CHAPTER II.

DESCARTES.

The long conflict with Scholasticism, which had been carried on with ever

increasing energy and ever sharper weapons, was brought by Descartes to a

victorious close. The new movement, long desired, long sought, and prepared

for from many directions, at length appears, ready and well-established.

Descartes accomplishes everything needful with the sure simplicity of

genius. He furnishes philosophy with a settled point of departure in

self-consciousness, offers her a method sure to succeed in deduction from

clear and distinct conceptions, and assigns her the mechanical explanation

of nature as her most imperative and fruitful mission.

René Descartes was born at La Haye in Touraine, in 1596, and died at

Stockholm in 1650. Of the studies taught in the Jesuit school at La Flèche,

mathematics alone was able to satisfy his craving for clear and certain

knowledge. The years 1613-17 he spent in Paris; then he enlisted in the

military service of the Netherlands, and, in 1619, in that of Bavaria.

While in winter quarters at Neuburg, he vowed a pilgrimage to Loretto if

the Virgin would show him a way of escape from his tormenting doubts; and

made the saving discovery of the "foundations of a wonderful science."

At the end of four years this vow was fulfilled. On his return to Paris

(1625), he was besought by his learned friends to give to the world his

epoch-making ideas. Though, to escape the distractions of society, he kept

his residence secret, as he had done during his first stay in Paris, and

frequently changed it, he was still unable to secure the complete privacy

and leisure for scientific work which he desired. Therefore he went to

Holland in 1629, and spent twenty years of quiet productivity in Amsterdam,

Franecker, Utrecht, Leeuwarden, Egmond, Harderwijk, Leyden, the palace of

Endegeest, and five other places. His work here was interrupted only by

a few journeys, but much disturbed in its later years by annoying

controversies with the theologian Gisbert Voëtius of Utrecht, with Regius,

a pupil who had deserted him, and with professors from Leyden. His

correspondence with his French friends was conducted through Père Mersenne.

In 1649 he yielded to pressing invitations from Queen Christina of Sweden

and removed to Stockholm. There his weak constitution was not adequate to

the severity of the climate, and death overtook him within a few months.

The two decades of retirement in the Netherlands were Descartes's

productive period. His motive in developing and writing out his thoughts

was, essentially, the desire not to disappoint the widely spread belief

that he was in possession of a philosophy more certain than the common one.

The work entitled _Le Monde_, begun in 1630 and almost completed, remained

unprinted, as the condemnation of Galileo (1632) frightened our philosopher

from publication; fragments of it only, and a brief summary, appeared

after the author's death. The chief works, the _Discourse on Method_, the

_Meditations on the First Philosophy_, and the _Principles of Philosophy_

appeared between 1637 and 1644,--the _Discours de la Méthode_ in 1637,

together with three dissertations (the "Dioptrics," the "Meteors," and the

"Geometry"), under the common title, _Essais Philosophiques_. To the (six)

_Meditationes de Prima Philosophia_, published in 1641, and dedicated to

the Paris Sorbonne, are appended the objections of various savants to whom

the work had been communicated in manuscript, together with Descartes's

rejoinders. He himself considered the criticisms of Arnauld, printed fourth

in order, as the most important. The Third Objections are from Hobbes, the

Fifth from Gassendi, the First, which were also the first received, from

the theologian Caterus of Antwerp, while the Second and Sixth, collected by

Mersenne, are from various theologians and mathematicians. In the second

edition there were added, further, the Seventh Objections, by the Jesuit

Bourdin, and the Replies of the author thereto. The four books of the

_Principia Philosophiae_, published in 1644 and dedicated to Elizabeth,

Countess Palatine, give a systematic presentation of the new philosophy.

The _Discourse on Method_ appeared, 1644, in a Latin translation, the

_Meditations_ and the _Principles_ in French, in 1647. The _Treatise on the

Passions_ was published in 1650; the _Letters_, 1657-67, in French, 1668,

in Latin. The _Opera Postuma_, 1701, beside the _Compendium of Music_

(written in 1618) and other portions of his posthumous writings, contain

the "Rules for the Direction of the Mind," supposed to have been written in

1629, and the "Search for Truth by the Light of Nature." The complete works

have been often published, both in Latin and in French. The eleven volume

edition of Cousin appeared in 1824-26.[1]

[Footnote 1: Of the many treatises on the philosophy of Descartes those of

C. Schaarschmidt (_Descartes und Spinoza_, 1850) and J.H. Löwe, 1855, may

be mentioned. Further, M. Heinze has discussed _Die Sittenlehre des

Descartes_, 1872; Ed. Grimm, _Descartes' Lehre von den angeborenen

Ideen_, 1873; G. Glogau, _Darlegung und Kritik des Grundgedankens der

Cartesianisch. Metaphysik (Zeitschrift für Philosophie_, vol. lxxiii. p.

209 _seq_.), 1878; Paul Natorp, _Descartes' Erkenntnisstheorie_, 1882;

and Kas. Twardowski, _Idee und Perception_ in Descartes, 1892. In French,

Francisque Bouillier (_Histoire de la Philosophie Cartésienne_, 1854) and

E. Saisset (_Précurseurs et Disciples de Descartes_, 1862) have written

on Cartesianism. [The _Method, Meditations, and Selections from the

Principles_ have been translated into English by John Veitch, 5th ed.,

1879, and others since; and H.A.P. Torrey has published _The Philosophy

of Descartes in Extracts from his Writings_, 1892 (Sneath's Modern

Philosophers). The English reader may be referred, also, to Mahaffy's

_Descartes_, 1880, in Blackwood's Philosophical Classics; to the article

"Cartesianism," _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 9th ed., vol. v., by Edward

Caird; and, for a complete discussion, to the English translation of

Fischer's _Descartes and his School_' by J.P. Gordy, 1887.--TR.]]

We begin our discussion with Descartes's noëtical and metaphysical

principles, and then take up in order his doctrine of nature and of man.

%1. The Principles%.

That which passes nowadays for science, and is taught as such in the

schools, is nothing but a mass of disconnected, uncertain, and often

contradictory opinions. A principle of unity and certainty is entirely

lacking. If anything permanent and irrefutable is to be accomplished in

science, everything hitherto considered true must be thoroughly demolished

and built up anew. For we come into the world as children and we form

judgments of things, or repeat them after others, before we have come into

the full possession of our intellectual powers; so that it is no wonder

that we are filled with a multitude of prejudices, from which we can

thoroughly escape only by considering everything doubtful which shows the

least sign of uncertainty. Let us renounce, therefore, all our old views,

in order later to accept better ones in their stead; or, perchance, to

take the former up again after they shall have stood the test of rational

criticism. The recognized precaution, never to put complete confidence in

that which has once deceived us, holds of our relation to the senses as

elsewhere. It is certain that they sometimes deceive us--perhaps they do so

always. Again, we dream every day of things which nowhere exist, and there

is no certain criterion by which to distinguish our dreams from our waking

moments,--what guarantee have we, then, that we are not always dreaming?

Therefore, our doubt must first of all be directed to the existence of

sense-objects. Nay, even mathematics must be suspected in spite of the

apparent certainty of its axioms and demonstrations, since controversy

and error are found in it also.

I doubt or deny, then, that the world is what it appears to be, that there

is a God, that external objects exist, that I have a body, that twice

two are four. One thing, however, it is impossible for me to bring into

question, namely, that I myself, who exercise this doubting function,

exist. There is one single point at which doubt is forced to halt--at the

doubter, at the self-existence of the thinker. I can doubt everything

except that I doubt, and that, in doubting, I am. Even if a superior being

sought to deceive me in all my thinking, he could not succeed unless I

existed, he could not cause me not to exist so long as I thought. To be

deceived means to think falsely; but that something is thought, no matter

what it be, is no deception. It might be true, indeed, that nothing at all

existed; but then there would be no one to conceive this non-existence.

Granted that everything may be a mistake; yet the being mistaken, the

thinking is not a mistake. Everything is denied, but the denier remains.

The whole content of consciousness is destroyed; consciousness itself, the

doubting activity, the being of the thinker, is indestructible. _Cogitatio

sola a me divelli nequit_. Thus the settled point of departure required for

knowledge is found in the _self-certitude of the thinking ego_. From the

fact that I doubt, _i.e._, think, it follows that I, the doubter, the

thinker, am. _Cogito, ergo sum_ is the first and most certain of all

truths.

The principle, "I think, therefore I am," is not to be considered a

deduction from the major premise, "Whatever thinks exists." It is rather

true that this general proposition is derived from the particular and

earlier one. I must first realize in my own experience that, as thinking, I

exist, before I can reach the general conclusion that thought and existence

are inseparable. This fundamental truth is thus not a syllogism, but a

not further deducible, self-evident, immediate cognition, a pure

intuition--_sum cogitans_. Now, if my existence is revealed by my activity

of thought, if my thought is my being, and the converse, if in me thought

and existence are identical, then I am a being whose essence consists in

thinking. I am a spirit, an ego, a rational soul. My existence follows only

from my thinking, not from any chance action. _Ambulo ergo sum_ would not

be valid, but _mihi videor_ or _puto me ambulare, ergo sum_. If I believe

I am walking, I may undoubtedly be deceived concerning the outward action

(as, for instance, in dreams), but never concerning my inward belief.

_Cogitatio_ includes all the conscious activities of the mind, volition,

emotion, and sensation, as well as representation and cognition; they are

all _modi cogitandi_. The existence of the mind is therefore the most

certain of all things. We know the soul better than the body. It is for

the present the only certainty, and every other is dependent on this, the

highest of all.

What, then, is the peculiarity of this first and most certain knowledge

which renders it self-evident and independent of all proof, which makes

us absolutely unable to doubt it? Its entire clearness and distinctness.

Accordingly, I may conclude that everything which I perceive as clearly and

distinctly as the _cogito ergo sum_ is also true, and I reach this general

rule, _omne est verum, quod clare et distincte percipio_. So far, then, we

have gained three things: a challenge; to be inscribed over the portals

of certified knowledge, _de omnibus dubitandum_; a basal truth, _sum

cogitans_; a criterion of truth, _clara et distinct a perceptio_.

The doubt of Descartes is not the expression of a resigned spirit which

renounces the unattainable; it is precept, not doctrine, the starting point

of philosophy, not its conclusion, a methodological instrument in the hand

of a strong and confident longing for truth, which makes use of doubt to

find the indubitable. It is not aimed at the possibility of attaining

knowledge, but at the opinion that it has already been attained, at the

credulity of the age, at its excessive tendency toward historical and

poly-historical study, which confuses the acquisition and handing down of

information with knowledge of the truth. That knowledge alone is certain

which is self-attained and self-tested--and this cannot be learned

or handed down; it can only be rediscovered through examination and

experience. Instead of taking one's own unsupported conjectures or the

opinions of others as a guide, the secret of the search for truth is to

become independent and of age, to think for one's self; and the only remedy

against the dangers of self-deception and the ease of repetition is to be

found in doubting everything hitherto considered true. This is the meaning

of the Cartesian doubt, which is more comprehensive and more thorough

than the Baconian. Descartes disputed only the certitude of the knowledge

previously attained, not the possibility of knowledge--for of the latter no

man is more firmly convinced than he. He is a rationalist, not a skeptic.

The intellect is assured against error just as soon as, freed from

hindrances, it remains true to itself, as it puts forth all its powers and

lets nothing pass for truth which is not clearly and distinctly known.

Descartes demands the same thing for the human understanding as Rousseau at

a later period for the heart: a return to uncorrupted nature. This faith in

the unartificial, the original, the natural, this radical and naturalistic

tendency is characteristically French. The purification of the mind, its

deliverance from the rubbish of scholastic learning, from the pressure of

authority, and from inert acceptance of the thinking of others--this is

all. Descartes finds the clearest proof of the mind's capacity for truth in

mathematics, whose trustworthiness he never seriously questioned, but only

hypothetically, in order to exhibit the still higher certainty of the "I

think, therefore I am." He wants to give philosophy the stable character

which had so impressed him in mathematics when he was a boy, and recommends

her, therefore, not merely the evidence of mathematics as a general

example, but the mathematical method for definite imitation. Metaphysics,

like mathematics, must derive its conclusions by deduction from

self-evident principles. Thus the geometrical method begins its rule in

philosophy, a rule not always attended with beneficial results.

With this criterion of truth Descartes advances to the consideration of

ideas. He distinguishes volition and judgment from ideas in the narrow

sense (_imagines_), and divides the latter, according to their origin, into

three classes: _ideae innatae, adventitiae, a me ipso factae_, considering

the second class, the "adventitious" ideas, the most numerous, but the

first, the "innate" ideas, the most important. No idea is higher or clearer

than the idea of God or the most perfect being. Whence comes this idea?

That every idea must have a cause, follows from the "clear and distinct"

principle that nothing produces nothing. It follows from this same

principle, _ex nihilo nihil fit_, however, that the cause must contain as

much reality or perfection--_realitas_ and _perfectio_ are synonymous--as

the effect, for otherwise the overplus would have come from nothing. So

much ("objective," representative) reality contained in an idea, so much or

more ("formal," actual) reality must be contained in its cause. The idea

of God as infinite, independent, omnipotent, omniscient, and creative

substance, has not come to me through the senses, nor have I formed it

myself. The power to conceive a being more perfect than myself, can have

only come from someone who is more perfect in reality than I. Since I know

that the infinite contains more reality than the finite, I may conclude

that the idea of the infinite has not been derived from the idea of the

finite by abstraction and negation; it precedes the latter, and I become

conscious of my defects and my finitude only by comparison with the

absolute perfection of God. This idea, then, must have been implanted in me

by God himself. The idea of God is an original endowment; it is as innate

as the idea of myself. However incomplete it may be, it is still

sufficient to give a knowledge of God's existence, although not a perfect

comprehension of his being, just as a man may skirt a mountain without

encircling it.

Descartes brings in the idea of God in order to escape solipsism. So long

as the self-consciousness of the ego remained the only certainty, there was

no conclusive basis for the assumption that anything exists beyond self,

that the ideas which apparently come from without are really occasioned by

external things and do not spring from the mind itself. For our natural

instinct to refer them to objects without us might well be deceptive. It is

only through the idea of God, and by help of the principle that the cause

must contain at least as much reality as the effect, that I am taken beyond

myself and assured that I am not the only thing in the world. For as this

idea contains more of representative, than I of actual reality, I cannot

have been its cause.

To this empirical argument, which derives God's existence from our idea

of God (from the fact that we have an idea of him), Descartes joins the

(modified) ontological argument of Anselm, which deduces the existence of

God from the concept of God. While the ideas of all other things include

only the possibility of existence, necessary existence is inseparable from

the concept of the most perfect being. God cannot be thought apart from

existence; he has the ground of his existence in himself; he is _a se_

or _causa sui_. Finally, Descartes adds a third argument. The idea of

perfections which I do not possess can only have been imparted to me by a

more perfect being than I, which has bestowed on me all that I am and

all that I am capable of becoming. If I had created myself, I would have

bestowed upon myself these absent perfections also. And the existence of a

plurality of causes is negatived by the supreme perfection which I conceive

in the idea of God, the indivisible unity of his attributes. Among the

attributes of God his veracity is of special importance. It is impossible

that he should will to deceive us; that he should be the cause of our

errors. God would be a deceiver, if he had endowed us with a reason to

which error should appear true, even when it uses all its foresight in

avoiding it and assents only to that which it clearly and distinctly

perceives. Error is man's own fault; he falls into it only when he misuses

the divine gift of knowledge, which includes its own standard. Thus

Descartes finds new confirmation for his test of truth in the _veracitas

dei_. Erdmann has given a better defense of Descartes than the philosopher

himself against the charge that this is arguing in a circle, inasmuch as

the existence of God is proved by the criterion of truth, and then the

latter by the former: The criterion of certitude is the _ratio cognoscendi_

of God's existence; God is the _ratio essendi_ of the criterion of

certitude. In the order of existence God is first, he creates the reason

together with its criterion; in the order of knowledge the criterion

precedes, and God's existence follows from it. Descartes himself endeavors

to avoid the circle by making _intuitive_ knowledge self-evident, and by

not bringing in the appeal to God's veracity in _demonstrative_ knowledge

until, in reflective thought, we no longer have each separate link in the

chain of proof present to our minds with full intuitive certainty, but only

remember that we have previously understood the matter with clearness and

distinctness.

Our ideas represent in part things, in part qualities. Substance is defined

by the concept of independence as _res quae ita existit, ut nulla alia re

indigeat ad existendum_; a pregnant definition with which the concept of

substance gains the leadership in metaphysics, which it held till the time

of Hume and Kant, sharing it then with the conception of cause or, rather,

relinquishing it to the latter. The Spinozistic conclusion that, according

to the strict meaning of this definition, there is but one substance, God,

who, as _causa sui_, has absolutely no need of any other thing in order to

his existence, was announced by Descartes himself. If created substances

are under discussion, the term does not apply to them in the same sense

(not _univoce_) as when we speak of the infinite substance; created beings

require a different explanation, they are things which need for their

existence only the co-operation of God, and have no need of one another.

Substance is cognized through its qualities, among which one is pre-eminent

from the fact that it expresses the essence or nature of the thing, and

that it is conceived through itself, without the aid of the others, while

they presuppose it and cannot be thought without it. The former fundamental

properties are termed attributes, and these secondary ones, modes or

accidents. Position, figure, motion, are contingent properties of

body; they presuppose that it is extended or spatial; they are _modi

extensionis_, as feeling, volition, desire, representation, and judgment

are possible only in a conscious being, and hence are merely modifications

of thought. Extension is the essential or constitutive attribute of body,

and thought of mind. Body is never without extension, and mind never

without thought--_mens semper cogitat_. Guided by the self-evident

principle that the non-existent has no properties, we argue from a

perceived quality to a substance as its possessor or support. Substances

are distinct from one another when we can clearly and distinctly cognize

one without the other. Now, we can adequately conceive mind without a

corporeal attribute and body without a spiritual one; the former has

nothing of extension in it, the latter nothing of thought: hence thinking

substance and extended substance are entirely distinct and have nothing

in common. Matter and mind are distinct _realiter_, matter and extension

_idealiter_ merely. Thus we attain three clear and distinct ideas, three

eternal verities: _substantia infinita sive deus, substantia finita

cogitans sive mens, substantia extensa sive corpus_.

By this abrupt contraposition of body and mind as reciprocally independent

substances, Descartes founded that dualism, as whose typical representative

he is still honored or opposed. This dualism between the material and

spiritual worlds belongs to those standpoints which are valid without being

ultimate truth; on the pyramid of metaphysical knowledge it takes a high,

but not the highest, place. We may not rest in it, yet it retains a

permanent value in opposition to subordinate theories. It is in the

right against a materialism which still lacks insight into the essential

distinction between mind and matter, thought and extension, consciousness

and motion; it loses its validity when, with a full consideration and

conservation of the distinction between these two spheres, we succeed in

bridging over the gulf between them, whether this is accomplished through

a philosophy of identity, like that of Spinoza and Schelling, or by an

idealism, like that of Leibnitz or Fichte. In any case philosophy retains

as an inalienable possession the negative conclusion, that, in view of the

heterogeneity of consciousness and motion, the inner life is not reducible

to material phenomena. This clear and simple distinction, which sets bounds

to every confusion of spiritual and material existence, was an act of

emancipation; it worked on the sultry intellectual atmosphere of the time

with the purifying and illuminating power of a lightning flash. We shall

find the later development of philosophy starting from the Cartesian

dualism.

Descartes himself looked upon the fundamental principles which have now

been discussed as merely the foundation for his life work, as the entrance

portal to his cosmology. Posterity has judged otherwise; it finds his chief

work in that which he considered a mere preparation for it. The start from

doubt, the self-certitude of the thinking ego, the rational criterion of

certitude, the question of the origin of ideas, the concept of substance,

the essential distinction between conscious activity and corporeal being,

and, also, the principle of thoroughgoing mechanism in the material world

(from his philosophy of nature)--these are the thoughts which assure his

immortality. The vestibule has brought the builder more fame, and has

proved more enduring, than the temple: of the latter only the ruins remain;

the former has remained undestroyed through the centuries.

%2. Nature.%

What guarantee have we for the existence of material objects affecting our

senses? That the ideas of sense do not come from ourselves, is shown by

the fact that it is not in our power to determine the objects which we

perceive, or the character of our perception of them. The supposition that

God has caused our perceptions directly, or by means of something which has

no resemblance whatever to an external object extended in three dimensions

and movable, is excluded by the fact that God is not a deceiver. In

reliance on God's veracity we may accept as true whatever the reason

declares concerning body, though not all the reports of the senses,

which so often deceive us. At the instance of the senses we clearly and

distinctly perceive matter distinct from our mind and from God, extended

in three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth, with variously formed and

variously moving parts, which occasion in us sensations of many kinds. The

belief that perception makes known things as they really are is a prejudice

of sense to be discarded; on the contrary, it merely informs us concerning

the utility or harmfulness of objects, concerning their relation to man as

a being composed of soul and body. (The body is that material thing which

is very intimately joined with the mind, and occasions in the latter

certain feelings, _e.g._, pain, which as merely cogitative it would not

have.) Sense qualities, as color, sound, odor, cannot constitute the

essence of matter, for their variation or loss changes nothing in it; I can

abstract from them without the material thing disappearing.[1] There is one

property, however, extensive magnitude (_quantitas_), whose removal would

imply the destruction of matter itself. Thus I perceive by pure thought

that the essence of matter consists in extension, in that which constitutes

the object of geometry, in that magnitude which is divisible, figurable,

and movable. This thesis (_corpus = extensio sive spatium_) is next

defended by Descartes against several objections. In reply to the objection

drawn from the condensation and rarefaction of bodies, he urges that the

apparent increase or decrease in extension is, in fact, a mere change of

figure; that the rarefaction of a body depends on the increase in size of

the intervals between its parts, and the entrance into them of foreign

bodies, just as a sponge swells up when its pores become filled with water

and, therefore, enlarged. The demand that the pores, and the bodies which

force their way into them, should always be perceptible to the senses, is

groundless. He meets the second point, that we call extension by itself

_space_, and not body, by maintaining that the distinction between

extension and corporeal substance is a distinction in thought, and not in

reality; that attribute and substance, mathematical and physical bodies,

are not distinct in fact but only in our thought of them. We apply the

term space to extension in general, as an abstraction, and body to a given

individual, determinate, limited extension. In reality, wherever extension

is, there substance is also,--the non-existent has no extension,--and

wherever space is, there matter is also. Empty space does not exist.

When we say a vessel is empty, we mean that the bodies which fill it are

imperceptible; if it were absolutely empty its sides would touch. Descartes

argues against the atomic theory and against the finitude of the world, as

he argues against empty space: matter, as well as space, has no smallest,

indivisible parts, and the extension of the world has no end. In the

identification of space and matter the former receives fullness from

the latter, and the latter unlimitedness from the former, both internal

unlimitedness (endless divisibility) and external (boundlessness). Hence

there are not several matters but only one (homogeneous) matter, and only

one (illimitable) world.

[Footnote 1: They are merely subjective states in the perceiver, and

entirely unlike the motions which give rise to them, although there is

a certain agreement, as the differences and variations in sensation are

paralleled by those in the object.]

Matter is divisible, figurable, movable quantity. Natural science needs no

other principles than these indisputably true conceptions, by which all

natural phenomena may be explained, and must employ no others. The most

important is motion, on which all the diversity of forms depends. Corporeal

being has been shown to be extension; corporeal becoming is motion. Motion

is defined as "the transporting of one part of matter, or of one body, from

the vicinity of those bodies that are in immediate contact with it,

or which we regard as at rest, to the vicinity of other bodies." This

separation of bodies is reciprocal, hence it is a matter of choice which

shall be considered at rest. Besides its own proper motion in reference to

the bodies in its immediate vicinity, a body can participate in very many

other motions: the traveler walking back and forth on the deck of a ship,

for instance, in the motion of the vessel, of the waves, and of the earth.

The common view of motion as an activity is erroneous; since it requires

force not only to set in motion bodies which are at rest, but also to stop

those which are in motion, it is clear that motion implies no more activity

than rest. Both are simply different states of matter. Since there is no

empty space, each motion spreads to a whole circle of bodies: A forces B

out of its place, B drives out C, and so on, until Z takes up the position

which A has left.

The ultimate cause of motion is God. He has created bodies with an

original measure of motion and rest, and, in accordance with his immutable

character, he preserves this quantity of motion unchanged: it remains

constant in the world as a whole, though it varies in individual bodies.

For with the power to create or destroy motion bodies lack, further, the

power to alter their quantity of motion. By the side of God, the primary

cause of motion, the laws of motion appear as secondary causes. The first

of these is the one become familiar under the name, law of inertia:

Everything continues of itself in the state (of motion or rest) in which it

is, and changes its state only as a result of some extraneous cause. The

second of these laws, which are so valuable in mechanics, runs: Every

portion of matter tends to continue a motion which has been begun in the

same direction, hence in a straight line, and changes its direction only

under the influence of another body, as in the case of the circle above

described. Descartes bases these laws on the unchangeableness of God and

the simplicity of his world-conserving (_i.e._, constantly creative)

activity. The third law relates to the communication of motion; but

Descartes does not recognize the equality of action and reaction as

universally as the fact demands. If a body in motion meets another body,

and its power (to continue its motion in a straight line) is less than the

resistance of the other on which it has impinged, it retains its motion,

but in a different direction: it rebounds in the opposite direction. If, on

the contrary, its force is greater, it carries the other body along with

it, and loses so much of its own motion as it imparts to the latter. The

seven further rules added to these contain much that is erroneous. As

_actio in distans_ is rejected, all the phenomena of motion are traced back

to pressure and impulse. The distinction between fluid and solid bodies is

based on the greater or less mobility of their parts.

The leading principle in the special part of the Cartesian physics,--we

can only briefly sketch it,--which embraces, first, celestial, and, then,

terrestial phenomena, is the axiom that we cannot estimate God's power and

goodness too highly, nor ourselves too meanly. It is presumptuous to seek

to comprehend the purposes of God in creation, to consider ourselves

participants in his plans, to imagine that things exist simply for our

sake--there are many things which no man sees and which are of advantage

to none. Nothing is to be interpreted teleologically, but all must be

interpreted from clearly known attributes, hence purely mechanically.

After treating of the distances of the various heavenly bodies, of the

independent light of the sun and the fixed stars and the reflected light of

the planets, among which the earth belongs, Descartes discusses the motion

of the heavenly bodies. In reference to the motion of the earth he seeks a

middle course between the theories of Copernicus and Tycho Brahé. He agrees

with Copernicus in the main point, but, in reliance on his definition

of motion, maintains that the earth is at rest, viz., in respect to its

immediate surroundings. It is clear that the harmony of his views with

those of the Church (though it was only a verbal agreement) was not

unwelcome to him. According to his hypothesis,--as he suggests, perhaps an

erroneous hypothesis,--the fluid matter which fills the heavenly spaces,

and which may be compared to a vortex or whirlpool, circles about the sun

and carries the planets along with it. Thus the planets move in relation to

the sun, but are at rest in relation to the adjacent portions of the matter

of the heavens. In view of the biblical doctrine, according to which the

world and all that therein is was created at a stroke, he apologetically

describes his attempt to explain the origin of the world from chaos under

the laws of motion as a scientific fiction, intended merely to make the

process more comprehensible. It is more easily conceivable, if we think

of the things in the world as though they had been gradually formed from

elements, as the plant develops from the seed. We now pass to the Cartesian

anthropology, with its three chief objects: the body, the soul, and the

union of the two.

3. %Man.%

The human body, like all organic bodies, is a machine. Artificial automata

and natural bodies are distinguished only in degree. Machines fashioned by

the hand of man perform their functions by means of visible and tangible

instruments, while natural bodies employ organs which, for the most part,

are too minute to be perceived. As the clock-maker constructs a clock from

wheels and weights so that it is able to go of itself, so God has made

man's body out of dust, only, being a far superior artist, he produces a

work of art which is better constructed and capable of far more wonderful

movements. The cause of death is the destruction of some important part of

the machine, which prevents it from running longer; a corpse is a broken

clock, and the departure of the soul comes only as a result of death. The

common opinion that the soul generates life in the body is erroneous. It

is rather true that life must be present before the soul enters into union

with the body, as it is also true that life must have ended before it

dissolves the bond.

The sole principles of physiology are motion and heat. The heat (vital

warmth, a fire without light), which God has put in the heart as the

central organ of life, has for its function the promotion of the

circulation of the blood, in the description of which Descartes mentions

with praise the discoveries of Harvey _(De Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in

Animalibus_, 1628). From the blood are separated its finest, most fiery,

and most mobile parts, called by Descartes "animal spirits" _(spiritus

animales sive corporales_), and described as a "very subtle wind" or "pure

and vivid flame," which ascend into the cavities of the brain, reach

the pineal gland suspended in its center _(conarion, glans pinealis,

glandula_), pass into the nerves, and, by their action on the muscles

connected with the nerves, effect the motions of the limbs. These views

refer to the body alone, and so are as true of animals as of men. If

automata existed similar to animals in all respects, both external and

internal, it would be absolutely impossible to distinguish them from real

animals. If, however, they were made to resemble human bodies, two signs

would indicate their unreality--we would find no communication of ideas by

means of language, and also an absence of those bodily movements which

take their origin in the reason (and not merely in the constitution of the

body). The only thing which raises man above the brute is his rational

soul, which we are on no account to consider a product of matter, but which

is an express creation of God, superadded. The union of the soul or the

mind _(anima sive mens_) with the body is, it is true, not so loose that

the mind merely dwells in the body, like a pilot in a ship, nor, on the

other hand, in view of the essential contrariety of the two substances, is

it so intimate as to be more than a _unio compositionis_. Although the soul

is united to the whole body, an especially active intercourse between them

is developed at a single point, the pineal gland, which is distinguished by

its central, protected position, above all, by the fact that it is the only

cerebral organ that is not double. This gland, together with the animal

spirits passing to and from it, mediates between mind and body; and as the

point of union for the twofold impressions from the (right and left) eyes

and ears, without which objects would be perceived double instead of

single, is the seat of the soul. Here the soul exercises a direct influence

on the body and is directly affected by it; here it dwells, and at will

produces a slight, peculiar movement of the gland, through this a change

in the course of the animal spirits (for it is not capable of generating

motion, but only of changing its direction), and, finally, movements of the

members; just as, on the other hand, it remarks the slightest change in the

course of the _spiritus_ through a corresponding movement of the gland,

whose motions vary according to the sensuous properties of the object to be

perceived, and responds by sensations. Although Descartes thus limits the

direct interaction of soul and body to a small part of the organism, he

makes an exception in the case of _memoria_, which appears to him to be

more of a physical than a psychical function, and which he conjectures to

be diffused through the whole brain.

In spite of the comprehensive meaning which Descartes gives to the notion

_cogitatio_, it is yet too narrow to leave room for an _anima vegetativa_

and an _anima sensitiva_. Whoever makes mind and soul equivalent, holds

that their essence consists in conscious activity alone, and interprets

sensation as a mode of thought, cannot escape the paradox of denying to

animals the possession of a soul. Descartes does not shrink from such

a conclusion. Animals are mere machines; they are bodies animated, but

soulless; they lack conscious perception and appetition, though not the

appearance of them. When a clock strikes seven it knows nothing of the

fact; it does not regret that it is so late nor long soon to be able to

strike eight; it wills nothing, feels nothing, perceives nothing. The lot

of the brute is the same. It sees and hears nothing, it does not hunger or

thirst, it does not rejoice or fear, if by these anything more than mere

corporeal phenomena is to be meant; of all these it possesses merely the

unconscious material basis; it moves and motion goes on in it--that is all.

The psychology of Descartes, which has had important results,[1] divides

_cogitationes_ into two classes: _actiones_ and _passiones_. Action denotes

everything which takes its origin in, and is in the power of, the soul;

passion, everything which the soul receives from without, in which it can

make no change, which is impressed upon it. The further development of this

distinction is marred by the crossing of the most diverse lines of thought,

resulting in obscurities and contradictions. Descartes's simple, naïve

habits of thought and speech, which were those of a man of the world rather

than of a scholar, were quite incompatible with the adoption and consistent

use of a finely discriminated terminology; he is very free with _sive_, and

not very careful with the expressions _actio, passio, perceptio, affectio,

volitio_. First he equates activity and willing, for the will springs

exclusively from the soul--it is only in willing that the latter is

entirely independent; while, on the other hand, passivity is made

equivalent to representation and cognition, for the soul does not create

its ideas, but receives them,--sensuous impressions coming to her quite

evidently from the body. These equations, "_actio_--the practical, _passio_

= the theoretical function," are soon limited and modified, however. The

natural appetites and affections are forms of volition, it is true, but not

free products of the mind, for they take their origin in its connection

with the body. Further, not all perceptions have a sensuous origin; when

the soul makes free use of its ideas in imagination, especially when in

pure thought it dwells on itself, when without the interference of the

imagination it gazes on its rational nature, it is by no means passive

merely. Every act of the will, again, is accompanied by the consciousness

of volition. The _volitio_ is an activity, the _cogitatio volitionis_ a

passivity; the soul affects itself, is passively affected through its own

activity, is at the same instant both active and passive.

[Footnote 1: For details cf. the able monograph of Dr. Anton Koch, 1881.]

Thus not every volition, _e.g._ sensuous desire, is action nor all

perception, _e.g._ that of the pure intellect, passion. Finally, certain

psychical phenomena fall indifferently under the head of perception or of

volition, _e.g._, pain, which is both an indistinct idea of something and

an impulse to shun it. In accordance with these emendations, and omitting

certain disturbing points of secondary importance, the matter may be thus

represented:

COGITATIO.

¦

¦

ACTIO ¦ PASSIO

¦

¦

¦

(Mens sola; clarae et distinctae ¦ (Mens unita cum corpore;

ideae.) ¦ confusae ideae.)

¦

VOLITIO: ¦

6. Voluntas. 3b. Commotiones ¦ 3a. Affectus. 2. Appetitus naturales.

¦ intellectuales¦ ¦ ¦

¦ ¦ \ /

¦ ¦ --------v-------

Judicium. ¦ Sensus interni

---------------------------------+-----------------------------------

¦

¦

PERCEPTIO: 4. Imaginatio

------^------

/ \

5. Intellectus 4b. Phantasia. ¦ 4a. Memoria. 1. Sensus externi.

Accordingly six grades of mental function are to be distinguished: (1)

The external senses. (2) The natural appetites. (3) The passions (which,

together with the natural appetites, constitute the internal senses,

and from which the mental emotions produced by the intellect are quite

distinct). (4) The imagination with its two divisions, passive memory and

active phantasy. (5) The intellect or reason. (6) The will. These various

stages or faculties are, however, not distinct parts of the soul, as in the

old psychology, in opposition to which Descartes emphatically defends the

_unity of the soul_. It is one and the same psychical power that exercises

the higher and the lower, the rational and the sensuous, the practical and

the theoretical activities.

Of the mental functions, whether representative images, perceptions, or

volitions, a part are referred to body (to parts of our own body, often

also to external objects), and produced by the body (by the animal spirits

and, generally, by the nerves as well), while the rest find both object and

cause in the soul. Intermediate between the two classes stand those acts

of the will which are caused by the soul, but which relate to the body,

_e.g._, when I resolve to walk or leap; and, what is more important, the

_passions_, which relate to the soul itself, but which are called forth,

sustained, and intensified by certain motions of the animal spirits. Since

only those beings which consist of a body as well as a soul are capable of

the passions, these are specifically human phenomena. These affections,

though very numerous, may be reduced to a few simple or primary ones,

of which the rest are mere specializations or combinations. Descartes

enumerates six primitive passions (which number Spinoza afterward reduced

one-half)--_admiratio, amor et odium, cupiditas (désir), gaudium et

tristitia_. The first and the fourth have no opposites, the former being

neither positive nor negative, and the latter both at once. Wonder, which

includes under it esteem and contempt, signifies interest in an object

which neither attracts us by its utility nor repels us by its hurtfulness,

and yet does not leave us indifferent. It is aroused by the powerful or

surprising impression made by the extraordinary, the rare, the unexpected.

Love seeks to appropriate that which is profitable; hate, to ward off that

which is harmful, to destroy that which is hostile. Desire or longing looks

with hope or fear to the future. When that which is feared or hoped for

has come to pass, joy and grief come in, which relate to existing good and

evil, as desire relates to those to come.

The Cartesian theory of the passions forms the bridge over which its author

passes from psychology to ethics. No soul is so weak as to be incapable of

completely mastering its passions, and of so directing them that from them

all there will result that joyous temper advantageous to the reason. The

freedom of the will is unlimited. Although a direct influence on the

passions is denied it,--it can neither annul them merely at its bidding,

nor at once reduce them to silence, at least, not the more violent

ones,--it still has an indirect power over them in two ways. During the

continuance of the affection (e.g., fear) it is able to arrest the bodily

movements to which the affection tends (flight), though not the emotion

itself, and, in the intervals of quiet, it can take measures to render a

new attack of the passion less dangerous. Instead of enlisting one passion

against another, a plan which would mean only an appearance of freedom,

but in fact a continuance in bondage, the soul should fight with its own

weapons, with fixed maxims _(judicia)_, based on certain knowledge of good

and evil. The will conquers the emotions by means of principles, by clear

and distinct knowledge, which sees through and corrects the false values

ascribed to things by the excitement of the passions. Besides this negative

requirement, "subjection of the passions," Descartes' contributions to

ethics--in the letters to Princess Elizabeth on human happiness, and to

Queen Christina on love and the highest good--were inconsiderable. Wisdom

is the carrying out of that which has been seen to be best, virtue is

steadfastness, sin inconstancy therein. The goal of human endeavor is peace

of conscience, which is attained only through the determination to be

virtuous, i.e., to live in harmony with self.

Besides its ethical mission, the will has allotted to it the theoretical

function of affirmation and negation, i.e., of judgment. If God in his

veracity and goodness has bestowed on man the power to know truth, how is

misuse of this power, how is error possible? Single sensations and ideas

cannot be false, but only judgments--the reference of ideas to objects.

Judgment or assent is a matter of the will; so that when it makes erroneous

affirmations or negations, when it prefers the false judgment to the true,

it alone is guilty. Our understanding is limited, our will unlimited; the

latter reaches further than the former, and can assent to a judgment

even before its constituent parts have attained the requisite degree of

clearness. False judgment is prejudgment, for which we can hold neither God

nor our own nature responsible. The possibility of error, as well as the

possibility of avoiding error, resides in the will. This has the power to

postpone its assent or dissent, to hold back its decision until the ideas

have become entirely clear and distinct. The supreme perfection is the

_libertas non errandi_. Thus knowledge itself becomes a moral function; the

true and the good are in the last analysis identical. The contradiction

with which Descartes has been charged, that he makes volition and cognition

reciprocally determinative, that he bases moral goodness on the clearness

of ideas and _vice versa_, does not exist. We must distinguish between a

theoretical and a practical stadium in the will; it is true of the latter

that it depends on knowledge of the right, of the former that the knowledge

of the right is dependent on it. In order to the possibility of moral

_action_ the will must conform to clear judgment; in order to the

production of the latter the will must _be_ moral. It is the unit-soul,

which first, by freely avoiding overhasty judgment, cognizes the truth, to

exemplify it later in moral conduct.

History of Modern Philosophy From Nicolas of Cusa to the Present Time · 第 2 / 20 章