CHAPTER III

FORGETTING AND REPRESSION

How we remember is an old and unsolved question, but few people think of

asking how we forget: and yet one problem is as important as the other.

I cannot answer either except by putting a new one, which is, 'Do we

ever forget?'

If we specify the factors concerned in memory and say that it depends

upon impression, retention, and recall, then what do we mean by

'forgetting'? If an event makes no impression upon the mind there is

neither remembering nor forgetting; if there is retention of a memory,

but one cannot recall it, it is nevertheless stored in the mind and may

yet be revived by some association. So that the only certain factor in

forgetting is the loss of power of recall, for what is apparently quite

forgotten may still be retained in the unconscious.

Can we voluntarily forget? If by that is meant, 'Can we voluntarily lose

the power of voluntary recall?' I must, strange as it seems at first

sight, assert that we can, though I make the proviso that 'voluntarily'

is a word with a very elastic meaning, and one whose definition would

open up the never-ended argument about Free-will. I will take refuge in

a quotation[4]:--

'We ought not to assume that a clear and full anticipation or idea

of the end is an essential condition of purposive action, and we

have no warrant for setting up the instances in which anticipation

is least incomplete as alone conforming to the purposive type, and

for setting apart all instances in which anticipation is less full

and definite as of a radically different nature.'

[Footnote 4: McDougall, _Social Psychology_, p. 359.]

Expressing this idea in the terms employed in the previous chapters, we

can picture an action as being produced by motives in consciousness, and

these motives as being influenced to a greater or less extent by the

instincts, emotions, and desires of the unconscious. Every action is

influenced by the unconscious, however voluntary it may appear. The

young man who seeks the society of a maiden may think he is acting

voluntarily and with full consciousness of the end in view, but the end

is often visualised by the friends of the pair before the young man

realises where his instincts and emotions have led him.

The man who resolutely refuses to think of an unpleasant experience and

shuts off the thought of it whenever it rises into his consciousness may

not have the intention of placing it beyond reach of voluntary recall,

but he may succeed in so doing, and the process by which the end was

reached was voluntary. That we have this power is shown by the

investigation of war-strained soldiers of the type said to be suffering

from 'shell-shock'. These men are often stout fellows who have fought

long and bravely, and whose condition is a result of the emotions they

have suffered rather than of any particular shell explosion. Their

typical symptoms are depression, dreams of battle horrors, tremors and

stammerings, and strange fears without apparent cause.

In an ordinary case there is great difficulty in persuading the man to

talk about his war experiences: he says plainly that he doesn't want to

talk about them, or may persistently avoid the subject, or he gives a

poor account and shows difficulty in recall, or he claims to have

forgotten and requires stimulating in order to remember, or he may have

an absolute blank in his memory for certain periods.

Here we see all grades of the result of trying to forget, and the more

successful the result the more difficult is the cure; for though the

memories are repressed their associated emotions cannot be so dealt

with, but remain in consciousness exaggerated and distorted. The

dependence of an emotion upon a repressed memory prevents the sufferer

from knowing its cause, and the sufferer from an apparently causeless

emotion is to be pitied, for he can see no end to his trouble.

A man who was afraid of walking in the dark for fear of falling into

holes which he knew only existed as a product of his fancy, affords a

simple example of this condition. He said that his fear was absurd,

therefore it was useless to point out to him its absurdity; the proper

course was to show that it was not absurd, that it had a cause, and

that the cause was something in the past which, when recognised, could

be reasoned away. Fortunately the cause was easily found by any one with

a knowledge of modern war: there was soon brought to light a 'forgotten'

memory of his mates being drowned in shell-holes at night, and the fear

disappeared as the patient learnt to look his memories in the face and

not sink them into his unconscious.

More striking, however, are those cases in which a man forgets all his

war experiences, and, though he is ready to believe that he has spent,

say, two years in France, has no recollection of them. Such cases are

not rare, the loss of memory often including part or all of the

patient's previous life. One man could only remember the last three

months of his life and failed to recognise his own father, though his

memory was subsequently restored; this loss, occurring suddenly, could

hardly be in any degree voluntary, though it served the purpose of

excluding many horrible memories from his consciousness. Another nervous

lad was so constituted that he forgot all incidents that frightened him,

only to be haunted by the emotions attached to them. Seeing a

steeple-jack fall was forgotten, and produced nightmares for years; a

practical joke gave him a terror of the dark; his sister calling to him

when burglars were in the house gave him hallucinations of voices; and

minor incidents were equally forgotten, each producing its own symptoms.

As the individual memories were brought up from his unconscious he went

through the fright again, but the associated symptoms soon disappeared.

In these pathological losses of memory, whether for one incident or for

a whole period, it is important to note that the patient does not

necessarily recognise the incident when he is told of it, just as the

lad mentioned above failed to recognise his father when he met him. A

patient may in a sleep-walking state act as if performing a definite

action, such as bayoneting one of the enemy, and when awake deny all

knowledge of such an incident; yet the memory of it may return later

with overwhelming emotion. This failure to recognise a personal

experience is of great importance in the consideration of some

spiritualist phenomena.

It requires little thought to realise that the only memories we try to

repress are those that conflict with our other feelings or desires, and

their repression is to some extent tolerated by a healthy man and may be

regarded to that extent as a normal process.

But in addition to the repression of unpleasant memories there are other

ways of forgetting. It has been assumed that each individual has a limit

to his capacity for remembering, and that when that limit is reached

fresh memories can be stored up only by casting out old ones. Whether

that be so or not, it is certain that we can recall to consciousness

only a tiny fraction of our past experiences, and no one can say what

proportion that fraction bears to the whole contents of the storehouse

of the unconscious. Let two men meet and recall old school-days spent

together: one memory brings up another, schoolboy phrases and terms of

speech appear as it were spontaneously, and by their united efforts the

two recall far more than the sum of their recollections before the

meeting, and still neither knows how much is left untouched.

The ordinary man reads many books, and each one leaves some impression

and has some influence upon his later thoughts, though in time the

recollection, not only of the contents of the book, but even of having

read it, may fade away. This is the explanation of some cases of

literary plagiarism: a previously read phrase comes up from the

unconscious, and all recognisable connections with memory having been

lost it is greeted as a fresh creation and given rank accordingly.

There is still another type of forgetting: most of us know the man who

'draws the long bow', who embellishes his story and embroiders it with

imagined incidents, whilst we listen and wonder how much the narrator

himself believes. Fishermen's stories and snake yarns are examples, and

one explains the mental process of the story-teller by saying, 'He's

told the story so often that at last he believes it himself.' The

process is really one of forgetting and is closely allied to the

repression of an unpleasant memory, for the man is the victim of a

mental conflict: on the one side is his desire to tell a good story, and

on the other is his moral complex which forbids a lie, so he solves the

conflict by forgetting that the embroideries are inventions. This type

is an important one, and what I shall call the 'repression of the

knowledge of deceit' plays an important part in the explanation of the

abnormal phenomena with which this book deals. In tracing the

development of the abnormal we must start with what is nearest the

normal, and the man who embroiders his story gives an illustration of

the simplest form of this particular repression.

Now, just as memories are repressed because they were repugnant to the

other contents of the consciousness, so other complexes may be repugnant

and meet the same fate. To be torn by conflicting emotions is the fate

of most people at some time or other, and the conflict between two

complexes may be solved in various ways. The healthy way is to face the

difficulty, to reason it out, and reach a conclusion by which action may

be guided; another way, a common one, is to seclude one complex in a

logic-tight compartment and so avoid the conflict. The man who uses

sharp or shady methods in the city and is a gentle-minded philanthropist

in other walks of life is using the latter method, and will produce such

rationalisations as 'business is business' when the contents of his

different compartments need protection from each other.

But for some people such methods are impossible: either they cannot

directly solve the conflict or they are too self-critical to build a

logic-tight compartment, and in such cases a repression of one of the

opposing complexes may result. In this way complexes concerning

ambitions and desires may be repressed, and so may those concerning

fears and dislikes. The youth put to an uncongenial trade, the man or

woman married to an unsuitable partner, may find no escape from the

position and decide to bear it and forget its anxiety. How far this

succeeds depends upon the previously existing tendencies of the

individual: he may suffer no evil from the repression or, like the

soldier's repressed war memories, it may manifest itself by indirect

means and the unfortunate sufferer becomes a victim of one of the varied

forms of neurosis.

The day-dreams of youth are rarely openly expressed: no one can tell

what fantasies a child may have, and many of us are familiar with the

thoughtful child who sits lost in meditation and presents an

impenetrable barrier to the grown-up who would enter into the secrets of

the day-dream. These fancies may be, and probably are, completely

forgotten, but they can still lie in the unconscious, and Freud and his

followers claim that they influence us throughout life.

Spiritualism and the New Psychology An Explanation of Spiritualist Phenomena and Beliefs in Terms of Modern Knowledge · 第 3 / 13 章