CHAPTER IX

HYSTERIA

The word 'hysteria', like 'lunacy', is evidence of a belief now

discarded. When the theory of demoniacal possession ceased to satisfy

the desire for reasons, and material explanations were sought for

certain conditions, it was supposed that the uterus (Greek, _hystera_)

came adrift from its position and wandered about the body, producing the

condition thenceforward known as hysteria. Advancing knowledge killed

this theory, but the influence of the word remained and the disease was

attributed to some derangement or irritation of the uterus and its

associated organs. Charcot, of Paris, showed the mental origin of

hysteria, but, becoming lost in a maze of hypnotism and suggestion, he

described as symptoms of the disease various manifestations which were

really called up by himself or his assistants. There are medical men who

still insist on a bodily cause, but such causes serve merely as pegs on

which to hang the symptoms.

As usual, I shrink from a definition, but in this case I have good

reason. Every writer who describes hysteria expresses his own ideas

about it, and as the ideas of no two writers are alike some definitions

scarcely seem to refer to the same subject.

Here is a definition by Babinski, a French writer of international

reputation:--

'Hysteria is a peculiar psychical state capable of giving rise to

certain conditions which have features of their own. It manifests

itself in primary and secondary symptoms. The former can be exactly

reproduced by suggestion in certain subjects and can be made to

disappear under the sole influence of suggestion.'

And here is one by Pierre Janet, a man of equal eminence:--

'Hysteria is a form of mental depression characterised by

retraction of the field of personal consciousness, and a tendency

to complete division of the personality, and subconscious mental

conditions grow and form a kind of second personality.'

And here are a few words from Ernest Jones, the chief exponent of

Freud's views in this country:--

'It is in the excessive tendency to displace affects by means of

superficial associations that the final key to the explanation of

abnormal suggestion is to be sought. Even if it were true, which it

certainly is not, that most hysterical symptoms are the product of

verbal suggestion, the observation would be of hardly any practical

or theoretical interest.'

When the reader has finished this chapter he will perhaps return to

these definitions, and see how each represents one aspect, and how the

best understanding is reached by a consideration of all of them.

The Great War has provided plenty of material for the study of hysteria,

and French and German writers have dealt extensively with it. The

paucity of English writings on the subject may indicate a smaller amount

of material, but there has been sufficient considerably to increase our

knowledge. The common form of hysteria is a mimicry of bodily disease;

pains, paralyses, contractions and joint affections most often occur,

though fits and trances are typical and there are few diseases which are

not imitated. Hysteria therefore has a superficial resemblance to

malingering, or the conscious simulation of disease for a definite end,

and many people find it hard to conceive any difference between the two.

Various criteria have been given to distinguish them, but, in my

opinion, when the question arises the distinction can rarely be made

upon physical grounds and is chiefly a matter of judgement concerning

the honesty of the patient; that is to say, the hysteric believes in his

disease as a reality, but the malingerer knows that it is fictitious. I

believe there is no definite line between the groups, though some

authorities assert that they are quite distinct. Practical experience

proves that in many cases there is an intense desire for cure which

cannot be reconciled with any consciousness of simulation, and the

apparently heartfelt gratitude often shown by the patient on recovery is

further proof of the reality of this desire.

It is a matter for regret that we have no word to take the place of

'hysteria', which is a mark of superstition; the only excuse for its

use being that every one knows that it does not mean what it says.

Popular and even professional ideas concerning hysteria are so far from

the truth that it is a pity a new word is not employed. If a man has

fought bravely for years and at last succumbed in his effort to forget

the horrors he has seen, it sounds an insult to say he is suffering from

hysteria. Yet the newer term of 'shell-shock' was worse, for it conveyed

a totally false idea of causation and treatment: to regard as due to the

concussion of a shell symptoms which are of purely mental origin led to

muddled thinking.

A common history in these cases was that the man became 'unconscious'

after a shell explosion, and on returning to consciousness found himself

mute, shaky, or paralysed. These facts led to the belief that the

condition was actually due to the physical effect of an explosion,

'shell-shock' and 'concussion' being regarded as almost synonymous. But

the same symptoms occurred when there was no question of concussion,

whilst the recoveries, often sensationally reported in the press, after

accidental or deliberate stimuli of various kinds were on all fours with

the cures wrought by Christian Science or the pilgrimage to Lourdes.

Hence the hysterical nature of the symptoms became evident and the

concussion theory faded away.

When one of these patients is encouraged to talk he often tells how he

had felt himself overpowered by the horrors of his surroundings and

forced to make increased efforts to keep going and avoid showing his

condition to his fellows--in other words, to repress his emotions. The

strain continuing, the shell-burst proved the last straw, and his

repressed feelings broke into consciousness and took possession of it;

this is what the man called being 'unconscious', but the condition is

really an abrupt dissociation. In course of time--hours, days, or even

weeks--he comes to himself again, and once more his feelings are buried;

but now he is a hysteric, and his buried feelings--his dissociated

stream--produce and maintain his symptoms.

In whatever way the hysteria arises the developed symptoms are the

result of a mental activity which is powerful enough to overcome for a

long time the desire for recovery. There are two streams of thought--the

one desirous of cure and the other engaged in keeping up the

symptoms--and we recognise an extreme example of continuous

dissociation, in which the main stream is not only unaware of the

existence of the other and unable to control it, but in which the

results produced by the dissociated stream are antagonistic to the

desires of the main personality.

This conception accords fairly well with Janet's definition as given

above, but though it gives us a description of the disease and indicates

its relation to other phenomena we have yet to understand why the

dissociation occurs. This is a difficult problem, and one to which

several answers can be given. I have suggested one above, and Freud

supplies another, which he applies not only to hysteria but to allied

nervous conditions. What follows is not an exposition of his ideas, but

rather my interpretation of such as are acceptable and useful to me. A

complex, which according to Freud usually centres around an infantile

sexual desire, is repugnant to the consciousness and becomes repressed

as a result of conflict in just the same way as a memory is repressed.

The complex is kept thrust down in the unconscious, but always tends to

produce effects; it may do so in dreams or may obtain symbolic

representation in the form of a neurosis, especially in times of stress.

Besides the primary aim of expressing repression by a symbolic

representation, Freud admits a 'secondary function' of the neurosis by

which the patient may derive some advantage from the disease.

Here is a case capable of explanation by the Freudian hypothesis: A man

said he had fallen on to the blade of an aeroplane propeller and bruised

his neck; he complained of severe pain in one side of his neck, with

twitching of the arm on the same side, which continued for months. It

was found that the patient, who was apprenticed to engineering, had such

a deep-seated fear of making mistakes that he had sometimes stayed at

the workshop for hours after the day's work was over in order to

familiarise himself with the use of tools; but in spite of this his fear

increased, until the handling of a file or spanner produced feelings of

anxiety. Then he joined the army. Being put to work at aeroplanes he

tried to do his duty and succeeded so far as to be made a corporal,

saying never a word about his fears and banishing them as far as

possible from his thoughts. At last the repression broke forth and took

symbolic form in pain, the expression of his fear of the machinery which

was blamed as its material cause. No account can picture the emotion

produced by the recall of this complex, and it was evident that his

feelings were intense and of more importance to him than one unfamiliar

with such cases would suppose. His pains ceased when the cause had been

revealed, and, what is very important, when he was told that he could

not be expected to work at machinery. It must be added that the

out-and-out Freudian would not be satisfied with this explanation; he

would trace the cause of the original fear of making mistakes, and would

expect to find it in some repression of infantile desires or fears.

Certainly I have a feeling that the case had only been half

investigated, but it will serve as a simple example of symbolic

representation.

The 'secondary function' of this neurosis is plain: the patient

succeeded in keeping away from machinery all the time the pain lasted,

and his anxiety symptoms were powerful enough to lead to his removal to

another kind of work.

This leads on to Adler's theory,[15] which, like Freud's, is based upon

conflict and repression, but regards the hysteria as derived from the

'Will to Power'. The potential neurotic has a feeling of inferiority

combined with a desire to be master of his own fate, and, since direct

attainment of this desire is impossible, the end is striven for by a

fantasy or fiction produced by the unconscious. This view, thus baldly

put, shows a relation between hysteria and malingering, and, returning

to the case of the prentice engineer, we can see his work in the shop

becoming more and more distasteful whilst his anxiety tended to become a

means of escape; then in the army the neurosis took a more determined

form which might be confounded with malingering by an observer who

assumed that all actions were the result of conscious motives.

[Footnote 15: _The Neurotic Constitution._ Kegan Paul.]

My present opinion is that the theory of repression offers the only

explanation of many cases of hysteria. This applies particularly to

those cases where the symptoms represent a permanent state of

embarrassment or fear, such as stammers and tremors, and to the

unreasonable fears and impulses, the phobias and obsessions, of the

war-strained soldier. As an example I will quote a case of a soldier who

had an impulse to attack any single companion, which was cured by

bringing into consciousness the repressed memory of a gruesome

hand-to-hand fight in which he killed his opponent. The repression was

so complete that after its first revival under hypnosis it was

'forgotten' again and again at subsequent interviews in the waking

state. This example illustrates Freud's 'tendency to displace affects.'

The repressed complex contained within itself the impulse to fight;

this 'affect' reached consciousness and an object had to be found for

it, the object being the single companion of the patient.

As regards those hysterias in which the secondary function is

conspicuous, I incline to the 'Will to Power' theory, and add to it the

'repression of the consciousness of deceit.' To illustrate this, let us

trace the growth of a case of hysteria. Imagine a girl who is

'misunderstood', who has her round of daily tasks and feels that she was

meant for higher things, that she ought to be loved and obeyed instead

of being subject to the will of others. To no one can she tell her

thoughts and troubles, sympathy is denied her, and she sees no hope of

satisfying her desires or changing her position in the world.

Or imagine another type, the pampered girl who has never had to face a

trouble or unpleasant task and has come to regard her own wishes as the

supreme law, until at last the time comes when some desire, some wish

that she cannot or will not face and conquer, remains ungratified. She

feels the need to express her feelings, to obtain that sympathy that she

thinks she deserves.

In either case there comes the hysterical manifestation, and here I will

quote from Jung[16]:--

'But, the astonished reader asks, what is supposed to be the use of

the neurosis? What does it effect? Whoever has had a pronounced

case of neurosis in his immediate environment knows all that can

be "effected" by a neurosis. In fact there is altogether no better

means of tyrannising over a whole household than by a striking

neurosis. Heart attacks, choking fits, convulsions of all kinds

achieve enormous effects, that can hardly be surpassed. Picture the

fountains of pity let loose, the sublime anxiety of the dear kind

parents, the hurried running to and fro of the servants, the

incessant sounding of the call of the telephone, the hasty arrival

of the physicians, the delicacy of the diagnosis, the detailed

examinations, the lengthy courses of treatment, the considerable

expense: and there in the midst of all the uproar, lies the

innocent sufferer to whom the household is even overflowingly

grateful, when he has recovered from the "spasms".'

[Footnote 16: Loc. cit., p. 389.]

But the end is not always thus. There are victims of hysteria whose

symptoms continue for months or years, till cure seems impossible,

although, as I have said before in this chapter, there is present in the

consciousness a strong desire for recovery. Let us imagine the patient

complaining of severe pain in one foot: the sympathising friends tend

her with care and affection, the doctor suspects the early stage of some

bone disease, and, as is the fate of so many practitioners, he is urged

by the friends to say 'what is the matter.' Then the supposed disease

receives a name, muscular action pulls the foot into an abnormal

position, deformity appears, and if the true nature of the disease is

now discovered not only the patient but the friends and family need the

most careful treatment.

What has been happening all this time in the mind of the patient? We

will assume that she knew at the beginning that her pains were

fictitious; what course is now open to her if she wishes to end the

deceit when her friends, by their pardonable credulity, have allowed

themselves to be deceived and her troubles have been accepted by the

doctor as real? Her pride or self-respect prevents open confession, and

in her ignorance of the course of the supposed disease she thinks an

unexpected recovery will reveal the fraud. Here are the materials for

another mental conflict, and her alternatives are:--

1. To solve the conflict by confession or recovery, and I have shown the

difficulties of this course.

2. To build a logic-tight compartment; to say, for example, 'They have

never given me a chance, and now I am quite right in imposing upon them

as long as I can.' But her feelings concerning right and wrong are

probably too strong to maintain this attitude indefinitely.

3. To repress the consciousness of deceit and maintain her symptoms as

the price of her peace of mind.

This last course is followed, and the patient is now a Dissociate. In

the dissociated stream are:--

1. The original desires which led to the manifestation of disease--the

desire for sympathy, the desire to have her own way, the 'Will to

Power.'

2. The knowledge of deceit.

3. The mechanism for maintaining the symptoms--the pains, the paralysis

or contracture.

This stream is now independent of the main personality and out of its

control; as far as the patient knows her pains are real, her deformity

is a disease, and whoever doubts it is not only ignorant but cruel. We

can now understand the capriciousness of the hysteric, her moods and

contrary ways. On the one side is a mind with ordinary motives, and on

the other is the split-off portion containing the complexes catalogued

above. If the reader thinks this conception brings us back to the old

one of demoniacal possession I will admit that the only difference lies

in the definition of the demon.

The description of this imagined case will perhaps be acceptable to

those who believe in the connection between hysteria and malingering.

This connection I at one time emphasised, and I still believe that in

some cases the repression of a knowledge of deceit plays an important

part in the development of the disease. But motives are derived more or

less from the unconscious, and when the unconscious elements predominate

we approach the condition in which there has never existed any

consciousness of deceit. The case of the soldier with an obsession to

attack his companion does not admit of the hypothesis of a stage in

which the symptom was due to a conscious desire to any end: but his

repression might have shown itself, let us suppose, in a paralysis of

his legs as a symbol of exhaustion or terror. Then we should have a

hysteria in which there had never been any deceit complex, though in the

absence of knowledge of the workings of the patient's mind a firm

believer in the 'Will to Power' theory might attribute the origin of the

condition to a definite desire to escape the strain of war.

I can now state that some of the results of conflict between desire and

reality form a graduated series, beginning at cases of conscious

simulation, then passing on to those of hysteria with repression of the

knowledge of deceit, and ending with cases where deceit has never

existed; but no one theory explains satisfactorily the origin of all

cases of hysteria.

It is difficult to understand those cases in which the hysteric inflicts

injuries upon him or herself; the individual who thrusts needles into

his body and comes to hospital again and again to have them removed is a

curious but not very uncommon object. An ophthalmic surgeon of my

acquaintance had a patient who placed irritants under the lid of one eye

till the sight was lost and the organ was removed, and the process was

begun on the remaining eye before the trick was discovered. Such things

occur in the history of malingering, and what the consciousness can do

the dissociated stream is equally capable of doing: the only difficulty

is the very practical one of believing that the patient can carry out

the necessary action without being fully aware of what is happening,

unless we assume an abrupt dissociation with the main personality

temporarily abolished.

Certain hypnotic experiments throw light upon this difficulty, which

also occurs in connection with some spiritualist phenomena. It has for

long been disputed whether mental processes can produce bleeding into

the skin or blisters upon it. Such bleedings were the 'stigmata'

representing the marks of the Crucifixion, that have been described as

appearing upon the bodies of religious devotees, and they have been

thought to be real and due in some way to auto-suggestion.

Hysterical subjects often show the production of raised wheals if the

skin is lightly stroked with the finger-nail or the head of a needle;

one can write a word upon the skin and watch it become visible. This is

purely a circulatory phenomenon, but experiments have been made under

hypnosis in which the skin is touched with a pencil and the subject is

told that he is being burnt and that a blister will follow. Success has

been claimed for this experiment, but one source of error is hard to

exclude. If a blister appears the next day, and the subject is known to

be an honest man with no end to gain by cooking the experiment, an

observer might be inclined to accept the result as due to the direct

influence of suggestion; but the subject is, by the terms of the

experiment, in a state of dissociation, and in the dissociated

personality exists the suggestion that a blister should appear. In

addition there exists the desire to carry out the wishes of the

hypnotist, and since this is out of the control of the main personality

whose honesty is accepted as sufficient guarantee against fraud he must

nevertheless be regarded as willing and eager to produce a blister.

Milne Bramwell[17] quotes a case in which suggestion, under stringent

conditions, apparently produced blistering: the subject's arm was then

enveloped in bandages in which sheets of paper were incorporated, and

after further suggestion and a night's rest it was found that, although

the subject had been watched continually, she had succeeded in

penetrating the bandages with a hair-pin. A further experiment, in which

the arm was enveloped in plaster of Paris bandage, gave a negative

result. This experiment is very valuable; it does not disprove the

possibility of producing blisters by suggestion, but it does prove that

if we judge the Dissociate by ordinary standards we expose ourselves to

victimisation. If I were the subject of such an experiment I should

certainly require that every precaution should be taken to prevent me

from producing a blister by mechanical means.

[Footnote 17: _Hypnotism_, 3rd ed., 1913. Wm. Rider & Son.]

Now let us consider the signs of the disease. In the chapter on

suggestion I showed that in a limb paralysed by hysteria the loss of

sensitiveness, the so-called hysterical anaesthesia, resulted from a

desire on the part of the patient that the doctor should find what he

was looking for, and this desire I called receptivity. The receptivity

is at first necessary to keep up the deception, for the patient does not

know the symptoms of the simulated disease, and must always be on the

alert to pick up hints. When dissociation occurs, the receptivity finds

its place in the split-off stream, forming part of the mechanism for

keeping up the symptoms; but having passed out of the control of the

main personality it tends to become exaggerated and misdirected.

Hence the hysteric becomes very suggestible and all kinds of fantastic

symptoms may be produced. If the resistance to recovery is not great

then suggestion may even remove symptoms, just as it created them; and

if we now turn back to Babinski's definition we shall find that it fits

into our theories, although it concerns itself with only a restricted

view of the subject.

Since one object of the dissociated stream is to maintain the symptoms,

it follows that any method that will remove them may abolish the

dissociation, though still leaving the patient with those desires and

conflicts, conscious or unconscious, which preceded their appearance and

which form the so-called 'hysterical predisposition'. This explains the

success which has followed the employment of exorcism, Christian

Science, nasty drugs, cold water, electric shocks, persuasion, or rest

cures; and to this list, I hasten to admit, some people would add

treatment according to the method of bringing repressions into the light

of consciousness.

I have tried to make clear the subject of hysteria for the following

reasons: There is at the present day no school of believers desirous of

attributing supernatural causes to the disease, and therefore I am

spared the task of attacking a mass of credulity; and, further, the

mental processes are identical with those shown in other phenomena

concerning which credulity is still powerful. I can now proceed to show

how the theory of dissociation explains the production of the spuriously

supernatural by the apparently honest.

Spiritualism and the New Psychology An Explanation of Spiritualist Phenomena and Beliefs in Terms of Modern Knowledge · 第 9 / 13 章