CHAPTER VI

SUGGESTION

'The power of suggestion' is a plausible explanation of varied

phenomena. By it the feelings of a crowd are swayed, fashions are

spread, mistakes are made, and beliefs are imposed upon the multitude,

and in the production of hypnotic and hysterical manifestation the words

'power of suggestion' and 'personal magnetism' are sufficient

explanation of all things visible and invisible.

'Personal magnetism' and its kindred phrases implying the existence of

some subtle physical force are, except when used figuratively, mere

incoherences, but suggestion is an undoubted cause of certain effects

and we must try to understand the meaning of the word.

McDougall defines suggestion as 'a process of communication resulting in

the acceptance with conviction of the communicated proposition in the

absence of logical grounds for its acceptance'.[8]

[Footnote 8: _Social Psychology_, p. 97.]

Our thinking (apart from the observation of cause and effect in the

small affairs of ordinary life) is generally a matter of complexes,

logic being concerned only in rare cases; hence if we use the above

definition the greater part of our accepted propositions owe their

acceptance to suggestion. This is true as regards most of our political,

religious, and social beliefs, and, since children believe what they are

taught chiefly because the teacher says so, there does not seem much

opinion or knowledge of the abstract for which suggestion is not

accountable.

If a suggestion agrees with the complexes already existing in the mind

of the hearer then acceptance is likely to follow; this partly explains

the psychology of crowds and the power of oratory, which appeals to

emotions and prejudice rather than to reason. The knowledge that one's

fellows believe is sufficient to convince the ordinary man, and often

the existence of widespread belief is used as an argument to prove the

truth of a proposition. One recognises this tendency at once in people

of another race and other superstitions. An educated Chinese once

assured me that blood from those nearly related would mix if dropped

into a bowl of water, and drops from the veins of strangers would remain

apart, and that this test was used to decide cases of disputed

relationship. When I showed incredulity my friend assured me, 'It's

true, quite true, every one knows it.'

Within a day or two an Englishman, whilst discussing telegony, or the

influence of a first mating upon the progeny of subsequent pairings,

maintained that the widespread belief among dog-breeders in the

existence of this influence proved its truth, and my recollection of

the argument of my Chinese friend showed me how alike are the causes of

belief among all mankind.

Man tends to believe what his fellows believe and act as his fellows

act, and this tendency has been erected into an instinct by Trotter, who

shows how important the Herd Instinct is to all gregarious animals,

including man.[9]

[Footnote 9: _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War._ T. Fisher Unwin.]

But if suggestion is to be made synonymous with the Herd Instinct it

explains too much, and we must seek to narrow its meaning or use another

word. It is already used in a somewhat special sense to account for the

acceptance of propositions which an ordinary man in his ordinary state

of mind would not accept, and especially is it used in relation to

abnormal states such as hypnosis and hysteria.

An authoritative and confident manner makes easy the acceptance of

suggestion, as every confidence-trick man knows; the writer of

advertisements or political articles knows it too, but in the last

example we see a new factor. The hardened Big-ender would be impervious

to the most imposing suggestions from a Little-endian source, but would

accept the saddest nonsense from a journal of his own party. We see here

an active desire to accept propositions that accord with a powerful

complex, and as complexes become more separated from the influence of

reason so this desire increases.

This I shall call 'receptivity', and to the term I shall give a further

meaning in the sense not only of desiring to accept propositions but of

anticipating or guessing them, of picking up hints as to what is in the

minds of the other persons concerned and reflecting them as if they

originated in the mind of the receiver.

In some cases of hysteria the patient presents a weak or paralysed limb,

and this limb is often so insensitive that pins may be pushed through

the skin without any manifestations of pain. This phenomenon, which

resembles the insensitive patches that under the name of 'Devil's claws'

were found upon witches when witchcraft was fashionable, has been long

known as a sign of hysteria. There is now a tendency to ascribe it to

suggestibility or, as I should prefer, to receptivity.

In the early stage of the disease some one examines the arm, pricks it,

and asks, 'Do you feel that?' It is my experience that the patient

sometimes flinches at the first prick, but answers 'No', and until this

newly-implanted belief is removed he never flinches again when the limb

is pricked.

The question is taken by the patient to mean that the doctor expects

that the prick will not be felt--or why should he ask? The hint is

accepted and the insensibility established, though its unreal nature is

shown by the fact that the patient is not especially disposed to burn or

injure the limb, unlike the sufferer from a true loss of sensation, who

is always liable to such an accident owing to the lack of the protective

sense of pain. I believe that this is the true explanation for many

cases, and put it forward as a good example of receptivity.

The insensitiveness is similarly explained by Babinski,[10] who uses a

different method of examination. He blindfolds the patient, who must not

have been subjected to a previous test, and stimulating him variously in

different places asks what he feels. This avoids the suggestion of loss

of sensation, and the result is that Babinski finds few examples of such

loss in cases where the 'Do you feel that?' method would produce many

positive results.

[Footnote 10: _Hysteria or Pithiatism and Nervous Troubles of Reflex

Order._ London University Press.]

It may also be explained by a dissociation of consciousness, in which

the split-off stream deals with the paralysed limb and therefore the

main stream of consciousness knows nothing about the prick. The

difference between the two theories is not so great as appears, for the

control of the supposed loss of sensation, once it is established, finds

its home in a split-off stream, and the process I describe is only a

stage in the dissociation.

I must admit, however, to seeing cases where a hysterical loss of voice

of long duration is accompanied by a loss of sensation in the throat

which is not explicable by receptivity, and it is possible for the

dissociation to be directly responsible for the loss.

Jung expresses sound views when he writes:--

'It should long ago have been realised that a suggestion is only

accepted by one it suits.... This pseudo-scientific talk about

suggestion is based upon the unconscious superstition that

suggestion actually possesses some magic power. No one succumbs to

suggestion unless from the very bottom of his heart he be willing

to co-operate.'[11]

[Footnote 11: _Analytical Psychology_, p. 469. Bailliere, Tindall & Cox,

1917.]

Whilst stripping suggestion of its magic I by no means deny its power.

Let one person at a dinner suggest that the fish is tainted and he will

generally have one or two supporters who would have eaten it without a

doubt of its freshness if no one had cast suspicion upon it; or let one

of a class of medical students say with sufficient assurance that he

hears a murmur over a patient's heart and, even if the heart sounds are

quite ordinary, others will hear it too.

There are conditions, such as fatigue or sleep, in which the effort

necessary to examine the truth of a proposition seems too great, and

suggestions are accepted which would be rejected in a state of fuller

consciousness. For example, I was awakened one night, when a hospital

resident, and told that one of my patients was very restless. I could

not remember the man, but asked a few questions about him and ordered a

soporific. Next morning on waking I became aware that I had no such

patient, and on enquiry found that I had been mistaken for another

resident whose slumbers had been undisturbed, thanks to my

suggestibility, for had I been fully awake I should have repudiated any

connection with the case. The confident manner of the messenger

assisted the suggestion, and I like to think that had there been a trick

intentionally played upon me even my sleepy consciousness might have

detected some warning change of tone.

Psychologists regard hypnotic suggestibility as only a further stage of

this sleepy non-resistance, but I see in the former a more active desire

to accept. Though suggestion might be further classified according to

the factors concerned in its acceptance, the class showing 'receptivity'

is the important one for our consideration.

There remains auto-suggestion to be considered; it is as difficult to

define as suggestion, but in the absence of any more precise term it

must be accepted as indicating certain mental processes.

The sensations felt in the arms and hands by the water-diviner or

table-turner are partly the result of auto-suggestion and partly of

muscular contractions, themselves produced by the same cause, and some

of the varied sensations of the hysteric are of similar origin. Creepy

feelings at the mention of snakes, and unpleasant sensations at the

thought of those 'minor horrors of war' that live in undergarments, are

further examples.

As far as the persons concerned are able to judge, the sensations are

often real enough, though it was long before I could believe that a

confirmed hysteric who complained of a severe pain really suffered from

that pain; the description of a water-diviner's sensations, given by

himself and quoted in another chapter, are such that one must believe in

the honesty of the writer.

One might say auto-suggestion arises from the unconscious or from a

dissociated stream of consciousness, and this would make it account for

hallucinations and obsessions, but here we must again take account of

borderline cases. The person who feels a cold shiver at the mention of a

snake cannot tell us precisely to what extent the shiver is due to

conscious thoughts, or whether he feels it just because he must; and the

feeling may be due to what he remembers being told about snakes, in

which case it would not be due to pure auto-suggestion.

The explanation of the success of suggestion in particular cases is to

be sought in the emotional state of the subject. When I was the victim,

as described above, my readiness to believe arose from my being

accustomed to nocturnal interruptions when my patients were in trouble

and also from my reliance on the hospital staff, my emotional state

being one of expectation and confidence. If to these influences are

added stronger emotional forces, such as wonder or terror, acceptance of

suggestion is still easier, and when people assembled together are

swayed by these feelings the Herd Instinct reaches its full strength and

we have the ingredients for the manufacture of a collective delusion.

There are many examples of strange and supernatural occurrences vouched

for by masses of observers, and I see no reason to doubt the good faith

of the historians. We all know how infectious is emotion and how hard it

is for one man to remain unmoved when around him are others all under

the influence of some excitement, and man always insists on finding

reasons for his feelings or objects for his emotions. When wonder or

terror are roused by the operation of the Herd Instinct, the individual,

not knowing their origin, projects them externally and seeks an object

for them. He is now ready to see or hear anything that will fit his

emotions, and when an object is suggested he will speedily accept its

existence as a reality.

I will give some further examples of suggestion in varying degrees of

strength. During the arrival of recently wounded men at a hospital in

France, I was in a ward with two eminent members of my profession and

another medical officer. As one man seemed bad the sister asked me to

see him at once; his left arm was paralysed, and he had a wound on the

head where in the brain beneath lies the 'motor area' of the left arm.

Looking at the wound, which was obscured by hair and blood, I said,

'That's pulsating'; the two consultants and the other officer agreed

with my observation, and appropriate treatment was recommended. The

importance of pulsation lies in the fact that it is a sign of the

exposure of brain substance, which pulsates strongly, and in this case

it signified the presence of a hole in the skull which allowed the

pulsation to appear; but in the operating theatre shortly afterwards the

skull was found intact, and therefore pulsation had not been present.

How did this joint error of observation arise? The combination of a

gunshot wound of the head with a paralysed limb may occur in connection

with a hole in the skull, and such penetrating wounds were common before

the introduction of helmets. My unconscious had worked out the

probabilities and led me to expect the signs of penetration; deceiving

myself, by my confident manner I imposed my belief upon my colleagues,

who had, I may assume, placed unjustified confidence in my reliability

as an observer; and we all saw that which was not.

Another example shows how ghost stories arise: A man related to me how

at the age of sixteen he was sleeping with his brother, and woke up to

see a ghostly face on the wall. So far we have an ordinary half-awake

hallucinatory condition, which is not uncommon; but the lad became

terrified and tried to cover his head to hide the sight, when the

brother woke up, and, being told of the face, promptly saw it too. The

brother's evidence is strongly corroborative, not of the presence of a

ghost, but of the power of suggestion when the way is prepared by strong

emotion. It may be remarked that the man was one of those nervous people

who fear the dark or being alone; seeing a ghost was not the cause of

his condition, but resulted from the inculcation of a belief in ghosts

in a person predisposed to fall a prey to his own unconscious.

The next example is a well-worn tale which has been quoted by Frank

Podmore, W. H. Myers, Sir William Barrett, and probably many others. I

take it from pages 62 and 63 of _Human Personality_, vol. i.[12]

[Footnote 12: Longmans & Co., London, 1903.]

It (the account) was given by Mr. Charles Lett on December 3, 1885, and

reads as follows:--

'On the 5th of April, 1873, my wife's father, Captain Towns, died

at his residence, Cranbrook, Rose Bay, near Sydney, New South

Wales. About six weeks after his death my wife had occasion, one

evening about nine o'clock, to go to one of the bedrooms in the

house. She was accompanied by a young lady, Miss Britton, and as

they entered the room--the gas was burning all the time--they were

amazed to see, reflected as it were upon the polished surface of

the wardrobe, the image of Captain Towns. It was barely

half-figure, the head, shoulders, and part of the arms only

showing--in fact it was like an ordinary medallion portrait, but

life-size. The face appeared wan and pale, as it did before his

death; he wore a kind of grey flannel jacket, in which he had been

accustomed to sleep. Surprised and half alarmed at what they saw,

their first idea was that a portrait had been hung in the room, and

that what they saw was its reflection, but there was no picture of

the kind.

'Whilst they were looking and wondering, my wife's sister, Miss

Towns, came into the room, and before either of the others had time

to speak, she exclaimed, "Good gracious! Do you see Papa?" One of

the housemaids happened to be passing downstairs at the moment and

she was called in, and asked if she saw anything, and her reply was

"Oh, Miss: the master." Graham--Captain Towns' old

body-servant--was then sent for, and he also exclaimed, "Oh, Lord

save us! Mrs. Lett, it's the Captain!" The butler was called, and

then Mrs. Crane, my wife's nurse, and they both said what they

saw. Finally Mrs. Towns was sent for, and, seeing the apparition,

she advanced towards it ... as she passed her hand over the panel

of the wardrobe the figure gradually faded away, and never again

appeared.

'These are the facts of the case, and they admit of no deceit; no

kind of intimation was given to any of the witnesses; the same

question was put to each one as they came into the room, and the

reply was given without hesitation by each.

'Mrs. Lett is positive that the recognition of the appearance on

the part of each of the later witnesses was _independent_, and not

due to any suggestion from the persons already in the room.'

Then follows a statement by two of the witnesses that this account is

correct.

In the lapse of twelve years between the incident and its narration a

story of this nature would have been re-told many times, and we know

what happens under such conditions. As the tale is given, however, it

reveals more than the narrator thinks it does.

Most interesting is the denial of suggestion when we have present all

the factors necessary for suggestion of the most powerful kind. Picture

Miss Towns coming into the room whilst the first two were 'looking and

wondering' (and not in silence, we may be sure, in spite of the words

'before either of the others had time to speak', which are interpolated

to strengthen the story); she straightway experiences the same emotion

as do the others and sees what they see. Now we have three emotional

people, and as each new witness is brought along the emotion increases

till it would require a very self-possessed and sceptical person to

resist its influence. The butler and the nurse simply _had_ to see the

ghost, though the account is a little ambiguous at that point.

'The same question was put to each one as they came into the room', but

is it likely that under such a condition of excitement enough

self-control was left to every individual to ensure that the same

question, _and nothing else_, was put to each newcomer? Such a thing

could only happen by careful pre-arrangement, which was lacking here,

and the writer's insistence shows that somewhere in his mind was present

the suspicion that suggestion had a hand in the production of the

unanimous evidence.

Mrs. Lett is equally insistent that the recognition was not due to any

suggestion from the persons already in the room, but she was unaware

that suggestion can occur without intent and that the most powerful

suggestion is that which is unintentional. Can we suppose that there

were no signs of wonder and awe on the faces of those present, no

excited exclamations, no glances towards the wardrobe, no pointing of

hands: only a few calm and self-possessed people asking each newcomer if

he or she saw anything? If two or three people tried by suggestion to

persuade others to see a ghost they would not be able to reach the

emotional state of the actors in this scene, and the intentional effort

at suggestion would have a good chance of failure.

The minute account of the apparition, given by some one who was not

present, and told as if it were the result of the immediate observations

of the first two witnesses, has been influenced by discussion after the

incident and is itself another product of suggestion. The narrator has

over-shot the mark in his protest against the possibility of suggestion,

and has produced a story in which the apparition is not the only

improbability.

I have given this analysis because the story is quoted repeatedly by

writers on the spiritualist side, and until one examines it critically

it appears convincing.

The rumour of the Russian troops passing through England in September,

1914, will go down in history as a proof that mass credulity was then as

powerful as ever. The rumour, however it began, was aided by the usual

forces: Herd Instinct (for what every one believed was felt to be true),

the desire to believe in what we wanted to happen, and the desire to be

personally connected with important events. The last factor was shown by

the number of people who claimed to have personal experience of the

transit of the Russian reinforcements; every one had seen the troops or

knew some one who had. One of my friends, a man eminent in a profession

which demands clear thinking, told me that his own brother-in-law was

responsible for arrangements for their railway transport.

The reader will see in this rumour a perfect example of the working of

suggestion in a case familiar to every one, and if the lesson is borne

in mind a list of believers in some unnatural occurrence will not

necessarily carry conviction.

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