direction
of my own affairs.” A week afterward Jefferson quitted Washington
forever. On horseback, over roads impassable to wheels, through snow
and storm, he hurried back to Monticello to recover in the quiet of
home the peace of mind he had lost in the disappointments of his
statesmanship. He arrived at Monticello March 15, and never again
passed beyond the bounds of a few adjacent counties.
With a sigh of relief which seemed as sincere and deep as his own,
the Northern people saw him turn his back on the White House and
disappear from the arena in which he had for sixteen years challenged
every comer. In the Northern States few regrets were wasted upon his
departure, for every mind was intent on profiting by the overthrow
of his system; but Virginia was still loyal to him, and the citizens
of his own county of Albemarle welcomed with an affectionate address
his final return. His reply, dignified and full of grateful feeling,
seemed intended as an answer to the attacks of partisan grossness and
a challenge to the judgment of mankind:--
“The anxieties you express to administer to my happiness do of
themselves confer that happiness; and the measure will be complete if
my endeavors to fulfil my duties in the several public stations to
which I have been called have obtained for me the approbation of my
country. The part which I have acted on the theatre of public life
has been before them, and to their sentence I submit it; but the
testimony of my native county, of the individuals who have known me
in private life, to my conduct in its various duties and relations
is the more grateful as proceeding from eye-witnesses and observers,
from triers of the vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I may ask
in the face of the world, ‘Whose ox have I taken, or whom have I
defrauded? Whom have I oppressed, or of whose hand have I received
a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?’ On your verdict I rest with
conscious security.”
FOOTNOTES:
[381] Dallas to Gallatin, July 30, 1808; Adams’s Gallatin, p. 372.
[382] Report and Resolutions, National Intelligencer, March 10, 1809.
[383] King to Pickering, Jan. 31, 1809; Pickering MSS.
[384] Ryland to John Henry, Jan. 26, 1809; State Papers, iii. 546.
[385] Sir James Craig to John Henry, Feb. 6, 1809; State Papers, iii.
546.
[386] Quincy’s Life of Quincy, p. 250.
[387] Henry to Sir J. Craig, March 7, 1809; State Papers, iii. 549.
[388] Jefferson to Armstrong, March 5, 1809; Works, v. 433.
[389] Jefferson to Dupont de Nemours, March 2, 1809; Works, v. 432.
[390] Jefferson to Dearborn, July 15, 1810; Works, v. 529.
[391] Jefferson to W. B. Giles, Dec. 25, 1825; Works, vii. 424.
[392] Jefferson to W. Short, March 8, 1809; Works, v. 435.
[393] Jefferson’s Financial Diary. Harper’s Magazine, March, 1885, pp.
534-542.
[394] Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, p. 400.
[395] Randall’s Jefferson, iii. 326.
[396] Jefferson to Warden, Feb. 25, 1809; Jefferson MSS.
[397] Jefferson to Dupont de Nemours, March 2, 1809; Works, v. 432.
[398] Jefferson to Armstrong, March 5, 1809; Works, v. 434.
INDEX TO VOLS. I. AND II.
Abbot, Charles, ii. 97.
Acts of Congress: of Jan. 30, 1799, called Logan’s Act, ii. 236;
of March 3, 1805, regulating trade with St. Domingo, i. 88;
of Feb. 13, 1806, called the Two Million Act, 138, 139, 147, 170;
of Feb. 28, 1806, prohibiting trade with St. Domingo, 140, 141;
of April 18, 1806, prohibiting the importation of certain goods
from Great Britain, 175;
of March 29, 1806, for laying out the Cumberland Road, 181;
of April 21, 1806, for continuing the Mediterranean Fund, 183;
of Dec. 19, 1806, for suspending the Non-importation Act of April
18, 1806, 349;
of March 3, 1807, repealing the salt-tax and continuing the
Mediterranean Fund, 349, 367, 369;
of Feb. 10, 1807, establishing a coast survey, 355;
of March 2, 1807, prohibiting the importation of slaves, 356-365;
of Dec. 18, 1807, providing for the building of one hundred and
eighty-eight gunboats, ii. 161;
of Dec. 22, 1807, for laying an embargo, 168-176;
of Jan. 9, 1808, supplementary to the embargo, 200;
of March 12, 1808, supplementary to the embargo, 201-204;
of April 12, 1808, to raise eight new regiments, 212-218;
of April 22, 1808, authorizing the President under certain
conditions to suspend the embargo, 223, 306;
of Jan. 9, 1809, to enforce the embargo, 398-400;
of Jan. 30, 1809, calling an extra session on the fourth Monday in
May, 424;
of March 1, 1809, to interdict commercial intercourse between the
United States and Great Britain and France, 444-453.
Adair, John, senator from Kentucky, i. 127, 139;
in Wilkinson’s confidence, 220, 223, 241, 255, 274;
refuses to testify, 282;
accompanies Burr to Nashville, 287;
his remarks on Andrew Jackson, 288;
starts for New Orleans by land, 291;
Burr’s despatches to, 295;
arrives in New Orleans, and is arrested, 324;
discharged from custody, 340.
Adams, John, ii. 455;
his description of Pickering, 402.
Adams, John Quincy, senator from Massachusetts, his interview’s with
Jefferson, i. 129, 430, 431;
his part in the Non-importation Resolutions, 151;
his remarks on Yrujo, 188;
attends “Chesapeake” meetings in Boston, ii. 29;
pledged to support opposition to England, 146;
chairman of the committee on the embargo, 171;
urges the passage of the Embargo Act, 173;
offers a resolution for removing the embargo, 187;
votes for Clinton and replies to Pickering’s letter, 240 _et
seq._;
resigns his seat in the Senate, 242, 255, 283, 401.
Alexander, Czar of Russia, i. 425;
signs treaty of Tilsit, ii. 62;
wishes diplomatic relations with Jefferson, 465.
Alfred, Maine, the town of, protests against the embargo, ii. 415.
Allston, Joseph, Burr’s son-in-law, i. 220, 240;
guarantees Blennerhassett from loss, 260;
with Burr in Kentucky, 260, 268;
to go with recruits from Charleston, 265, 266;
his part in Burr’s trial, 463 _et seq._
Allston, Mrs. (Theodosia Burr), accompanies Burr on his expedition,
i. 255;
at Blennerhassett’s island, 257;
to be queen of Mexico, 259;
infatuation of Luther Martin for, 444.
Alston, Willis, member of Congress from North Carolina, i. 354;
on war with England, ii. 376.
Ames, Fisher, ii. 348.
Anderson, Patton, i. 287.
Anderson, Joseph, senator from Tennessee, i. 139.
“Aristides,” i. 209.
Armstrong, John, minister to France, notifies Monroe of Napoleon’s
decision on Spanish claims and boundaries, i. 31, 32;
recommends a course toward Texas and Florida, 39;
to be employed in the Florida negotiation, 78;
receives Talleyrand’s conditions for an arrangement with Spain,
104;
attacked in the Senate, 153;
opposition to his appointment with Bowdoin to conduct the Florida
negotiation, 153, 172;
watching Napoleon in Paris, 370;
offers to execute Talleyrand’s plan, 376;
approaches Napoleon through Duroc, 386;
asks Decrès for an explanation of the Berlin Decree, 390;
refused passports for Napoleon’s headquarters, ii. 105;
protests against the “Horizon” judgment, 110;
reports Napoleon’s order relating to the Berlin Decree, 112;
well informed with regard to Napoleon’s projects, 113;
remonstrates against the Milan Decree, 292;
receives from Champagny an offer of the Floridas as the price of
an
alliance with France, 294;
replies to Champagny, 294;
refuses to present the case of the burned vessels to the French
government, 313.
Auckland, Lord, i. 407.
“Aurora,” the, 119.
Austerlitz, battle of, i. 163, 370.
Bacon, Ezekiel, determined to overthrow the embargo, ii. 432, 436,
441, 450, 455, 463.
Bailen, capitulation at, ii. 315, 341.
Baldwin, Abraham, senator from Georgia, i. 126.
Barclay, John, i. 231.
Baring, Alexander, i. 52; ii. 69;
his reply to “War in Disguise,” 317.
Baring, Sir Francis, at the dinner to the Spanish patriots, ii. 331.
Barron, Captain James, appointed Commodore of the Mediterranean
squadron, ii. 5;
replies to Captain Humphrey’s note, 13;
orders his flag to be struck, 19;
blamed by his brother officers, 20;
trial of, 21;
result of the trial, 22.
Bastrop grant, the, Burr’s proposal to Blennerhassett to buy, i.
256;
bought by Burr, 260, 274.
Bath, town-meeting in December, 1808, ii. 409.
Bathurst, Lord, President of the
Board of Trade, disapproves of Perceval’s general order, ii. 93 _et
seq._, 100, 325.
Bayard, James A., senator from Delaware, i. 339, 461; ii. 146.
Bayonne Decree of April 17, 1808, ii. 304, 312.
Bellechasse, M., of New Orleans, i. 300, 305 _et seq._
Berkeley, Admiral George Cranfield, issues orders to search the
“Chesapeake” for deserters, ii. 3;
approves the attack on the “Chesapeake,” 25;
recalled and his attack on the “Chesapeake” disavowed, 51.
Berlin Decree of Nov. 21, 1806, i. 389, 412, 416, 427;
enforced in August, 1807, ii. 82, 109;
Napoleon’s defence of, 221, 295;
his persistence in, 295.
Beverly, town-meeting in January, 1809, ii. 413.
Bidwell, Barnabas, i. 127;
supports Jefferson’s Spanish message in committee, 132, 137;
urged by Jefferson to take the leadership of the Democrats in
Congress, 207;
in slave-trade debate, 360, 363.
Bigelow, Timothy, speaker of Massachusetts legislature, ii. 456.
Bissell, Captain, of the First Infantry, i. 284, 290;
welcomes Burr at Fort Massac, 291;
receives a letter from Andrew Jackson warning him to stop
expedition, 291.
Blennerhassett, Harman, i. 220, 233;
duped by Burr, 247, 256 _et seq._;
his indiscreet talk, 259, 275, 281;
returns to his home, 276;
driven from his island, 286;
rejoins Burr, 291;
indicted, 457;
keeps a record of Burr’s trial, 462 _et seq._;
Allston tries to conciliate, 464;
Duane visits, 464.
Blennerhassett, Mrs., i. 220;
sends a warning letter to Burr, 275.
Blockade, of New York, i. 91 _et seq._; ii. 144;
preferred by Bathurst to commercial restrictions, 95;
Fox’s, of the French and German coast, 398.
Bollman, Eric, to be sent to London by Burr, i. 248, 251;
starts for New Orleans, 255;
arrives, 296, 306;
reports to Burr, 309;
sees Wilkinson, 318;
arrested, 319, 338;
discharged from custody, 340.
Bonaparte, Joseph, crowned King of Spain, ii. 300.
Bonaparte, Lucien, offered the crown of Spain, ii. 113;
his story of the offer, 124.
Boré, M., of New Orleans, i. 300.
Boston town-meeting in January, 1809, ii. 411.
Botts, Benjamin, Burr’s counsel, i. 444.
Bowdoin, James, appointed minister to Madrid, i. 57;
Jefferson’s letter announcing appointment, 57;
suggestions of plans for his negotiations, 59-61, 71;
reveals Talleyrand’s plan for a settlement with Spain, 378;
letter to, 436.
Bradley, Captain, of the “Cambrian,” recall and promotion, i. 48.
Bradley, Stephen R., senator from Vermont, i. 126, 139;
offers a resolution opposing the appointment of a minister to
Russia, ii. 466.
Breckenridge, John, of Kentucky, appointed attorney-general, i. 11,
127;
his death, 444.
Brougham, Henry, his speculations on the cause of English prejudice
against America, ii. 73;
his hostility to Perceval’s orders, 318;
at the bar of the House opposing the Orders in Council, 321.
Brown, James, secretary of the Louisiana Territory, i. 219, 280.
Bruff, James, Major of Artillery, sounded by General Wilkinson, i.
222, 241;
his charge against Wilkinson, 454.
Bruin, Judge, i. 325.
Bryant, William Cullen, his poem, “The Embargo,” ii. 279.
Bullus, Dr., on the “Chesapeake,” ii. 11, 13, 21.
Burling, Colonel, i. 313.
Burr, Aaron, Vice-President, gives the casting vote against Dr.
Logan’s amendment, i. 88;
jealous of Miranda, 189, 218;
his scheme and connections, 219;
on his way to New Orleans, 220;
his plans notorious in New Orleans, 224 _et seq._;
returns and visits Andrew Jackson and Wilkinson, 227;
his expectations of aid from England disappointed, 229;
his report to Merry, 231;
received at the White House, 233;
his advances to Yrujo and the Spanish government, 234;
his plot to seize the heads of government and the public money,
239;
his contempt for Jefferson, 244;
his communications with Yrujo, 247;
rebuffed by Fox, 250;
his imposture, 251;
his cipher despatch to Wilkinson, 253;
starts for New Orleans with Mrs. Allston and De Pestre, 255;
secures Blennerhassett’s fortune, 256;
arouses opposition in Kentucky, 268;
orders the purchase of supplies, 274;
denies intention to separate the Eastern from the Western States,
276;
attacked in court by District-Attorney Daveiss, 277;
a second time accused, 282;
acquitted, 282;
repeats his disavowal to Andrew Jackson, 287;
escapes from Nashville, 289;
received at Fort Massac, 291;
his relations in New Orleans, 296;
his visit to New Orleans in 1805, 302;
denounced by Wilkinson, surrenders to Governor Meade, 325 _et
seq._;
deserts his friends, 327;
arrested and sent to Richmond, Va., 327;
brought to trial before Chief-Justice Marshall, 441;
committed for misdemeanor only, 446;
indicted, 459;
his demeanor under trial, 464;
acquitted, 469.
Cabinet, new arrangement of, in March, 1805, i. 10-12;
approves embargo, ii. 170;
Madison’s intended, 429.
Cabot, George, i. 95, 144; ii. 29;
letters from, given to Rose by Pickering, ii. 235, 412.
“Cambrian,” British frigate, i. 48.
Campbell, George Washington, member of Congress from Tennessee,
chairman of Ways and Means Committee, ii. 153;
challenged by Gardenier, 203, 217;
his argument for the embargo, 267;
his report to Congress, 370;
defends his report, 380;
his Resolution adopted, 383;
opposes fitting out the navy, 426, 441;
speech of, on the Non-intercourse Act, 448.
Campbell, John, member of Congress from Maryland, i. 356.
Canals proposed by Gallatin, ii. 364.
Canning, George, becomes Foreign Secretary, ii. 56;
his character, 57, 73;
his opinion of democrats, 59;
his wit, 60;
his eloquence, 61;
his negotiation with Monroe respecting the “Chesapeake” affair, 40
_et seq._;
his reasons for disavowing Berkeley’s act, 76 _et seq._;
his opinion on Spencer Perceval’s proposed Order in Council, 92,
97;
instructs Erskine with regard to the Orders in Council, 99;
instructions to Rose, 178 _et seq._;
opposes interference with the effect of the embargo, 326;
his confidence in Napoleon’s overthrow in 1808, 331;
on the causes of the embargo, 332;
replies to Pinkney’s conditional proposition to withdraw the
embargo, 334 _et seq._;
letter of, to Pinkney published in the “New England Palladium,”
419.
Cantrelle, M., i. 300.
Capitol at Washington, the south wing completed, ii. 152, 209.
Casa Calvo, Marquis of, i. 71, 73, 74, 79.
Castlereagh, Lord, on Howick’s Order in Council, ii. 80, 81;
becomes War Secretary, 81;
urges retaliation on France, 83, 90, 325, 421.
Cazeneau, Mr., i. 379.
Cevallos, Don Pedro, Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs, his
negotiation with Monroe, i. 24-36;
refuses to countenance Burr’s designs, 249.
Champagny, Jean Baptiste de, succeeds Talleyrand as Minister of
Foreign Affairs, ii. 107;
his letter of Jan. 15, 1808, declaring war to exist between
England
and the United States, 221.
Charles IV. of Spain, abdication of, ii. 117, 298.
Cheetham, James, i. 272, 273.
“Chesapeake,” frigate, the desertion of British seamen to, ii. 2;
delay in getting her ready for sea, 5;
starts for sea, 9;
fired on by the “Leopard,” 16;
strikes her flag, 19;
returns to Norfolk, 20.
“Chesapeake Affair,” measures taken by the Cabinet after the, ii.
31,
163;
Madison’s instructions on, 39, 45;
its effect on English society, 44;
attack disavowed by the British Ministry, 51, 149;
Canning’s instructions on, 178-182;
Rose’s negotiation on, ii. 187-197;
laid aside, 199;
Gallatin’s plan for settling, 388.
Chickasaw Bluff, i. 284, 290, 325.
Claiborne, W. C. C., governor of Orleans Territory, character of, i.
297 _et seq._;
his anxieties, 304;
his ignorance of Burr’s conspiracy, 308;
warned by Wilkinson and Andrew Jackson, 316 _et seq._
Claims against Spain, i. 23-26, 28-30, 32, 35, 107.
Clark, Daniel, of New Orleans, i. 222;
in sympathy with Burr and the Mexican Association, 223, 236;
his letter to Wilkinson complaining of Burr’s indiscretion, 224;
Burr’s drafts to be drawn in his favor, 231;
a correspondent of Burr in New Orleans, 296, 322;
his hatred for Claiborne, 300;
delegate to Congress, 302, 303;
secures affidavits in evidence of his innocence, 306 _et seq._;
in Washington, 307;
preserves silence respecting the conspiracy, 308;
Wilkinson’s letters to, 321, 322;
turns against Wilkinson, 454.
Clark, William, explores Louisiana Territory with Captain Lewis, i.
12, 215.
Clay, Henry, Burr’s counsel, i. 278, 282.
“Clermont,” Fulton’s steamboat, makes her first voyage August 17,
1807, ii. 135.
Clinton, George, Vice-President, i. 126;
by his casting vote confirms Armstrong, 153, 172;
renominated for Vice-President in 1808, ii. 226, 287;
his hostility to Madison, 227;
supported by Cheetham for the Presidency, 227, 284;
his opinions reported by Erskine, 385;
his opposition to Madison, 428, 430.
Clinton, DeWitt, presides over a “Chesapeake” meeting in New York,
ii. 28;
his attitude towards the embargo, 283;
takes electoral votes from Madison, 287.
Clopton, John, ii. 212.
Coast survey, appropriation for by Congress, i. 355.
Coasting trade under the embargo, ii. 251 _et seq._
Cobbett, William, on the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 44, 73, 329.
Colonial trade, rule of, established by case of “Essex,” i. 45;
distress of, 49;
arrangement of, in Monroe’s treaty, 409, 412;
parliamentary report on, ii. 67;
the only object of Perceval’s Orders in Council, 95.
Congress, Session of 1804-1805, i. 9;
problems before, December, 1805, 91;
meeting of the Ninth, Dec. 2, 1805, 126;
close of first session, 196;
opening of second session, Dec. 1, 1806, 328;
close of, 369;
Tenth, character of, ii. 146;
meeting of, Oct. 26, 1807, 152;
close of the first session, 223;
meeting of second session, Nov. 7, 1808, 354, 361;
close of, 453, 454.
Connecticut legislature, action of, in February, 1809, ii. 418, 455.
“Constitution,” the, ii. 5.
Cook, Orchard, member of Congress from Massachusetts, his letter
describing Gallatin’s plan, ii. 369.
Copenhagen, the British expedition against, ii. 63;
bombardment of, 65.
Cordero, Governor, i. 311.
Cotton, export to France prohibited by England, ii. 101, 219, 322,
323.
Craig, Sir James, governor-general of Canada, calls on the Indians
for assistance in case of war with the United States, ii. 137;
governor of Lower Canada, 243;
warned by Erskine to be on his guard against attacks from the
United States, 395;
his instructions to John Henry, 460.
Creoles in Louisiana, Claiborne’s treatment of, i. 298.
Crowninshield, Jacob, member of Congress from
Massachusetts,--declines Navy Department, appointed Secretary,
refuses office, remains on records as Secretary of Navy, i.
10,
11;
speech of, in favor of non-importation, 157, 200;
ii. 109;
his death, 209;
succeeded by Joseph Story, 463.
Cuba, Jefferson’s policy toward, ii. 340, 341.
Cumberland Road, i. 181, 355.
Cushing, T. H., Lieutenant-Colonel of Second Infantry, i. 246, 311;
Wilkinson communicates Burr’s designs to, 313;
orders to, 315.
Dallas, A. J., i. 9;
his opinion of Jefferson’s second administration, ii. 455.
Dana, Samuel, member of Congress from Connecticut, i. 143, 242;
ii. 436.
Dautremont, M., i. 379.
Daveiss, Joseph H., United States District Attorney, i. 268;
writes to Jefferson denouncing the Spanish plot, 270;
accuses Burr in court of setting on foot a military expedition,
277;
renews his motion, 282;
removed from office by Jefferson, 294, 309;
and censured, 337.
Davis, Judge John, his opinion on the constitutionality of the
embargo, ii. 268 _et seq._
Dayton, Jonathan, in Miranda’s confidence, i. 189;
informs Yrujo of Miranda’s expedition, 192;
his connection with Burr, 219;
attempts to obtain funds from Yrujo, 234 _et seq._;
funds received by him from the Spanish treasury, 245;
his letter to Wilkinson, 252;
at Burr’s trial, 463.
Dearborn, Henry, Secretary of War, i. 10, 454;
ignorant of Jefferson’s instructions to Monroe, ii. 163.
Debt, National. (See Finances.)
Decatur, Stephen, on Barron’s court-martial, ii. 21, 24.
Decrees of France. (See Berlin, Milan, Bayonne.)
Decrès, Duc, writes to Armstrong respecting the Berlin Decree, i.
391.
Denmark, Napoleon’s demands upon, ii. 63. (See Copenhagen.)
De Pestre, one of Burr’s officers, i. 252;
starts with Burr as his chief of staff, 255;
sent by Burr to report to Yrujo, 261;
his message, 264.
Deposit, right of, discussed by Cevallos, i. 26, 27.
Derbigny, Pierre, i. 219, 301, 305.
Destréhan, Jean Noel, i. 301.
Detroit, isolation of, i. 14, 15.
Dexter, Samuel, his argument against the constitutionality of the
embargo, ii. 268, 270;
takes the lead in Boston town-meeting, 411, 412.
Dos de Maio, the, ii. 300 _et seq._;
its effect in America, 339 _et seq._
Douglas, Captain John Erskine, of the “Bellona,” ii. 4;
reports the affair of the “Chesapeake” to Admiral Berkeley, 25;
his letter to the Mayor of Norfolk, 28.
Dreyer, M., Danish minister at Paris, ii. 106, 107.
Duane, William, opposes Governor McKean, i. 9;
hostile to Gallatin, 210;
visits Blennerhassett in prison, ii. 464.
Dundas. (See Melville.)
Dupiester. (See De Pestre.)
Dupont, General, ordered to enter Spain, ii. 121, 122.
Duroc, Marshal, i. 386.
Early, Peter, member of Congress from Georgia, chairman of the
committee on the slave-trade, i. 356;
his bill for the sale of slaves captured on a slave-ship, 357,
362.
Easton, Judge, writes concerning Wilkinson’s connection with
Miranda,
i. 241.
Eaton, General William, Burr reveals his plot to, i. 239;
attempts to put Jefferson on his guard, 242, 244, 279, 462.
Education, public, favored by Jefferson, i. 346.
Eldon, Lord, his anecdote of King George and F. J. Jackson, ii. 65,
96;
defends the Orders in Council, 320.
Election, Presidential, of 1804, in Massachusetts, i. 8;
Jefferson’s satisfaction in, 8;
of April, 1805, in Massachusetts, 9;
autumn, of 1805 in Pennsylvania, 9;
of April, 1806, in Massachusetts, 207;
of April, 1807, in Massachusetts, ii. 146;
of April, 1808, in Massachusetts, 237-242;
of May, 1808, in New York, 283;
Presidential, of 1808, 285-287;
of October, 1808, in Pennsylvania, 286;
congressional, of 1808, 287.
Embargo, suggested by Armstrong, approved by Madison, i. 75;
favored by Senator Jackson in 1805, 149;
by John Randolph, 149;
Jefferson’s first draft of Embargo Message, ii. 168;
Madison’s draft, 169, 170;
bill reported and passed in Senate, 172, 173;
moved by Randolph in House, 173;
becomes law, Dec. 22, 1807, 175, 176;
object of 175, 176, 186, 332;
Senator Adams’s resolution on, 187;
Jefferson’s determination to enforce, 249-271, 273;
difficulties of Governor Sullivan regarding, 253-256;
difficulties of Governor Tompkins in New York, 259;
dissatisfaction of Robert Smith with, 261;
demand of “powers equally dangerous and odious” by Gallatin, 262;
interference of Justice Johnson in South Carolina, 263, 264;
arguments on constitutionality of, 266, 267;
decision of Judge John Davis, 268-270;
opinion of Joseph Story on, 270;
its economical cost, 274, 275;
its moral cost, 276;
its political cost, 277-284, 288;
its failure to coerce, 288, 344;
Jefferson’s opinion of its relative prejudice to England and
France, 309;
Jefferson’s opinion of its cost, 309, 462;
approved by Napoleon, 313;
Armstrong’s opinion of, 314;
its pressure on England, 324, 327-329;
Canning’s note on, 334-336;
W. C. Nicholas’s letter on, 345;
the alternative to war, 354, 355;
repeal of, 438. (See Acts of Congress.)
“Embargo, The,” a satire, by William Cullen Bryant, ii. 279.
Enforcement Act. (See Embargo and Acts of Congress.)
England, cordial friendship with, i. 8;
change of policy by Pitt in 1804-1805, 43-53 (see Pitt, Perceval,
Canning);
alliance with, urged by Jefferson, 62-65, 70;
Pitt’s policy reversed by Fox, 393, 397;
unfriendly policy carried to an extreme by Perceval and Canning,
ii. 55 _et seq._;
unfriendly feeling in 1808, 331.
Eppes, John W., member of Congress from Virginia, i. 339, 351.
Erskine, Lord Chancellor, i. 393;
his speech against the Orders in Council, ii. 320.
Erskine, David Montague, succeeds Merry as British minister at
Washington, i. 250, 423;
takes Monroe’s treaty to Madison, 429;
at the White House, ii. 35, 36;
his reports on the “Chesapeake” excitement, 37, 78, 142, 143;
reports intended commercial restrictions, 144;
reports Jefferson’s conversation on the “Chesapeake” negotiation,
December, 1807, 162;
reports an embargo to be imposed in expectation of a retaliatory
Order in Council declaring a blockade of France, 175, 176,
332;
accompanies Rose, 193;
reported by Rose, 199;
interview with Jefferson, Nov. 9, 1808, 351-353;
reports the opinion of members of Jefferson’s cabinet on the
situation in November, 1808, 384;
informs Canning of the warlike attitude of the government, 386;
reports Gallatin’s remarks as to foreign relations, 389;
advises Canning that war is imminent, 392, 393;
reports Madison for war, 394;
his account of the struggle for the repeal of the embargo, 443 _et
seq._
Erving, George W., as _chargé d’affaires_ replaces Pinckney at
Madrid, i. 37, 377, 388.
Erwin, Dr., i. 263, 265.
“Essex,” Sir William Scott’s judgment in the case of, i. 44, 45;
received in the United States, 96, 97;
Madison’s remarks on, reported by Merry, 98;
remarks of “a confidential person,” 99;
result of, in America, 143;
Boston memorial against, 144;
Philadelphia and Baltimore memorials, 144.
Essex Junto, ii. 29, 401, 403, 405, 412, 442, 462.
Evans, Oliver, his experiments with a stern-wheel steamboat, i. 217.
“Evening Post,” Gardenier’s supposed letter in, ii. 203.
Eylau, the battle of, ii. 62, 105.
Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias, ii. 290;
intrigues against his father, 291;
described by Napoleon, 299.
Ferrand, General, protests against the contraband trade with St.
Domingo, i. 88.
Finances, national, in 1805, i. 12, 18;
in 1806, 210, 345;
in 1807, ii. 148, 156;
in 1808, 366.
Florida, West, desire of the southern people to acquire, i. 22;
negotiation for, in 1805 (see Monroe);
Madison’s opinion of claim to, 55, 56;
not to be turned into a French job, 70, 77;
Cabinet decides to offer five millions for, 78;
Talleyrand’s plan for obtaining, 103;
Talleyrand’s plan adopted by Jefferson, 106;
opposed in Congress, 133 _et seq._;
passage of Two Million Act for purchasing, 138;
Burr’s designs upon, 232, 234;
source of Talleyrand’s plan, 373;
Napoleon’s attitude, 374, 375;
Madison’s instructions, 375;
Napoleon defeats Talleyrand’s plan, 376-385, 424, 428; ii. 114;
Turreau’s views on, i. 426;
American occupation invited by Napoleon, ii. 293, 294, 296, 297,
307;
invitation acknowledged by Madison, 306;
invitation denied by Napoleon, 311;
seizure of, intended by Jefferson, 340.
Folch, Governor, of West Florida, i. 300.
Fontainebleau, treaty of, ii. 121.
Fortifications, i. 179, 350.
Fox, Charles James, accession of, to Foreign Office, i. 163, 211;
recalls Merry, and refuses to listen to Burr’s schemes, 250;
opens negotiations with Monroe, 394;
his blockade, 398;
illness of, 406;
death of, 407.
France, perfect understanding with, i. 8. (See Napoleon.)
Freeman, Constant, Lieutenant-Colonel of Artillery, in command at
New
Orleans, warned by Wilkinson, i. 314, 315.
Friedland, the battle of, ii. 62, 105.
Fulton, Robert, his steamboat, i. 20, 216; ii. 135.
Gaines, E. P., First Lieutenant of Second Infantry, commanding at
Fort Stoddert, arrests Burr, i. 327.
Gallatin, Albert, Secretary of the Treasury, remonstrates with
Jefferson against his allusions to New England in his second
Inaugural, i. 6;
his policy of internal improvements, 18;
ii. 364;
his view of Monroe’s negotiation with Spain, i. 65;
opposes the idea of war, 67;
opposes the offer of five millions for Florida, 78;
criticises the draft of Annual Message, November, 1805, 114;
success of his financial management, 210;
his policy of discharging public debt, 345;
his hostility to slavery, 362;
prepares for war, ii. 32 _et seq._;
his success with the treasury, 148;
modifies Jefferson’s Annual Message of 1807, 150;
his report Nov. 5, 1807, 156;
abandons his dogma with regard to a debt, 157;
opposed to Jefferson’s gunboat policy, 158;
wishes the embargo should be limited as to time, 170;
talks freely with Rose, 197;
asserts that war is inevitable unless the Orders in Council are
repealed, 198;
enforces the embargo, 253;
requires arbitrary powers to enforce the embargo, 261;
thinks the election of Madison doubtful, 284;
urges Jefferson to decide between embargo and war, 355;
his Annual Report of 1808, 365-367;
favors war, 368;
his plan, 369, 432;
writes “Campbell’s Report,” 370, 371;
his attitude as represented by Erskine, 385;
suggests settlement to Erskine, 387, 388;
Erskine’s report of his conversation, 390;
disavows Erskine’s report, 391;
his legislation to enforce the embargo, 398;
presses his measures, 420;
defeats bill for employing navy, 425, 426;
his analysis of the navy coalition, 428;
intended by Madison for Secretary of State, 429;
opposed by Giles, 429, 430;
his efforts to maintain discipline, 440;
explains the Non-intercourse Act to Erskine, 445.
Gambier, Lord, in command of the Copenhagen expedition, ii. 63;
bombards Copenhagen, 65.
Gardenier, Barent, ii. 147;
attacks the Supplementary Embargo Bill, 201;
his views on Campbell’s Report, 375, 447.
George III., Eldon’s anecdote of, ii. 65.
Gerry, Elbridge, presides over a “Chesapeake” meeting in Boston, ii.
29.
Giles, William B., senator from Virginia, i. 126;
introduces a bill to suspend habeas corpus, 338, 340;
ready for war, ii. 198;
described by Joseph Story, 205;
his bill defining treason, 206;
his bill conferring power to enforce the embargo by the most
stringent measures, 398;
a member of the senatorial cabal hostile to Madison and Gallatin,
428-430.
Gilman, Nicholas, senator from New Hampshire, i. 139.
Gloucester town-meeting appoints a committee of public safety, ii.
414.
Godoy, Don Manuel, defiant speech to Erving, i. 38;
offers to accept American advances, 381, 382;
opposed to alliance with France, ii. 116, 117, 118, 124;
stifles Prince Ferdinand’s intrigue, 291;
attacked by the people, 298;
described by Napoleon, 299.
Goodrich, Chauncey, senator from Connecticut, i. 461; ii. 146.
Gordon, Charles, appointed Captain of the “Chesapeake,” ii. 5;
drops down the Potomac, 7;
ready for sea, 8;
testimony of, 11;
prepares for action, 16.
Gore, Christopher, letter to Pickering, ii. 405;
Pickering’s reply, 406.
Graham, John, sent by Jefferson to inquire into Burr’s movements, i.
280, 281;
goes to Chillicothe, 282;
to Kentucky, 286.
Gregg, Andrew, member of Congress from Pennsylvania, moves a
Non-importation Resolution, i. 154;
the resolution debated, 155-165;
the resolution laid aside, 165, 396.
Grenville, Lord, denounces seizure of Spanish galleons, i. 46;
prime minister, 392, 420;
dismissed from office, 421;
charges ministers with intending a war, ii. 70.
Grey, Charles, Earl Grey, denounces seizure of Spanish galleons, i.
47. (See Howick.)
Gulf-stream considered by Jefferson as American waters, i. 129, 405,
424.
Gunboats, arguments for and against, i. 352;
Jefferson’s policy adopted by Congress, ii. 158-160.
Habeas Corpus, bill for the suspension of, defeated in Congress, i.
338, 340.
“Halifax,” the, desertion of seamen from, ii. 2.
Hall, Basil, his account of the practice of British frigates
blockading New York, i. 92.
Hall, Captain of marines on the “Chesapeake,” ii. 11.
Hampshire county-meeting in January, 1809, ii. 410.
Harrison, William Henry, obtains Indian lands, i. 13.
Harrowby, Lord, i. 47.
Hawkesbury, Lord, Home Secretary, his opinion on Spencer Perceval’s
proposed order, ii. 90.
Hay, George, District-Attorney, conducts prosecution of Burr, i.
445;
threatens the court with impeachment, 466;
accuses Jefferson of insincerity, ii. 131.
Heath, William, Jefferson’s letter to, i. 8, 9, 58.
Henry, John, his letters to H. W. Ryland in March, 1808, ii.
243-248;
his letters sent by Sir James Craig to Lord Castlereagh, 246, 248;
sent to Boston by Sir James Craig in January, 1809, 460;
his reports, 461.
Herrera, General, i. 300;
hostile demonstrations of, 304;
movements of, 310.
Hillhouse, James, senator from Connecticut, ii. 146, 405.
Holland, James, member of Congress from North Carolina, i. 351.
Holland, Lord, i. 407.
“Horizon,” American ship, condemned by French courts under Berlin
Decree, ii. 82;
judgment in the case of the, 109.
Howick, Lord, British Foreign Secretary, i. 407;
his order depriving neutrals of coasting rights, i. 416-421;
dismissed from office, 421; ii. 79.
Humphreys, Captain, of the “Leopard,” ii. 4;
his note to Commodore Barron, 12.
Hunt, Major, sounded by General Wilkinson, i. 222.
Impeachment, a farce, i. 447;
Marshall threatened with, 466.
Impressments of American seamen, i. 93, 94, 400; ii. 144;
Monroe’s negotiation upon, i. 407-409, 422, 429, 432, 433, 438;
included in instructions on the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 39, 45,
47, 162-164;
British proclamation on, 52, 166;
Jefferson’s intentions on, 164, 353.
Impressment Proclamation. (See Proclamations.)
Inaugural Address, second, of President Jefferson, i. 1-8.
Indians, Jefferson’s parallel between Indians and conservatives, i.
4, 6;
cessions of territory in 1805, 14;
relations of the northwestern, with Canada, 15, 16;
of the southwestern with Florida, 16. (See Treaties.)
Innis, Judge, i. 274;
denies Daveiss’ motion against Burr, 278;
humiliated by Daveiss and Marshall, 293.
Internal improvements, Jefferson’s recommendation of a fund for, i.
2, 346; ii. 364;
his anxiety to begin, i. 19;
Gallatin’s scheme of, 20;
Gallatin’s report on, ii. 364.
Jackson, Andrew, his devotion to Burr, i. 221, 258;
his unauthorized order of Oct. 4, 1806, to the Tennessee militia,
258;
undertakes the building of boats, etc., for Burr, 274;
to be instructed against Burr, 284;
requires disavowals from Burr, 287;
his letter to Claiborne, 288, 317;
his quarrel with Adair, 288;
at Richmond, attacks Jefferson, 460.
Jackson, Francis James, British envoy to Denmark, to demand the
delivery of the Danish fleet, ii. 64;
Lord Eldon’s anecdote concerning, 65.
Jackson, Jacob, Second Lieutenant of Artillery, commanding at
Chickasaw Bluff, i. 325.
Jackson, Senator James, of Georgia, i. 126;
declares in favor of an embargo, 149, 176;
his death, 176.
Jackson, John G., member of Congress from Virginia, attacks Quincy
in
Congress, i. 196;
opposes war, ii. 378.
Jefferson, Thomas, his second inauguration, i. 1;
his Inaugural Address, 1-9;
his Cabinet, 10;
result of his Spanish diplomacy, 38, 39;
his letter to Madison respecting Monroe’s mission, 54;
his letter to James Bowdoin respecting the Spanish relations, 57;
writes to Madison respecting procedure with Spain, 61;
suggests a treaty with England, 63;
favors Armstrong’s advice to occupy Texas, 69;
writes to Madison of plan for peaceable settlement by intervention
of France, 75;
his memorandum of a Cabinet meeting, 77;
the turning-point of his second administration, 80;
his conversation with Merry after the British seizures, 101;
his memorandum of the new Spanish policy, 106;
his aversion to war with England, 108;
his Annual Message, 1805, 111 _et seq._;
announces his intention to retire at the close of his term, 119;
his Message applauded by the Federalist press, 129;
his secret Spanish message, 130;
preserves secrecy in Congress, 147;
coerced into sending special mission to England, 150, 152, 433;
conciliates opposition in Congress, 165;
warns Monroe against Randolph, 165;
makes advances to Macon, 167;
Randolph’s attack on, 172 _et seq._;
closes American ports to three British cruisers, 200;
his character and position described by Turreau, 205;
asks Bidwell to take the leadership in the House, 207;
his refusal to obey a subpœna, 208, 450;
receives Burr at the White House, 233;
his seeming indifference to Burr’s movements, 266;
his memoranda of the situation, 278;
sends Graham to inquire into Burr’s movements, 281;
sends to Wilkinson to use active measures, 284;
issues a proclamation, 285;
his letter to Secretary Smith regarding naval and military
defences, 332;
obliged to proceed against Burr, 336;
and to defend Wilkinson, 341;
his Annual Message, December, 1806, 345 _et seq._;
advocates internal improvements, 346;
would abolish the slave-trade, 347;
signs the Act prohibiting the Slave Trade, 365;
defied by Spain, 388;
his instructions to Monroe and Pinkney regarding the treaty, 401
_et seq._;
determined on commercial restrictions, 423;
refuses to submit Monroe’s treaty to the Senate, 430 _et seq._;
offers Monroe the government of Orleans Territory, 435;
his letter to Bowdoin about Spanish perfidy and injustice, 436;
designs to impeach Marshall, 447;
his irritation with Marshall and Burr’s counsel, 450, 453;
supports Wilkinson, 456;
his vexation at Burr’s acquittal, 470;
his proclamation on the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 30;
preparations for war, 32;
his instructions to Monroe, 39;
the result of his measures of peaceful coercion, 97;
his genius for peace, 130;
his personal friendship for Monroe, 130;
his confidence in his own theory, 138;
domestic opposition to, insignificant, 145 _et seq._;
his strength in Congress, 147;
the secret of his success, 148;
his Annual Message, Oct. 27, 1807, 153;
his influence, 155;
his second Message concerning the Burr trial, 156;
his policy as to gunboats, 158;
yields to Canning, 163, 164;
writes an embargo message, 168;
signs the Embargo Act, Dec. 22, 1807, 178;
his entreaties to Rose through Robert Smith, 188-191;
asks Congress for an addition, of six thousand men to the regular
army, 212;
charged with a subserviency to Napoleon, 228;
issues a proclamation against insurrection on the Canada frontier,
249;
writes a circular letter to State governors respecting the surplus
of flour in their States, 252;
writes to Governor Sullivan, of Massachusetts, to stop importing
provisions, 253;
writes to General Dearborn, 256;
his war with the Massachusetts Federalists, 258;
his popularity shattered, 269;
hatred of, in England, 331;
orders Pinkney to offer a withdrawal of the embargo if England
would withdraw the Orders in Council, 333 _et seq._;
his attitude toward Spain, 339;
decides to propose no new measures in view of his approaching
retirement, 356;
his language reported by Pickering, 359;
his last Annual Message, 361 _et seq._;
advocates public improvements, 364;
desires to maintain the embargo until his retirement, 432;
opposition of Joseph Story and others to, 433;
his letter to Thomas Mann Randolph, 442;
signs the act repealing the embargo, 454;
contradictions of his presidency, 454;
insulted by the address of the Massachusetts legislature, 457;
his failure to overthrow the New England Federalists, 461;
submits in silence to the repeal of the embargo, 462;
his letter to Dearborn revealing his mortification, 463;
decline of his influence, 464;
appoints William Short minister to Russia, 465;
the nomination rejected by the Senate, 466;
his letter to Short, 468;
his style of life and his debts, 469 _et seq._;
quits Washington, 472;
his address to his fellow-citizens in Virginia, 473.
Johnson, Richard M., member of Congress from Kentucky, his argument
in favor of the embargo, ii. 266;
opposes war, 376.
Johnson, Justice William, of South Carolina, issues a mandamus to
compel the collector to clear certain ships, ii. 263.
Jones, Evan, i. 300.
Judiciary, attempt to make an elective, ii. 205.
Junot, marshal of France, ordered to enter Spain, ii. 117;
marches on Portugal, 119;
enters Lisbon, 120, 121;
capitulates at Cintra, 315.
Keenan, Thomas, member of Congress from North Carolina, i. 356.
Kerr, Lewis, i. 303.
Key, Philip Barton, member of Congress from Maryland, ii. 147;
advises a war policy, 374.
King, Rufus, i. 199;
Pickering sends a letter of, to Rose, ii. 234;
candidate for Vice-President, 285;
letters to Pickering, 348, 457.
Kingsbury, Lieutenant-Colonel, arrests Adair, i. 324.
Labouchère, i. 379.
Lambert, Travels of, a description of New York under the embargo,
ii.
278.
Latrobe, Benjamin H., architect of the Capitol, ii. 152.
Laussat, the French prefect at New Orleans, i. 164;
his account of the situation, 298.
“Leander,” British frigate, i. 91, 94;
shot from, kills John Pierce, 199.
“Leander,” the, Miranda’s ship, i. 190.
Leib, Michael, i. 9.
“Leopard,” British frigate, sent to search the “Chesapeake,” ii. 4;
accompanies the “Chesapeake” to sea, 10;
fires on the “Chesapeake,” 16;
searches the “Chesapeake,” 19.
Lewis and Clark, expedition of, i. 12, 215.
Lewis, Captain of the “Leander,” i. 265.
Lewis, Governor Morgan, of New York, ii. 283.
Lincoln, Levi, Attorney-General, resigns, i. 10;
governor of Massachusetts, ii. 416.
Livingston, Chancellor, i. 216.
Livingston, Edward, at New Orleans, i. 300.
Lloyd, James, author of the “Boston Memorial,” i. 144;
elected to succeed J. Q. Adams as senator from Massachusetts, ii.
242.
Logan, Dr., senator from Pennsylvania, i. 139;
his proposal to prohibit commerce with St. Domingo, 88;
his bill to prohibit trade with St. Domingo, 140;
an amateur negotiator, ii. 236.
Logan’s Act, ii. 236.
Louisiana, political effects of purchase of, i. 17;
boundaries of, 33-35;
disaffection in, 297 _et seq._;
dislike of Claiborne’s administration, 299;
admitted to territorial rights, March 2, 1805, 302.
Lyman, Theodore, ii. 411.
Lynnhaven Bay, ii. 4, 9.
Lyon, Matthew, member of Congress from Kentucky, i. 143, 175;
favors ships and harbor defences, 180;
with Burr, 220.
Macon, Nathaniel, chosen Speaker, i. 128;
reappoints Randolph and Nicholson on the Committee of Ways and
Means, 128;
Jefferson’s advances to, 167;
defeats Bidwell’s amendment by his casting vote, 360;
retires from his office, 153;
letter on the opinions prevailing at Washington, ii. 368;
declares that the embargo is the people’s choice, 421, 453.
McKean, Thomas, governor of Pennsylvania, i. 210.
McRae, Alexander, counsel for Burr, i. 445.
Madison, James, Secretary of State, i. 10;
writes to Jefferson respecting the claim to West Florida, 55, 60;
his letter to Jefferson concerning Monroe’s failure at Madrid, 59;
proposes negotiations and diplomacy, 70;
his character as a diplomatist, 74;
his pamphlet, “Examination of the British doctrine,” 102, 110;
to be Jefferson’s successor, 120;
his altercation with Casa Yrujo, 185 _et seq._;
his complication with Miranda, 199 _et seq._;
Turreau demands an explanation from, 195;
imposes impossible conditions on Monroe, 402;
writes to Jefferson respecting the new instructions to Monroe,
438;
arranges with Rose a “bridge” for Jefferson, ii. 191;
sends his last reply to Rose, 196;
notifies Erskine that the “Chesapeake” affair has lost
consequence,
199;
the caucus for, in Virginia and Washington, 226;
election of, 287;
sends Armstrong instructions in response to Champagny’s letter of
Jan. 15, 1808, 305;
his anger with Perceval’s order of April 11, 1808, 327;
threatens a declaration of war, 386;
his opponents in Congress, 428;
inaugurated, 472.
Malmesbury, Lord, ii. 64.
Marbois, Barbé, removed from office, i. 371 _et seq._
Marriatt, Joseph, his pamphlet in 1808, ii. 333.
Marshall, Humphrey, i. 268.
Marshall, John, Chief-Justice, his definition of treason in the case
of Bollman and Swartwout, i. 340, 443;
presides over the trial of Burr, 442;
refuses to commit Burr for treason, and rebukes the Government for
laxity in procuring proof, 445;
threatened with removal from office, 447;
and impeachment, 466, 470, 471;
his alleged sympathy with Burr, 461;
his decision in the Burr trial, 467 _et seq._; ii. 147;
menaced in Jefferson’s Annual Message of 1807, 155;
Jefferson’s desire to punish, 205;
his decision in the case of the United States _v._ Fisher _et
al._,
270;
inclines to Pickering’s view of Jefferson, 348.
Martin, Luther, Burr’s counsel, i. 444;
attacks Jefferson, 449;
angers Jefferson, 453;
his speech in the Burr trial, 465.
Mason, John Thompson, declines appointment as Attorney-General, i.
11.
Mason, Jonathan, ii. 411.
Massac, Fort, i. 222.
Massachusetts, feelings of, towards Virginia and Jefferson, ii. 409;
proceedings of legislature in February, 1809, 416;
address of legislature in March, 1809, 456;
“Patriotick Proceedings” of, in 1809, 458, 459. (See Elections.)
Meade, Cowles, governor of Mississippi Territory, i. 304;
arrests Burr, 326.
Meade, Lieutenant, ii. 12.
Mediterranean Fund, i. 137, 182, 183.
“Melampus,” the, ii. 2, 23.
Melville, Lord, First Lord of the Admiralty, i. 235, 238.
Merry, Anthony, British minister, writes to his government
concerning
the failure of the Spanish mission, i. 96;
his account of Madison’s conversation, 98;
of Jefferson’s, 101;
his report of the sensation produced by the seizures, 109;
informs his government respecting the Non-importation Resolutions,
150;
takes Yrujo’s part 188;
his report to his government of the apprehensions of the
Americans,
198;
advises Fox against concessions, 202;
upholds Burr, 219;
alarmed by the publicity of Burr’s schemes, 226;
confers with Burr respecting his journey to the West, 230 _et
seq._;
recalled by Fox, 250;
his last interview with Burr, 250.
Message, Annual, of 1805, i. 111 _et seq._, 128, 129;
special, on Spanish relations, Dec. 6, 1805, 115-118, 130 _et
seq._;
special, on British spoliations, 145;
referred, 146;
Annual, of 1806, 329, 345;
special, of Jan. 22, 1807, on Burr’s conspiracy, 337;
Annual, of 1807, ii. 149, 150, 153-156;
special, of Nov. 23, 1807, on the failure of Burr’s trial, 156;
special, of Dec. 18, 1807, recommending an embargo, 168-170, 228,
229;
special, of Feb. 25, 1808, recommending an increase of the regular
army, 212;
special, of March 22 and 30, 1808, communicating papers relating
to
England and France, 218;
Annual, of Nov. 8, 1808, 361, 364.
Mexico, Jefferson’s language to, ii. 340, 341.
Michigan Territory, i. 176.
Milan Decree of Dec. 17, 1807, ii. 126;
arrives in America, 195;
Napoleon’s defence of, 221, 295.
Mill, James, his reply to Spence and Cobbett, ii. 329.
Minor of Natchez, i. 224, 225, 315.
Miranda, Francesco de, his plans to revolutionize Colombia, i. 189
_et seq._;
distrusted by Burr, 189, 238;
visits Washington, 190;
his letter to Madison, 191;
sails, 191;
defeated by the Spaniards, 209;
returns to New York, 238.
Mirò, Governor, i. 269.
Mitchill, Dr. Samuel L., senator from New York, i. 126, 139, 430,
431.
Mobile Act, i. 25;
explained by Jefferson, 56;
Randolph’s explanation of, 163.
Mollien, Nicholas François, appointed Minister of the Treasury by
Napoleon, i. 371.
Monroe, James, envoy extraordinary to Spain, arrives in Madrid, Jan.
2, 1805, i. 23;
his correspondence with Cevallos, 23-36;
his letter to Armstrong, March 1, 1805, threatening a quarrel with
France, 30;
leaves Spain, 37;
adopts Armstrong’s views, 40;
returns to London, 42,47;
intends to return home in November, 1805, 43;
expects a change in British policy, 43;
negotiations with Mulgrave, 47;
advises the President to press on England and France at once, 49;
his Spanish failure discussed in Cabinet, 58, 65-67;
favored by Randolph for the Presidency, 122, 166;
affected by Senate scheme for a special mission, 150-152;
warned by Jefferson against Randolph, 165;
has his first interview with Fox, 393;
hurt by the appointment of Pinkney as his associate, 400;
his instructions regarding the treaty, 400 _et seq._;
disregards instructions, and signs treaty, 408 _et seq._;
embarrasses Jefferson by his treaty, 411, 434;
his letter to Colonel Taylor, of Caroline, defending his treaty,
413;
unfortunate in diplomacy, 415;
negotiation with Canning with regard to the “Chesapeake” affair,
ii. 42 _et seq._;
leaves London, 51;
warns Jefferson of danger from England, 71;
sails for home, 128;
Jefferson’s friendship for, 129;
Pickering’s opinion of, 130;
reaches Washington, Dec. 22, 1807, 183;
goes into opposition, 194;
caucus for, 226, 284;
his letter to Nicholson on support asked for the embargo, 346.
Moreau, General, Turreau’s note about, i. 82, 83.
Morales at New Orleans, i. 300.
Morgan, Colonel, warns Jefferson of Burr’s declarations, i. 255,
279.
“Morning Chronicle,” the, on the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 41, 54,
70.
“Morning Post,” the, on the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 41, 44, 53,
54,70 _et seq._, 76, 132, 317.
Mulgrave, Lord, British Foreign Secretary, his reception of Monroe’s
complaints in 1805, i. 47;
his indifference to American affairs, 48;
affirms the Rule of 1756, 48;
fails to answer Burr’s inquiries, 229, 232.
Murray, William A., Lieutenant of Artillery, his report of
conversation in New Orleans respecting Burr’s conspiracy, i.
303.
Napoleon, his intervention in Monroe’s Spanish negotiation, i. 26,
29, 30, 32, 41, 82;
not influenced by corruption of his subordinates, 42;
begins war with Austria and Russia, 73, 76, 77, 103;
forbids trade with St. Domingo, 89;
captures Ulm and enters Vienna, 106, 370;
returns to Paris, 371;
his financial measures in 1806, 372-375;
defeats Talleyrand’s plan for a settlement between Spain and the
United States, 383;
wins the battle of Jena, 388;
issues the Decree of Berlin, 389;
makes the treaty of Tilsit, ii. 62, 105;
attacks Portugal and Denmark, 106;
enforces his Berlin Decree against the United States, 109, 110;
Armstrong’s story about his attitude towards Florida, 114;
orders his armies into Spain, 117;
his proposed division of Portugal, 119;
offers Lucien the crown of Spain, 124;
issues the decree of Milan, 126;
treats the United States as at war with England, 221, 292, 295,
312;
seizes the Spanish Court, 298;
crowns Joseph King of Spain, 300;
his Spanish plan for conquering England, 303;
issues the Bayonne Decree, 304.
“National Intelligencer” prints the British Impressment
Proclamation,
ii. 166, 172, 186;
publishes the Milan Decree, 195.
Navy, i. 113, 178, 180;
fifty gunboats voted in 1806, 181;
favored by Jefferson, 201;
arguments for and against gunboats, 352;
gunboats adopted in 1807, ii. 158, 159;
frigates to be laid up in case of war, 159;
frigates to be used to serve gunboats, 427.
Navy-yards, incompetency of, ii. 6.
Nelson, Roger, member of Congress from Maryland, i. 350, 353.
Neutrals, trade of, restricted by Pitt in 1805, i. 45;
frauds of, denounced by James Stephen, 50;
rights of, maintained by Madison, 110.
Newburyport town-meeting in January, 1809, ii. 410.
New England, its conservatism, Jefferson’s opinions of, i. 6-9;
townships, Jefferson’s opinion of, ii. 441.
New England Confederation, the tendency to, ii. 403.
New England Convention, suggested by H. G. Otis, ii. 403;
its unconstitutionality, 404;
to be concerted between Massachusetts and Connecticut, 405, 406;
to be called by the Massachusetts legislature, 407.
New Orleans menaced, i. 17;
Burr’s confederates in, 296.
New York blockaded by British frigates, i. 91;
debate in Congress on the propriety of fortifying, 351, 355;
insurrection in, on account of the embargo, ii. 259.
Nicholas, Wilson Cary, i. 152, 173;
writes to Jefferson doubting the possibility of longer embargo,
ii.
345, 346;
file-leader of the House, 428;
urges Giles to withdraw opposition to Gallatin, 429, 430;
his resolution to repeal the embargo, 435, 438.
Nicholl, Sir John, King’s advocate, i. 417; ii. 96.
Nicholson, Joseph, member of Congress from Maryland, i. 127, 133,
135, 154;
his Resolution adopted, 165;
appointed District Judge, 167, 180;
remonstrates with Gallatin, ii. 32.
Nicklin and Griffith, i. 153.
Non-importation. (See Non-intercourse.)
Non-intercourse, partial, moved by Senator Samuel Smith in February,
1806, i. 146;
debate on, 147;
favored by Madison, 148, 426;
opposition to, 150;
Smith’s resolutions adopted, 151;
Gregg’s resolution of Jan. 29, 1806, 154, 155, 165;
Nicholson’s resolution, Feb. 10, 1806, 154, 155;
Nicholson’s resolution adopted, 165, 166;
Non-importation Bill reported, March 25, 1805, 175;
passed, 175;
suspended, Dec. 19, 1806, 349;
effect of, in England, 394, 399;
conditions of its repeal, 401, 436;
to remain suspended, 430, 436, 437;
favored by Jefferson after the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 34, 36;
expected by Erskine, 144;
Non-importation Act goes into effect, Dec. 14, 1807, 165 (see
Embargo);
not avowed as a coercive policy in Congress, 203, or by Jefferson,
176, 204;
bill for total non-intercourse introduced, 444;
passed, 453. (See Acts.)
Norfolk, the Mayor of, forbids communication with the British
squadron, ii. 27.
Ogden, owner of the “Leander,” i. 190;
indicted by Jefferson, 195.
Ogden, Peter V., i. 252, 255;
carries despatches to Burr’s friends in New Orleans, 295;
arrested at Fort Adams, 319;
discharged from custody, 340.
Order in Council, of Jan. 7, 1807, called Lord Howick’s Order, i.
416-421; ii. 79, 80, 83, 93, 102, 144, 154, 318;
arrives in America, i. 435;
of Nov. 11, 1807, called Spencer Perceval’s Order, ii. 79-103;
its publication in England, 132;
arrives in America, 186;
a cause of the embargo, 168, 175, 176, 186, 332;
its object explained by Erskine, 219;
debate in Parliament in 1808, 317-321;
parliamentary inquiry into, 322;
new order proposed by Perceval, March 26, 1808, 324;
approved by Bathurst, 325;
opposed by Castlereagh and Canning, 325, 326;
issued, April 11, 1808, 327;
its effect on Madison, 327.
Otis, Harrison Gray, President of Massachusetts Senate, J. Q.
Adams’s
letter to, ii. 241;
his letter to Josiah Quincy suggesting a New England Convention,
403;
signs Address to the People, 456.
Ouvrard, agent of the French treasury, obtains from Spain financial
concessions, i. 372;
ruined by Napoleon, 374;
his scheme, 378.
Parker, Daniel, offers the two Floridas, i. 379.
Parliament, session of 1808, ii. 317.
Parsons, Chief-Justice Theophilus, ii. 29;
his opinion of the unconstitutionality of the embargo, 411.
Party, the Federalist, i. 9, 29, 139; ii. 209, 228, 232, 240, 242,
283, 286, 408;
the Republican, i. 9, 122, 127, 132; ii. 209, 214, 218, 226.
“Patriotick Proceedings” of Massachusetts legislature in 1809, ii.
458.
Pennsylvania politics, 1805, i. 9;
in 1808, ii. 286.
Perceval, Spencer, his comments on Howick’s Order in Council, i.
417,
421; ii. 80;
Chancellor of the Exchequer, 55;
character of, 56;
Sydney Smith’s caricature of, 56 _et seq._, 73;
takes office as Chancellor of Exchequer, 81;
his paper on the policy and justice of retaliation, 83 _et seq._;
submits his paper on retaliation to the Ministry, 88;
his letter to Charles Abbot, 97;
his orders approved in Council, 102;
prohibits the export of cotton and quinine, 323;
affected by the embargo, 324;
his plan to conciliate the Federalists, 324;
carried into effect, 327.
Perkins, Thomas Handasyd, ii. 411.
Pickering, Timothy, i. 95, 151, 210, 217; ii. 29, 146;
praises Monroe, 129, 167;
won by Rose, 184 _et seq._;
cultivated by Rose, 232;
exerts himself to form a coalition with the British ministry, 234;
his letter to Governor Sullivan, 237 _et seq._;
effect in England of his letter to his constituents, 333;
declares Jefferson a tool of Napoleon, 347, 442;
reports Jefferson’s language about the embargo, 359, 442;
his triumph, 401, 409;
described by John Adams, 402;
maintains relations with Rose, 460.
Pierce, John, killed by a shot from the “Leander,” i. 199.
Pike, Zebulon M., Lieutenant of First Infantry, explores the sources
of the Mississippi, i. 213;
and of the Arkansas and Red rivers, 214, 223.
Pinckney, Charles, minister to Spain, recalled, but associated by
Monroe in negotiation, i. 23;
returns home, 37.
Pinckney, C. C., his treaty with Spain, 38;
candidate for President, ii. 285.
Pinkney, William, author of the Baltimore “Memorial,” i. 144;
appointed to aid Monroe in London, 152, 165, 169; ii. 354;
arrives in London, i. 400;
sole minister in London, ii. 162;
remonstrates against the tax on American cotton, 322;
his reply to Canning, 338;
publication of Canning’s personal letter to, 419.
Pitt, William, Prime Minister of England, his measures in 1804 and
1805 for restricting American commerce, i. 44, 45;
his coalition with Austria and Russia, 73;
Burr expects support from, 235, 238;
death of, 163, 211, 245.
Plymouth town-meeting in January, 1809, ii. 414.
“Polly,” rule established by case of, set aside, i. 45.
Porter, Moses, Major of Artillery, i. 246.
Portland, Duke of, Prime Minister of England, ii. 55;
his opinion on Spencer Perceval’s proposed Order in Council, 88.
Portugal, her ports ordered to be closed, ii. 106;
forced into war, 118;
divided by Napoleon into three parts, 121.
Press, Jefferson’s remarks on the, i. 7.
Prevost, Judge, of New Orleans, i. 219;
one of Burr’s correspondents in New Orleans, 296, 319, 324.
Pringle, John Julius, declines appointment as Attorney-General, i.
11.
Proclamation, President’s, of May 3, 1806, against the “Leander,”
“Cambrian,” and “Driver,” i. 200, 201;
of Nov. 27, 1806, against Burr, 283, 285, 289, 290, 292, 325, 328,
330;
of July 2, 1807, on the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 30, 32, 34, 46,
187, 188;
to be recalled, 192;
of Oct. 16, 1807, by the King of England, asserting the right of
impressment, 52, 166, 168, 169;
of April 19, 1808, declaring the country on the Canadian frontier
in a state of insurrection, 249.
“Querist,” papers by Blennerhassett, i. 257, 273, 275.
Quincy, Josiah, member of Congress from Massachusetts, i. 128, 142;
in favor of ships and harbor defences, 179;
presents memorials in favor of Smith and Ogden, 195;
irritates opponents, i. 354, 360, 363; ii. 147;
his contempt for Jefferson, 356 attacks Campbell’s Report, 372;
attacks the advocates of the embargo, 422;
declares that the Republicans “could not be kicked into” a
declaration of war, 423;
on the distraction among the Democrats, 440;
requires total submission to Great Britain, 446, 453;
his account of John Henry, 461.
Randolph, Edmund, Burr’s counsel, i. 444.
Randolph, John, i. 3, 20, 23;
his antipathy to Madison, 119, 120, 126;
his reception of Jefferson’s secret Spanish message, 132;
his war on Madison, 134;
opposes Jefferson’s plans of buying Florida, 136;
favors an embargo, 149;
opposition of, 154;
his speech against the Non-importation Resolution of Gregg, 158;
attacks the Administration, 159;
his account of the Mobile Act, 163;
goes formally into opposition, 164;
philippics against the government, 172 _et seq._;
his Resolutions against the union of civil and military powers,
175;
makes public Jefferson’s secret Message, 179;
his dislike of Robert and Samuel Smith, 180;
his schemes to reduce the revenue, 182;
his object to make Madison contemptible, 182;
writes to Monroe respecting Burr, 333;
moves a resolution of inquiry, 335;
his dictatorial tone in Congress, 349;
favors abandoning New York in case of attack, 351;
attacks the coastwise prohibition of slave-trade, 364;
his qualities and faults, 367;
his influence destroyed, 368;
foreman of the jury in Burr’s trial, 448;
desires to indict Wilkinson, 457;
his letters to Nicholson, 457;
calls Jefferson’s proclamation in the “Chesapeake” affair an
apology, ii. 32;
upholds Monroe, 129;
fails to be reappointed on the Ways and Means Committee by Speaker
Varnum, 153;
advocates and then denounces the embargo, 174;
opposes Jefferson’s request for an increase of the regular army,
215, 374;
his speech on war, 380;
discord his object, 438;
his claim of having prevented war, 451;
his opinion of Jefferson’s second administration, 454.
Randolph, T. J., Jefferson’s letter to, ii. 138, 139.
Randolph, Thomas Mann, i. 183, 356.
Ratford, Jenkin, a deserter from the “Halifax,” ii. 2;
taken from the “Chesapeake,” 19;
hanged, 25.
Regnier, Grand Judge, announces the enforcement of the Berlin
Decree,
ii. 169.
Republican losses in the election of 1808, ii. 287;
revolt, 425. (See Party.)
“Revenge,” the, sails with instructions to Monroe respecting the
“Leopard” outrage, ii. 39;
returns, 133, 166.
Roads, Jefferson’s proposed fund for, i. 2, 345;
through the Creek and Cherokee country, 14;
Jefferson’s anxiety to begin, 19;
Cumberland, 181;
proposed by Gallatin, ii. 364, 365.
Rochambeau, General, at St. Domingo, i. 87.
Rodgers, Captain John, ii. 21.
Rodney, Cæsar A., Attorney-General, undertakes the prosecution of
Burr, i. 444;
points out the consequences to the Administration of convicting
Wilkinson, 455;
his opinion concerning Judge Johnson’s mandamus, ii. 264.
Rose, George, ii. 100, 102.
Rose, George Henry, sent as envoy for the adjustment of the
“Chesapeake” affair, ii. 104;
his ignorance of Canning’s Orders in Council, 133;
arrives at Norfolk on the “Statira,” 178;
his instructions, 178-182;
his character and qualities, 182;
his description of Congress, 184;
explains to Madison that Jefferson’s proclamation is a
stumbling-block, 187;
his letter to Canning, 188;
suggests the withdrawal of the proclamation, 190;
explains the new proposals of Jefferson to Canning, 192;
difficulties in the way of following his instructions, 192;
reveals the further disavowals expected, 193;
breaks off negotiation, 196;
makes his parting visits, and has free conversation with Gallatin
and Smith, 197;
writes to Canning under Pickering’s influence, 232.
Rosily, Admiral, ii. 298.
Rule of 1756, affirmed by Lord Mulgrave, i. 48;
assumed by James Stephen, 51, 53;
applied by the Whigs, 419;
insufficient to protect British trade, ii. 100, 319;
Erskine reports Gallatin ready to concede, 389.
Russia, the emperor of, wishes to exchange ministers with the United
States, ii. 465;
invitation declined by Senate, 466.
Ryland, Herman W., secretary to Sir James Craig, ii. 243, 460.
St. Domingo, independence declared, i. 87;
armed trade with, 87;
Napoleon’s prohibition of, 89;
trade with, prohibited by act of Congress, 141;
character of the act, 142;
Southern reasons for approving, 142.
Salt, repeal of duty on, i. 182, 183.
Sargent, Daniel, ii. 413.
Sauvé, Pierre, i. 301.
Scott, Sir William, his judgment in the case of the “Essex,” i. 44,
45, 47;
news of judgment received in America, 95, 96;
opposes reforms in his court, ii. 96;
his remarks on the right of retaliation, 321.
Seamen, British, in the American marine, i. 94;
desertion of, ii. 1.
Sebastian, Judge, i. 274;
resigns, 293.
Senate, cabal in, ii. 428.
Sheffield, Lord, ii. 73.
Short, William, sent by Jefferson as minister to Russia, ii. 465;
appointment negatived, 466.
Sidmouth, Lord Privy Seal, i. 393; ii. 73.
Skipwith, Fulwar, American consul at Paris, i. 379.
Slave representation, ii. 458.
Slave-trade, Jefferson recommends its abolishment, i. 347;
debate in Congress on the abolition of, 356.
Sloan, James, member of Congress from New Jersey, i. 160, 174, 183,
357;
moves that the seat of government be moved to Philadelphia, ii.
208.
Smilie, John, member of Congress from Pennsylvania, i. 359, 362; ii.
213.
“Smith Faction,” the, in Congress, ii. 428.
Smith, John, senator from Ohio, i. 175;
under the influence of Burr, 220;
sends letter to Burr by Peter Taylor, 275;
Burr’s reply, 276;
refuses to testify, 282;
his complicity in Burr’s schemes investigated, ii. 208.
Smith, John Cotton, i. 132, 143, 242.
Smith, Robert, Secretary of the Navy, asks to be made
attorney-general, January, 1805, appointed and commissioned as
attorney-general, but continues secretary of the navy, i.
10-12;
his opinion on Monroe’s Spanish negotiation, 68;
his letter to Jefferson on Burr’s conspiracy, 331;
wishes a call of the Senate to consider Monroe’s treaty, 432;
acts as Jefferson’s intermediator with Rose, ii. 188-191;
talks freely with Rose, 197;
dislikes the embargo, 261;
his opinions reported by Erskine, 384;
regarded as extravagant by Gallatin, 425, 428.
Smith, Samuel, senator from Maryland, i. 83, 126;
his Non-Importation Resolutions. 146, 150, 151;
his wish for diplomatic office, 152, 153;
his opposition to Armstrong’s appointment defeated, 153, 172;
punished by Jefferson, 168, 170;
his view of the President’s course, 169, 170;
writes to Nicholas respecting Burr’s conspiracy, 335;
annoyed at Jefferson’s ignoring the army in Annual Message, 348,
349;
his letters to W. C. Nicholas respecting Jefferson’s rejection of
Monroe’s treaty, 431 _et seq._;
on the embargo committee, ii. 172;
his hostility to Gallatin, 425, 428.
Smith, William Steuben, Surveyor of the Port of New York, in
Miranda’s confidence, i. 189;
removed from office and indicted, 195, 208;
his trial, 208;
his acquittal, 209;
connected with Burr, 263, 265.
Smith and Ogden, case of, i. 208, 450.
Snyder, Simon, chosen governor of Pennsylvania, ii. 286.
Spain, Jefferson’s expectation of bickering with, i. 8;
Monroe’s negotiation with, 23-36;
effect of Monroe’s negotiation with, on Jefferson and Madison,
54-79;
expected war with, 61, 62, 99, 118, 128, 189;
Gallatin’s opinion of Monroe’s negotiation with, 66;
Robert Smith’s opinion of, 68;
negotiation with, not to be converted into a French job, 70, 77;
Cabinet decision to transfer negotiation to Paris, and offer five
millions for West Florida, 78;
Merry’s report on, 96;
Madison’s remarks to Merry, 98;
Talleyrand’s proposed settlement with, 103, 106;
accepted by Jefferson, 106;
notice of unfriendly relations with, in Jefferson’s Annual Message
of 1805, 112;
Jefferson’s comments on, to Turreau, 125;
Jefferson’s secret message on, Dec. 6, 1805, 130, 177;
Randolph’s remarks
on the policy toward, 178;
relations with French finance, 372;
her “perfidy and injustice,” 437;
her condition in 1807, ii. 115, 116;
occupied by French armies, 119, 122, 293, 297;
collapse of government in, 298;
Joseph Bonaparte crowned king of, 300;
revolution of the Dos de Maio, 300-302, 315;
its effect in America, 339-343. (See Florida, West.)
Spence, Lieutenant, carries letters from Bollman to Burr, i. 309.
Spence, William, ii. 69;
his pamphlet “Britain independent of Commerce,” 329.
Spoliations, Spanish, i. 23 _et seq._;
in 1805, 37, 62, 67, 78, 107;
British, in 1805, 45, 73, 108;
sensation excited by, 109, 118, 125;
French, 25, 26, 28, 30, 32, 35, 60, 107;
in 1808, ii. 312.
Stanford, Richard, member of Congress from North Carolina, ii. 214.
State-rights, affected by Jefferson’s acts, i. 3, 18, 19, 346; ii.
363, 364, 454;
affected by Acts of Congress, i. 142, 355, 361, 364, 366;
affected by the system of embargo, ii. 251-271, 273, 408-419,
456-459.
Stephen, James, author of “War in Disguise,” i. 50-53;
reprints Randolph’s speech, 396;
assists in framing Spencer Perceval’s Orders in Council, ii. 57,
100, 102;
his opinion of Brougham’s speech on the orders, 323.
Stevens, John C., experiments with a screw-propeller, i. 217.
Stone, David, senator from North Carolina, i. 139.
Story, Joseph, describes Giles, ii. 205;
opinion on the constitutionality of the embargo, 270;
elected a member of Congress from Massachusetts, 358;
in opposition to Jefferson and the embargo, 358;
letter describing the state of opinion at Washington, 370;
determined to overthrow the embargo, 432, 455, 463.
Street, John Wood’s colleague, i. 273.
Strong, Caleb, re-elected governor of Massachusetts in April, 1805,
i. 9;
again in April, 1806, 207;
defeated in April, 1807, ii. 146;
again in April, 1808, 242.
Sullivan, James, governor of Massachusetts, ii. 146;
receives Pickering’s letter for the State legislature, 237;
declines to convey it, 240;
his reply, 241;
re-elected, 242;
replies to Jefferson’s demand to stop importing provisions, 254.
Sullivan, William, ii. 411.
Sumter, Thomas, senator from South Carolina, i. 139.
Swartwout, John, marshal of New York, i. 189;
removed from office, 208;
Jefferson’s reasons for removing him, 209.
Swartwout, Samuel, one of Burr’s adventurers, i. 252, 255, 263, 265;
carries despatches to Wilkinson, 295;
pursues General Wilkinson, 309;
arrives at Natchitoches, and delivers Burr’s letter to Wilkinson,
311;
arrested at Fort Adams, 319, 460;
discharged from custody, 340.
Talleyrand, Charles Maurice de, Napoleon’s minister for foreign
relations, forbids discussion of Spanish spoliation claims, i.
26, 30;
rejects American claim to West Florida, 26, 54;
his share in the Spanish negotiations, 34, 41;
his jobbery, 41;
writes to Armstrong the Emperor’s demands concerning trade with
St.
Domingo, 90;
sends an agent to Armstrong to suggest an arrangement between the
United States and Spain, 103;
informs Armstrong that the King of Spain refuses to alienate
Florida, 377;
prompts Armstrong to renew his request for the Floridas, 380;
rebukes Vandeul for precipitancy in the Florida matter, 384;
created Prince of Benevento, 385;
removed from office, ii. 107.
Taylor, Josiah, Lieutenant of Second Infantry, i. 303.
Taylor, Peter, evidence of, concerning Blennerhassett’s delusion, i.
259;
sent with a warning letter to Burr, 275.
Tazewell, Littleton, sent with a message to Captain Douglas, ii. 28.
Tecumthe, residence of, in 1805, i. 15.
Texas, boundary, i. 33;
Spanish definition of boundary, 34;
included in the Louisiana purchase, 40;
Spanish establishments in, to be dislodged, 69, 80;
to be confirmed to Spain, and hypothecated to the United States,
78;
to be purchased, 139.
Tiffin, Edward, governor of Ohio, i. 282, 286, 289, 334, 335;
senator from Ohio, moves an amendment to the Constitution, ii.
205.
Tilsit, Treaty of, ii. 62, 105, 140.
“Times,” the London, on the “Chesapeake” affair, ii. 44, 54, 132.
Tompkins, Daniel D., elected Governor of New York in 1807, ii. 283;
his attempts to enforce the embargo, 249, 259.
Town-meetings held in Massachusetts to resist the embargo, ii. 410;
Jefferson’s opinion of, 442.
Trafalgar, battle of, i. 149, 370.
Treason, Marshall’s law of, i. 443, 467;
Giles’s bill for the punishment of, ii. 205.
Treasury, prosperous condition of, in 1806, i. 12, 210.
Treaties, Indian, with Wyandots and others, July 4, 1805, i. 13;
with Chickasaws, July 23, 1805, 14;
with Cherokees, Oct. 25 and 27, 1805, 14;
with Creeks, Nov. 14, 1805, 14;
with Piankeshaws, Dec. 30, 1805, 13.
Treaty with England of Nov. 19, 1794 (Jay’s), i. 401;
Article XII. of, 410;
with Spain of Oct. 27, 1795 (Pinckney’s), 38;
of San Ildefonso between France and Spain, Oct. 1, 1800
(Berthier’s), 38;
of Pressburg between France and Austria, Dec. 26, 1805, 163, 370;
with England of Dec. 1, 1806 (Monroe’s), 409 _et seq._, 422,
429-436, 438; ii. 48-51, 129, 144, 154;
of Tilsit between France and Russia, July 7, 1807, 62;
of Fontainebleau between France and Spain, Oct. 27, 1807, 119.
Troup, George McIntosh, member of Congress from Georgia, ii. 213;
opposes war, 377.
Trumbull, Jonathan, governor of Connecticut, refuses to take part in
carrying out the Enforcement Act, ii. 417, 455;
calls the legislature to “interpose,” 418.
Truxton, Commodore, sounded by Burr, i. 239.
Turreau, Louis Marie, French minister at Washington, his course with
Madison in the Spanish business, i. 81;
his letter to Talleyrand on American policy and national
character,
84;
his abruptness, 86 _et seq._;
sends Talleyrand an account of Jefferson’s conversation, 124;
his part in the Madison-Yrujo matter, 188;
acts as Yrujo’s ally, 194;
demands an explanation from Madison about Miranda, 195;
reports to Talleyrand Jefferson’s system for an alliance of
nations, 204;
writes concerning Jefferson’s character and position, 205;
writes to his government respecting Burr’s schemes, 226;
his comments on the embargo and war, 396;
writes to his government respecting English relations, 424 _et
seq._;
embarrassed by the Berlin Decree, 427;
description of an interview with Jefferson after the “Chesapeake”
affair, ii. 36;
his letter describing the servile character of Americans, 140;
alarmed by Jefferson’s course, 229;
his letters to Champagny complaining of the embargo, etc., 229 _et
seq._, 297;
has long conversations with Madison and Jefferson respecting a
French alliance, 308;
hopes America will declare war, 396.
Ulm, capitulation of, i. 370.
University, Jefferson’s recommendation of a national, i. 346, 347;
ii. 365.
Vandeul, M. de, French chargé at Madrid, confers with Godoy
respecting the cession of West Florida, i. 380;
rebuked by Talleyrand at Napoleon’s order, 384.
Varnum, Joseph B., member of Congress from Massachusetts, i. 128;
chosen Speaker, ii. 153.
Vimieiro, battle of, ii. 315, 340.
War, Jefferson’s recommendation of a fund for, i. 3.
“War in Disguise,” pamphlet by James Stephen, i. 50.
Warren, John, ii. 411.
Warton, agent of Burr, i. 238.
Washington, expense of living in, ii. 109.
Wellington’s victory over Junot in Portugal, ii. 316.
Wells, Maine, town-meeting in January, 1809, ii. 414.
West Indian Report, ii. 68.
“Western World,” the, i. 273.
Westmoreland, Earl of, Privy Seal, his opinion on Spencer Perceval’s
proposed Order in Council, ii. 89.
Whitby, Captain, of the “Leander,” i. 199.
White, Samuel, ii. 146.
Wickham, John, Burr’s counsel, i. 444;
his opening speech in the Burr trial, 465.
Wilkinson, General, i. 176, 209, 249;
sends Lieutenant Pike to find the sources of the Mississippi, 213,
and to New Mexico, 214;
Burr’s friend, 219 _et seq._;
joins Burr at Fort Massac, 222;
author of Burr’s projects against Mexico, 223, 234;
discouraged, 227;
receives cipher dispatch from Burr, 253;
in communication with the Spanish authorities, 262, 263;
Governor Mirò’s agent, 269;
denounced by Daveiss as a Spanish pensioner, 270;
at New Orleans, 297;
Laussat’s opinion of, 298;
ordered to Natchitoches, 310;
receives Burr’s letter at Natchitoches, and communicates its
contents to Colonel Cushing, 312 _et seq._;
writes to Jefferson, 314;
writes again to the President, 315;
takes command in New Orleans, 317;
tells Bollman his intention to oppose Burr’s schemes, 318;
demands of Claiborne the supreme command, 318;
establishes a degree of martial law in New Orleans, 319;
his letter to Clark, 321;
his acts, 323;
despatches including his version of Burr’s cipher received by
Jefferson, 336;
assailed by Randolph and the Federalists, 341;
in the receipt of a pension from the King of Spain, 342;
arrives at the Burr trial, 454;
deserted by Clark, 454;
accused by Major Bruff, 454;
supported by Jefferson, 456;
escapes indictment for treason, 457;
Randolph brings charges against, ii. 208.
Williams, David R., member of Congress from South Carolina, i. 358;
ii. 213;
his argument in favor of the embargo, 266, 378;
declares that the embargo is the wish of the South, 421, 426;
on the repeal of the embargo, 436, 439, 448, 450, 451.
Williams, Samuel, ii. 167;
Pickering gives Rose a letter to, 235.
Williams, Timothy, ii. 117.
Williamson, Colonel, Burr’s agent, i. 219, 229, 234, 238.
Wirt, William, counsel for government, i. 445;
his eloquence in Burr’s trial, 465;
his opinion of Chief-Justice Marshall, 469.
Wolcott, Oliver, i. 199.
Wood, John, his career, i. 272;
made editor of the “Western World” by Marshall and Daveiss, 273.
Workman, Judge, i. 303, 319.
Yazoo claims, i. 119, 350;
bill for settling rejected, 177.
Yrujo, Carlos Martinez, Marquis of Casa Yrujo, Spanish minister at
Washington, his dismissal considered, i. 73, 74, 79;
criticises Jefferson’s message, 184;
arrives in Washington, 185;
receives Madison’s letter asking his withdrawal, 186;
his reply and subsequent conduct, 187 _et seq._;
his remonstrances about Miranda, 194;
named minister to Milan, 196;
attacks Madison in the press, 209;
receives a secret visit from Dayton, 233;
his report respecting Burr’s proposal, 236 _et seq._;
writes to Cevallos of Burr’s communications, 247;
notifies his government of Burr’s intentions, 261;
Burr’s message to him, 264 _et seq._;
letter on Wilkinson, 342.
END OF VOL. II.
Transcriber’s Notes
Obvious punctuation errors and omissions have been corrected.
Page 287: “only one hnndred” changed to “only one hundred”
Page 328: “hardly exeeeded” changed to “hardly exceeded”
A few incorrect page references in the index were fixed.