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CANADA;
ITS DEFENCES, CONDITION, AND
RESOURCES.
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
_In Two Vols., post 8vo, price 21s._,
MY DIARY NORTH AND SOUTH.
OR, PERSONAL EXPERIENCES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.
“The latter part of Mr. Russell’s Diary is probably droller
than anything which our theatrical wits will produce this
Christmas. We regret especially that we have no space for the
story respecting the President, on page 372 of the second volume.
The United States have been a vast burlesque on the functions
of national existence, and it was Mr. Russell’s fate to behold
their transformation scene, and to see the first tumbles of
their clowns and pantaloons. It was time for him to come away,
though the shame of his retirement was theirs. He did his duty
while he was with them, and he has left them a legacy in this
‘Diary.’”--_Times._
CANADA;
ITS DEFENCES, CONDITION, AND
RESOURCES.
BEING
A THIRD AND CONCLUDING VOLUME OF “MY DIARY,
NORTH AND SOUTH.”
BY
W. HOWARD RUSSELL, LL.D.,
LONDON:
BRADBURY AND EVANS, 11, BOUVERIE STREET.
1865.
[_The Right of Translation is reserved._]
LONDON:
BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
PREFACE.
I began to write this book by way of sequel to “My Diary North and
South,” with the intention of describing Canada as I saw it at the
close of my visit to North America, but the subject grew upon me
as I went on, and at last I discarded much personal detail, and
set to work with the view of calling attention to the capabilities
of the vast regions belonging to the British Crown on the American
Continent, and of pointing out the magnificent heritage which is
open to our redundant population. But the subject was too great
for the compass of one volume, because connected with it, too
intimately to be overlooked, were the questions of the defence
and of the future of countries, which the establishment of a
Monarchical principle on an imperfect basis, and their dependence
on the Crown, exposed to the hostility of a great Republic. I was,
therefore, obliged to contract my own experiences, small as they
were, and to omit many topics included in the original scope of my
writing. The book was nearly finished when suddenly, as it seemed,
the whole of the Provinces, yielding to a common sentiment of
danger, sent their delegates to consider the policy and possibility
of a great Confederation, which had been strongly recommended in
the pages already written. The idea of such a Confederation was
an old one; but the prompt resolve to carry it into practical
effect, and the words spoken and acts done in consequence, rendered
it necessary to cancel the work of many hours, as much of what I
had written would have been anticipated by what has been printed.
There are many dangers inherent in the nature of the proposed
Confederation; there are many obstacles to its harmonious and
successful working; but on the whole some such scheme appears to be
the only practical mode of saving the British Provinces from the
aggression of the North American Republicans.
What is to become of the existing Governments of Provinces? How
regulate the contentions which may arise between Provincial
Parliaments and Provincial Ministers and Provincial Governors by
the action of the Federal Parliament and of the representative of
the Crown at the seat of Government? The difficulties we foresee
may never come to pass, and others far greater, of which we have
no foresight, may arise; but for all this the Confederation
presents the only means now available, as far as we can perceive,
for securing to the Provinces present independence and a future
political life distinct from the turbulent existence of the United
States. A glance at the map will reveal the extent of the Empire
which rests upon the Lakes with one arm on the Atlantic and the
other on the Pacific, whilst its face is wrapped in a mantle
of eternal snow; but it tells us no more. No reasoning man can
maintain that the people whom a few years will behold as numerous
as the inhabitants of these islands, will be content to live
permanently under the system of the Colonial Office. That system
is probably the only one our Constitution permits us to adopt; but
it is nevertheless the policy, if not the duty, of this State to
foster the youth and early life of the colonies we have founded,
and to protect them, as far as may be, from the evils which shall
come upon them in consequence of their present connection with
Great Britain. Despised, neglected, and abandoned, the Provinces
would feel less irritation against their conquerors than against
their betrayers, and England might regret with unavailing sorrow
the indifference which left her without a foot of land or a friend
in the New World. Generosity not inconsistent with justice may
yet lay the foundations of an enduring alliance where once there
was only cold fealty and unsympathising command. A powerful State
may arise whose greatest citizens shall be proud to receive such
honours as the Monarch of England can bestow, whose people shall
vie with us in the friendly contests of commerce, and stand side by
side with us in battle. And when the inevitable hour of separation
comes, the parting will not then be in anger. A Constitutional
Republic, in which Monarchy would have been possible but for the
prudence of the mother-country, may exist without any hatred of
Monarchy or of England; and the people, born with equal rights to
pursue liberty and happiness, would love the land from which flowed
the sources of so many substantial blessings.
I hope that my apprehensions may prove ill-founded, and that the
dangers to which our North American possessions now, and England
herself and the peace of the world hereafter, are in my opinion
exposed, may be for ever averted.
WILLIAM HOWARD RUSSELL.
TEMPLE, _January, 1865_.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Introductory--Canada and the Mason and Slidell case--Threats
of annexation--Defence of Canada--Reasons for visiting the
British Provinces--Illness at New York--Hostility displayed
there--Monotony of New York--Hotel life--“Birds of a
feather”--Nationality absorbed--Start for Canada--Railway
Companions--Public credulity--A victory in the papers--History
of “A Big Fight”--General Pumpkin and Jefferson Brick 1
CHAPTER II.
To the Station--Stars and Stripes--Crowd at Station--Train impeded
by Snow--Classic ground--“Manhattan”--“Yonkers”--Fellow-travellers
and their ways--“Beauties of the Hudson”--West Point: their
education, &c.--Large Towns on the banks of the Hudson--Arrive at
East Albany--Delavan House--Beds at a premium--Aspect of Albany
not impressive--Sights--The Legislature 17
CHAPTER III.
Unpleasant journey to Niagara--Mr. Seward--The Union and its
dangers--Pass Buffalo--Arrival at Niagara--A “Touter”--Bad
weather--The Road--Climate compared--Desolate appearance
of houses--The St. Lawrence viewed from above--One hundred
years ago--Canada the great object of the Americans--The
Welland Canal--Effect of the Falls from a distance--Gradual
approach--Less volume of water in winter--Different effect and
dangers in winter--Icicles--Behind the Cataract--Photographs
and Bazaar--Visit the “Lions” generally--Brock--American and
Canadian sides contrasted--Goat Island--A whisper heard--Mills
and Manufactories 28
CHAPTER IV.
Leave Niagara--Suspension Bridge--In British territory--Hamilton
City--Buildings--Proceed eastward--Toronto--Dine at Mess--Pay
visits--Public edifices--Sleighs--Amusement of the boys--
_Camaraderie_ in the army--Kindly feeling displayed--Journey
resumed towards Quebec--Intense cold--Snow landscape--Morning
in the train--Hunger and lesser troubles--Kingston, its rise
and military position--Harbour, dockyards--Its connection with
the Prince of Wales’ Tour--The Upper St. Lawrence--Canada as
to defence 53
CHAPTER V.
Arrive at Cornwall--The St. Lawrence--Gossip on India--Aspect
of the country--Montreal--The St. Lawrence Hall Hotel--Story
of a Guardsman--Burnside--Dinner--Refuse a banquet--Flags--Climate
--_Salon-à-manger_--Contrast of Americans and English--Sleighs--The
“Driving Club”--The Victoria Bridge--Uneasy feeling--Monument to
Irish emigrants--Irish character--Montreal and New York--The
Rink--Sir F. Williams--Influence of the Northerners 71
CHAPTER VI.
Visit the “lions” of Montreal--The 47th Regiment--The city open to
attack--Quays, public buildings--French colonisation--Rise of
Montreal--Stone--A French-Anglicised city--Loyalty of Canadians
--Arrival of Troops--Facings--British and American Army compared
--Experience needed by latter--Slavery 87
CHAPTER VII.
First view of Quebec--Passage of the St. Lawrence--Novel and
rather alarming situation--Russell’s Hotel--The Falls of
Montmorenci, and the “Cone”--Aspect of the City--The
Point--“Tarboggining”--Description of the “Cone”--Audacity
of one of my companions--A Canadian dinner--Call on the
Governor--Visit the Citadel--Its position--Capabilities for
defence--View from parapet--The armoury--Old muskets--Red-tape
thoughtfulness--French and English occupation of Quebec--Strength
of Quebec 100
CHAPTER VIII.
Lower Canada and Ancient France--Soldiers in Garrison at
Quebec--Canadian Volunteers--The Governor-General Viscount
Monck--Uniform in the United States--A Sleighing Party--Dinner
and Calico Ball 121
CHAPTER IX.
Canadian view of the American Struggle--English Officers in
the States--My own position in the States and in Canada--The
Ursulines in Quebec--General Montcalm--French Canadians--Imperial
Honours--Celts and Saxons--Salmon Fishing--Early Government of
Canada--Past and Future 128
CHAPTER X.
Canadian Hospitality--Muffins--Departure for the States--Desertions
--Montreal again--Southerners in Montreal--Drill and Snow
Shoes--Winter Campaigning--Snow Drifts--Military Discontent 148
CHAPTER XI.
Extent of Canada--The Lakes--Canadian Wealth--Early History--La
Salle--Border Conflicts--Early Expeditions--Invasions from
New England--Louisburgh and Ticonderoga--The Colonial Insurrection
--Partition of Canada--Progress of Upper Canada--France and
Canada--The American Invasion--Winter Campaign--New Orleans and
Plattsburgh--Peace of Ghent--Political Controversies--Winter
Communication--Sentiments of Hon. Joseph Howe--General view of
Imperial and Colonial relations 158
CHAPTER XII.
The Militia--American Intentions--Instability of the Volunteer
Principle--The Drilling of Militia--The Commission of 1862--The
Duke of Newcastle’s Views--Militia Schemes--Volunteer
Force--Apathy of the French Canadians--The first Summons 200
CHAPTER XIII.
Possible dangers--The future danger--Open to attack--Canals
and railways--Probable lines of invasion--Lines of attack and
defence--London--Toronto--Defences of Kingston--Defences
of Quebec 222
CHAPTER XIV.
Rapid Increase of Population--Mineral Wealth--Cereals--Imports
and Exports--Climate--Agriculture--A Settler’s Life--Reciprocity
Treaty--Report of the Committee of the Executive Council--Mr.
Galt--Senator Douglas--A Zollverein--Terms of the Convention--Free
Trade, and what is meant by it--Mr. Galt’s opinion on the
subject--Canadian Imports and Exports 241
CHAPTER XV.
Reciprocal Rights--American Ideas of Reciprocity--The Ad Valorem
System--Commercial Improvements--Trade with America--The Ottawa
Route--The Saskatchewan--Fertility of the Country--Water
Communication--The Maritime Provinces--Area and Population 259
CHAPTER XVI.
The “Ashburton Capitulation”--Boundaries of Quebec--Arbitration
in 1831--Lord Ashburton’s Mission--The questions in dispute--“The
Sea” _v._ “The Atlantic”--American Diplomatists--Franklin’s
Red Line--Compromise--The Maps--Maine--Damage to Canada--Mr.
Webster’s Defence--His Opinion of the Road--Value of the
Heights--Our Share of Equivalents--Strategic value of Rouse’s
Point--Mr. Webster on the Invasion of Canada--Vermont--New
Hampshire 283
CHAPTER XVII.
The Acadian Confederation--Union is Strength--The Provinces--New
Brunswick--The Temperature--Trade of St. John--Climate and
agriculture of Nova Scotia--Newfoundland--Prince Edward Island--The
Red River District--Assiniboia--The Red River Valley--Minnesota
and the West--The Hudson’s Bay Company--Their Territory--The
North-West Regions--Climate of Winnipeg Basin--The area of
Winnipeg Basin--Finances of the Confederation--Imports, exports,
and tonnage--Proposed Federal Constitution--Lessons from the
American struggle 310
[Illustration: (map of Upper and Lower Canada.)
_Stanfords Geographical Estab^t. London._
London: Bradbury & Evans, 11 Bouverie Street.]
CANADA:
ITS DEFENCES, CONDITION, AND RESOURCES.
CHAPTER I.
Introductory--Canada and the Mason and Slidell case--Threats
of annexation--Defence of Canada--Reasons for visiting the
British Provinces--Illness at New York--Hostility displayed
there--Monotony of New York--Hotel life--“Birds of a
feather”--Nationality absorbed--Start for Canada--Railway
Companions--Public credulity--A victory in the papers--History
of “A Big Fight”--General Pumpkin and Jefferson Brick.
I do not pretend to offer any new observations on the climate,
soil, or capabilities of Canada, nor can I venture to call these
pages a “work” on that great province. I have nothing novel to
advance in the hope of attracting an immigration to its wide-spread
territories, and any statistical facts and figures I may use are
accessible to all interested in the commerce or in the past,
present, and future of the land.
Nor do I write with any particular theory in view, or with any
crotchet on the subject of colonies, outlying provinces, and
dependencies, and their value or detriment to the dominant
commercial and imperial power.
My actual acquaintance with the country and the people is only such
as I acquired in a few weeks’ travelling in the depth of winter;
and such sort of knowledge as I gathered would certainly afford no
great excuse in itself for intruding my remarks or opinions on the
public when so many excellent books on Canada already exist.
But it happened that my visit took place at a very remarkable
period of Canadian and American history, and at a time, too, when
certain doctrines, broached not for the first time, but urged
with more than usual ability, as to the relations between what
for convenience I call the mother-country and her colonies, were
exciting great attention across the Atlantic.
When I left Washington in the winter, a great crisis had been
peacefully but not willingly averted by a concession on the part of
the Federal Government to what the sentiment of the American people
considered an exhibition of brute force. The first year of the war
had closed over the Federals in gloom. Their arms were not wielded
with credit at home--if credit ever can attach to arms wielded in
a civil war--and the foreign power which it had been their wont
to treat with something as near akin to disrespect as diplomatic
decency would permit, aroused by an act which outraged the laws
of nations and provoked the censure of every European power with
business on the waters, had made preparations which could only
imply that she would have recourse to hostility if her demands for
satisfaction were refused.
It was under these circumstances that England obtained the
reparation for which she sought, and in the eyes of Americans
filched a triumph over their flag and took an insolent advantage
over their weakened power “to do as they pleased.” General
McClellan, playing the part of Fabius, perhaps because he knew
not how to play any other part, had fallen sick and was nigh at
death’s door in the malarious winter at Washington. The great Union
army, like a hybernating eel in the mud, lay motionless, between
the Potomac and the clever imposture of the Confederate lines and
wooden batteries at Manassas.
But haughty and hopeful as ever, in tone if not in heart, the
Americans raved about vengeance for their own just concessions.
They boasted that the seizure of Canada would be one of the
measures of retaliation to which they intended promptly to resort,
as the indemnity to their injured vanity and as compensation for
the surrender of Messrs. Mason and Slidell.
Meanwhile the small force of British troops stationed in Canada was
reinforced by the speedy dispatch of some picked regiments from
England, which did not raise it much beyond its regular strength,
and tardy steps were taken to organise an efficient militia in the
province. The volunteer movement had extended its influence across
the ocean, and a commendable activity all over the British Colonies
and Canada falsified the complacent statements of the American
papers that the people were not loyal to the Crown nor careful of
the connection, which, it was alleged, they would gladly substitute
for the protection of the standard of the Northern Republic.
All these necessary precautions against the consequences of the
refusal of the American Government to yield the passengers taken
from under our flag, were watched angrily and jealously in the
States. The British reinforcements were ridiculed; their tedious
passages, their cheerless marches, were jeeringly chronicled.
Whole ships were reported to have gone down with living cargoes.
Those who landed were represented as being borne on sleighs by
sufferance routes, which would be impracticable in war. The
Canadians were abused--and so were the Provincialists. The
volunteers were assailed with the weapons which the American press
knows so well how to use.
But that was false policy. It gave a stimulus to the loyal feeling
of the subjects of the Crown. The Canadian press retorted, and,
exulting in the triumph of the Home Government over the Republican
Administration, uttered the taunts which Americans least brook to
hear.
It was assumed that the task of vengeance and conquest would be
light. I received letters in which it was maintained that Canada
could not be defended, and that she was not worth defending; others
merely urged that if the Canadians would not take a prominent part
in aid of imperial measures for their protection, they must be
handed over to the invading Americans; that their country cost more
than it was worth, and that it was a mistake to keep any connection
with the wrong side of the ledger, no matter what the results of
rupturing it might be.
Americans told me “General Scott declares the Canadian frontier is
not capable of defence.” True, Americans had told me some months
ago that General Scott, now _mis en retraite_ in New York, after
a hasty return from Europe--not, as was asserted, with diplomatic
authority or with the view of invading Canada, but to save his
pension in case of foreign war--would be in Richmond about July
22nd or 24th, 1861. I heard some views of the same kind from our
own officers, who expressed doubts respecting the possibility of a
successful resistance to American invasion.
Now if that were so, it struck me that the troops we had in the
country could prove but of little use, and that at the same time
the relative condition of strength between the United States and
Great Britain had undergone a vital change in face of the very
agencies which ought to have established more solidly the results
obtained in the last trial of force and resources between them on
Canadian ground. It was worth while trying to ascertain the truth
and to resolve these questions.
The United States, dreading a foreign war which might interfere
with their invasion of the Southern States, had ungraciously made a
concession, in revenge for making which their press declared they
would on the first convenient occasion make war on the Power they
had offended, in a country which they had invaded with all their
united power--when Great Britain, steamless and remote, was engaged
in European conflicts and destitute of maritime allies--only to
meet with defeat, or with success of a nature to prove their
incompetency to conquer.
Was the power of this distracted republic, contending furiously
with rebellious members, then, become so great? If so, with what
motive was Great Britain hurrying across the sea the élite of her
troops--too few to save these vast domains, too many to lose, and
far too many to return as paroled prisoners? Why try to defend on
such terms what was worthless and indefensible? Canada, if not
susceptible of defence, would be certainly unsuitable as a base
for offensive operations against the States. Obviously the matter
stood thus: that the military question depended on the temper and
spirit of the people themselves.
The whole force of the Canadians, sustained by Great Britain,
might, apparently, defy all the offensive power of the United
States; and I desired to ascertain in what condition were their
temper and defences.
At this time British officers were endeavouring to prepare the
possessions of the Crown against threatened invasion. The Americans
on their side were busy fortifying some important points on the
lakes.
General Totten, an officer of the United States Engineers, well
known for his ability, was understood to be engaged on a very
elaborate plan of works along the frontier. Colonel Gordon, whose
name will be for ever associated with the left attack at the siege
of Sebastopol, aided by an experienced staff, was employed on our
side, studying the capabilities of the frontier, and maturing a
plan for the consideration of the Government in case of an American
war.
There were reasons, too, of a personal character for my visiting
Canada. I had a fever, which was contracted at Washington and laid
me prostrate at New York. It was of the low typhoid type, which
proved fatal to so many in the Federal army at the same time, and
its effects made me weaker for the time than I ever remember to
have been. There was no promise whatever of military operations,
and I read every day of the arrival of friends and acquaintances
in Canada, whose faces it would be pleasant to see, after the
endurance of so many hostile glances and such public exhibition of
ill-will.
I do not wish to dwell on private annoyances, but as an instance
of the feeling displayed towards me in New York I may mention
one circumstance. On my arrival in 1861 I was elected an honorary
member of the club which derives its name from the state or city,
and was indebted to its members for many acts of courtesy and for
more than one entertainment. Returning to the city from Washington
early this year, I was invited to dine at the same club by one or
two of my friends. Certain members, as I afterwards heard, took
umbrage at my presence, and fastened a quarrel on my entertainers.
A day or two subsequently the people of New York were called on,
by the notorious journalist who had honoured me with his animosity
ever since I refused the dishonour of his acquaintance, to express
their indignation at the conduct of the club; and the members
received a characteristic reprimand for their presumption in
letting me into the club, from which they had kept their censor
and his clientele carefully out. My offence was rank; and public
opinion--or what is called so--perhaps was in favour of the
ostracism at that moment; for, as far as I know, the people must
have believed I was the sole cause of the Federal defeat and flight
at Bull Run.
There was some novelty in the idea of starting for Canada in the
midst of the bitter winter wind and the dazzling snow; but I would
have gone to Nova Zembla at the time to have escaped the monotony
of New York, which the effects of recent illness rendered more
irksome.
New York is among cities, what one of the lower order of molluscous
animals, with a single intestinal canal, is to a creature of a
higher development, with various organs, and full of veins and
arteries. Up and down the Broadway passes the stream of life to
and from the heart in Wall-street. In the narrow space from water
to water on either side of this dry canal there is comparatively
little animation, and nothing at all to reward the researches of a
stranger.
Johnson’s remark about Fleet-street would apply with truth to the
gawky thoroughfare of the Atlantic Tyre. In the Broadway or its
“west-end” extensions are to be found all the hotels, which are the
ganglia of the feverish nervous system so incessantly agitated by
the operations of the journalistic insects living in secret cysts
nigh at hand. All day the great tideway is rolling in, headed by
a noisy crest of little boys, with extras under their arms, and
heralded by a confused surfy murmur of voices telling “lies” for
cents, and enunciating “Another Great Union Victory!” in one great
bore; or it is rushing out again with a dismal leaden current,
laden with doubts and fears, as the news of some disaster breaks
through the locks of government reservoirs and floods the press.
In my hotel, where I was fain to seclude myself in my illness,
and to follow the very un-American practice of living in a suite
of private rooms, there was but little conflict of opinion on any
great event, real or fictitious, which turned up from day to day.
The guests and visitors were well-nigh all of one way of thinking.
They were of the old conservative party, so oddly denominated
Democrats, who believed in States Rights: in the right of states
to create and maintain their domestic institutions--to secede, if
they pleased, from the Union--to resist the attempts of the General
Government of the other states to coerce them by force of arms.
Some of these gentlemen were satisfied the South would not be
coerced; some hoped the South would resist successfully. None,
I fear, were “loyal” to President Lincoln and Mr. Seward, and I
am sure none would have said so much for either of them or their
friends as I would.
The majority principle forces people who hold similar views to
meet together, and to select the same hotels to live in. This
is unfortunate for a stranger who desires to hear the views of
both sides. In the New York, from the highly artistic and skilful
operator who flashed out cocktails at the bar, up to the highest
authority, there was no man who would like to say that he was on
good terms with Mr. Sumner, or that he did not think Mr. Seward
the representative of evil principles. The rule was proved by the
exceptions: two I suspect there were--stout Irish waiters, who did
not approve of the attempts to destroy “our glorious Union,” but
who did not find the atmosphere of the place quite favourable to
the free expression of the opinion they mildly hinted at to myself.
The sameness of ideas, of expressions, of faces, became unbearable.
I could tell quite well by the look of men’s faces what news they
had heard, and what they were saying or going to say about it.
Here were crafty politicals and practical men of business, and
persons of a philosophical and reflective temperament, as well as
the foolish, the mere pleasure-hunters, and the unthinking mass of
an hotel world, all looking forward to a near to-morrow to end the
woes of the state, always waiting for a “decisive” battle or “an
indignant uprising of the people” to drive the Republicans out of
power and office.
Not one of them could or would see that the contest, when
terminated, would give birth to others--that the vast bodies of
diverse interests, prejudices, hatreds, and wrongs set in motion
by war over so enormous a surface, where they had been kept
suspended and inert by the powers of compromise, could never be
reconsolidated and restored to the same state as before, and that
it would be the work of time, the labour of many years, ere they
could settle to rest in any shape whatever.
I am told respectable Americans do not use the word “Britisher,”
but I am bound to say I heard Americans who looked very respectable
using the word at the time of which I speak, when there was still
irritation on both sides in consequence of the surrender of Mason
and Slidell--in the minds of the friends of the South, because they
were balked in their anticipation of a foreign war; in the Federal
mind, because, after much threatening and menaces, they had seen
the captives surrendered to the British by the President, or, more
properly speaking, by Mr. Seward.
Hence it was, perhaps, that Canada was always mentioned in such a
tone of contempt, as though the speakers sought to relieve their
feelings by abuse of a British dependency.
“Goin’ to Canada!” exclaimed the faithful Milesian who had been
my attendant--in fact, my substitute for a nurse. “Lord help us!
_That’s_ a poor place, anyhow. I thought you’d be contint wid the
snow we’ve got here. It’s plinty, anyhow. But Canada!” The man had
never been there in his life, but he spoke as if it were beyond
the bounds of civilisation. He had served in a British regiment
for many years; many of his brothers had been, I think he told me,
in the service, but now they were all in the States, and to his
notion thriving like himself.
In no country on earth is an old nationality so soon absorbed as in
America. I am inclined to think the regard professed for England by
American literary men is sentimental, and is produced by education
and study rather than by any feeling transmitted in families or by
society.
The emigrant, it is remarked, speedily forgets--in the hurry of
his new life the ways of the old slip out of his memory. One day
I said to my man, as a regiment of volunteers was marching down
Broadway, “Those fellows are not quite as well set up as the
41st, Pat.” “Well, indeed, and that’s thrue; but they’d fight as
well I b’lieve, and better maybe, if they’d the officers, poor
craychures! Anyhow,” continued he with great gravity, “they can’t
be flogged for nothin’ or for anything.” “Were you ever flogged?”
“No, sirir--not a lash ever touched my back, but I’ve known fine
sogers spiled by it.” It is likely enough that he had never thought
on the subject till he came to the States--a short time before and
he would have resented deeply the idea that any regiment on earth
could stand before Her Majesty’s 41st.
It was now near the end of January, and as a gleam of fine weather
might thaw the glorious Union army of the Potomac, and induce them
to advance on the inglorious army of the Confederacy, I resolved to
make the best of my way northwards forthwith.
My companions were a young British officer, distinguished in the
Crimea, in India, and in China, who represented a borough in
Parliament, and had come out to see the great contest which was
raging in the United States; and an English gentleman, who happened
to be at New York, and was anxious to have a look at Niagara, even
in its winter dress.
On the 27th January we were all packed to start by the 5.30 P.M.
train by Albany to Niagara, and thence to Toronto. The landlord
made me up a small assortment of provisions, as in snow-time trains
are not always certain of anything but irregularity. I was regarded
as one who was about to make myself needlessly miserable when he
might continue in much happiness. “You had better stay, sir, for a
few days. I have certain intelligence, let me whisper you, that the
Abolitionists will be whipped at the end of this week, and old Abe
driven out of Washington.”
The little boys still shout out, “Another great Union victory.”
The last, by-the-bye, was of General Thomas, at Somerset, which
has gradually sublimed into uncertainty, though he handled his men
well, and is not bad at a despatch.
The credulity of the American mind is beyond belief. _Populus vult
decipi_--and certainly its wishes are complied with to the fullest
extent. The process of a Union victory, from its birth in the first
telegram down to its dissolution in the last despatch, is curious
enough.
Out comes an extra of the _New York Herald_--“Glorious Union
Victory off Little Bear Creek, Mo.!--Five Thousand Rebels Disposed
of!--Grand Skedaddle!--General Pumpkin’s Brilliant Charge!--He
Out-Murats Murat!--Sanguinary Encounters!--Cassius Mudd’s
Invincibles!--Doom of the Confederacy!--Jeff Davis gone to Texas!”
and so on, with a display of large type, in double-headed lines,
and a profusion of notes of admiration.
There is excitement in the bar-rooms. The Democrats look
down-hearted. The War Christians are jubilant. Fiery eyes
devour the columns, which contain but an elaboration of
the heading--swelled perhaps with a biographical sketch of
Brigadier-General Cyrus Washington Pumpkin, “who was educated
at West Point, where he graduated with Generals Beauregard and
McDowell, and eventually subsided into pork-packing at Cincinnati,
where he was captain of a fine company till the war broke out, when
he tendered his sword,” &c. Cassius Mudd’s biography is of course
reprinted for the twentieth time, and there is a list of the names
of all the officers in the regiments near the presumed scene of
action.
Then comes the action:--“An intelligent gentleman has just
arrived at Chicago, and has seen Dr. Bray, to whom he has given
full particulars of the fight. It was commenced by Lieutenant
Epaminondas Bellows (‘son of our respected fellow-citizen, the
President of the Bellowstown and Bellona Railway’--here follows a
biography of Bellows), who was out scouting with ten more of our
boys when they fell into an ambuscade, which opened on them with
masked batteries, uttering unearthly yells. With Spartan courage
the little band returned the fire, and kept the Seceshers, who were
at least 500 strong, at bay till their ammunition was exhausted.
Bellows, his form dilated with patriotism, his mellow tones ringing
above the storm of battle, was urged to fly by a tempter, whose
name we suppress. The heroic youth struck the cowardly traitor to
the earth, and indignantly invited the enemy to come on. They
did so at last. The lieutenant, resisting desperately, then fell,
and our men carried his body to the camp, to the skirts of which
they were followed by the Secesh cavalry and four guns. Our loss
was only two more--the enemy are calculated to have lost 85. The
farmers at Munchausen say they were busy all day carrying away
their dead in carts.
“On reaching the camp, General Pumpkin thought it right to drive
back the dastardly polluters of our country’s flag. He disposed
his troops in platoons, according to the celebrated disposition
made by Miltiades at Marathon, covering his wings with squadrons of
artillery in columns of sub-divisions, with a reserve of cavalry in
echelon; but he improved upon the idea by adding the combination of
solid squares and skirmishers in the third line, by which Alexander
the Great decided the Battle of Granicus.
“In this order, then, the Union troops advanced till they came
to Little Bear Creek. Here, to their great astonishment, they
found the enemy under General Jefferson Brick in person (Brick
will be remembered by many here as the intelligent clerk in our
advertisement department, but he was deeply tainted with Secesh
sentiments, and on the unfurling of our flag manifested them in
such a manner that we were obliged to dispense with his services).
The infamous destroyer of his country’s happiness had posted his
men so that we could not see them. They were at least three to
one--mustering some 7,000, with guns, caissons, baggage waggons,
and standards in proportion--and were arranged in an obtuse angle,
of which the smaller end was composed of a mass of veterans, in
the order adopted by Napoleon with the Old Guard at Waterloo: the
larger, consisting of the Whoop-owl Bushwackers and the Squash
River Legion in potence, threatened us with destruction if we
advanced on the other wing, whilst we were equally exposed to
danger if we remained where we were.
“General Pumpkin’s conduct is, at this most critical moment,
generally described as being worthy of the best days of Roman
story. He simply gave the word ‘Charge.’ ‘What, General?’ exclaimed
our informant. ‘Charge! Sir,’ said the general, with a sternness
which permitted no further question. With a yell our gallant
fellows dashed at the enemy, but the water was too deep in the
creek, and they retired with terrific loss. The enemy then dashed
at them in turn. They drove our right for three miles; we drove
their left for three-and-a-quarter miles. Their centre drove our
left, and our right drove their centre again. They took five of our
guns; we took six of theirs and a bread-cart.
“Night put an end to this dreadful struggle, in which American
troops set an example to the war-seamed soldiers of antiquity. Next
morning General Pumpkin pushed across to Pugstown, and occupied it
in force. Union sentiment is rife all through Missouri. We demand
that General Pumpkin be at once placed at the head of the Army of
the Potomac.”
Now all this--in no degree exaggerated--and the like of which I
have read over and over again, affords infinite comfort or causes
great depression to New York for an hour or so, coupled with an
“editorial,” in which the energy and enterprise of the Scarron
are duly eulogised, old Greeley’s hat and breeches and umbrella
handled with charming wit and eloquence, and the inevitable
flight of the Richmond Government to Texas clearly demonstrated.
Next day some little doubt is expressed as to the exact locality
of the fight--“Pumpkin’s force was at Big Bear, 180 miles west
of the place indicated. We doubt not, however, the account is
substantially correct, and that the Secesh forces have been pretty
badly whipped.”
Next day the casualties are reduced from 200 killed and 310 wounded
to 96 killed and none wounded; and scrutinising eyes notice a
statement, in small type, that the “father of Lieutenant Bellows
has written to us to state his son was not engaged on the occasion
in question, but was at home on furlough.” And by the time “Another
Great Union Victory!” is ready, the fact oozes out, but is by no
means considered worth a thought, that General Pumpkin has had an
encounter with the Confederates in which he suffered a defeat, and
that he has gone into winter quarters.
I do not suppose for a moment that these deceitful agencies
are exercised only in the North, but am persuaded, from what
I know, that the Southern people are at least as anxious for
news, and as liable to be led away by suppressions of truth or
distorted narratives, as those of the Free States. If we had had
a telegraphic system and a newspaper press during the Wars of the
Roses, or the struggle of 1645, it is probable our partisans,
on both sides, would have been as open to imposture; but I do
not think they would have continued long in the faith that the
ever-detected impostor was still worthy of credence.