ASSASSINATION!
But while some of the great Military events alluded to in the preceding
Chapter, had been transpiring at the theatre of War, something else had
happened at the National Capital, so momentous, so atrocious, so
execrable, that it was with difficulty the victorious soldiers of the
Union, when they first heard the news, could be restrained from turning
upon the then remaining armed Rebels, and annihilating them in their
righteous fury.
Let us go back, for a moment, to President Lincoln, whom we left on
board the Ocean Queen, at City Point, toward the end of March and the
beginning of April, receiving dispatches from Grant, who was
victoriously engaged at the front. On the very day that Richmond fell
--April 4th--President Lincoln, with his little son "Tad," Admiral Porter,
and others, visited the burning city, and held a reception in the
parlors of the Mansion which had now, for so many years, been occupied
by the Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, and which had been
precipitately abandoned when the flight of that Arch-Rebel and his
"Cabinet" commenced. On the 6th, the President, accompanied by his
wife, Vice-President Johnson, and others from Washington, again visited
Richmond, and received distinguished Virginians, to whom he addressed
words of wisdom and patriotism.
["On this occasion," says Arnold, "he was called upon by several
prominent citizens of Virginia, anxious to learn what the policy of
the Government towards them would be. Without committing himself
to specific details, he satisfied them that his policy would be
magnanimous, forgiving, and generous. He told these Virginians
they must learn loyalty and devotion to the Nation. They need not
love Virginia less, but they must love the Republic more."]
On the 9th of April, he returned to Washington, and the same day--his
last Sunday on Earth--came the grand and glorious news of Lee's
surrender.
On the Wednesday evening following, he made a lengthy speech, at the
White House, to the great crowd that had assembled about it, to
congratulate him, and the Nation, upon the downfall of Rebellion. His
first thought in that speech, was of gratitude to God. His second, to
put himself in the background, and to give all the credit of Union
Military success, to those who, under God, had achieved it. Said he:
"We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. The
evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the
principal Insurgent Army, give hope of a righteous and speedy Peace,
whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this,
however, He from whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten. A Call
for a National Thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly
promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of
rejoicing, be overlooked. Their honors must not be parcelled out with
others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of
transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for
plan or execution, is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers and
brave men, all belongs."
This speech was almost entirely devoted to the subject of reconstruction
of the States lately in Rebellion, and to an argument in favor of the
Reconstruction policy, under which a new and loyal government had been
formed for the State of Louisiana. "Some twelve thousand voters in the
heretofore Slave State of Louisiana," said he, "have sworn allegiance to
the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held
elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State
Constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to Black and
White, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise
upon the colored man. Their Legislature has already voted to ratify the
Constitutional Amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing Slavery
throughout the Nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully
committed to the Union, and to perpetual Freedom in the State; committed
to the very things, and nearly all the things, the Nation wants; and
they ask the Nation's recognition and its assistance to make good that
committal. Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to
disorganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the White men,
'You are worthless, or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by
you.' To the Blacks we say, 'This cup of Liberty which these, your old
masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you and leave you to the
chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague
and undefined when, where, and how.' If this course, discouraging and
paralyzing both White and Black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana
into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been
unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain
the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true."
While, however, Mr. Lincoln thus upheld and defended this Louisiana plan
of reconstruction, yet he conceded that in applying it to other States,
with their varying conditions, "no exclusive and inflexible plan can
safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals." The entire speech
shows the greatest solicitude to make no mistake necessitating backward
steps, and consequent delay in reconstructing the Rebel States into
Loyal ones; and especially anxious was he, in this, his last public
utterance, touching the outcome of his great life-work, Emancipation.
"If," said he, "we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of
the proposed Amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this
proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those
States which have not attempted Secession are necessary to validly
ratify the Amendment. I do not commit myself against this further than
to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be
persistently questioned; whilst a ratification by three-fourths of all
the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable."
On Thursday, by the President's direction, a War Department Order was
drawn up and issued, putting an end to drafting and recruiting, and the
purchase of Military supplies, and removing all restrictions which
Military necessity had imposed upon the trade and commerce and
intercourse of any one part of the Union with the other. On Friday, the
14th of April, there was a meeting of the Cabinet at noon, to receive a
report from General Grant, in person--he having just arrived from the
scene of Lee's surrender. Later, the President rode out with Mrs.
Lincoln, and talked of the hard time they had had since coming to
Washington; "but," continued he, "the War is over, and, with God's
blessing, we may hope for four years of Peace and happiness, and then we
will go back to Illinois, and pass the rest of our lives in quiet." At
Ford's Theatre, that evening, was played "The American Cousin," and it
had been announced that both the President and General Grant would be
present. Grant, however, was prevented from attending. President
Lincoln attended with reluctance--possibly because of a presentiment
which he had that day had, that "something serious is going to happen,"
of which he made mention at the Cabinet meeting aforesaid.
It was about 9 o-clock P.M., that the President, with Mrs. Lincoln,
Major Rathbone, and Miss Harris, entered the Theatre, and, after
acknowledging with a bow the patriotic acclamations with which the
audience saluted him, entered the door of the private box, reserved for
his party, which was draped with the folds of the American flag. At
half past 10 o'clock, while all were absorbed in the play, a pistol-shot
was heard, and a man, brandishing a bloody dagger, was seen to leap to
the stage from the President's box, crying "Sic Semper Tyrannis!" His
spurred boot, catching in the bunting, tripped him, so that he half fell
and injured one leg, but instantly recovered himself, and, shouting "The
South is avenged!" rushed across the stage, and disappeared. It was an
actor, John Wilkes Booth by name, who--inspired with all the mad,
unreasoning, malignant hatred of everything representing Freedom and
Union, which was purposely instilled into the minds and hearts of their
followers and sympathizers by the Rebel leaders and their chief
accomplices in the North--had basely skulked into the box, behind Mr.
Lincoln, mortally wounded him with a pistol-bullet, and escaped--after
stabbing Major Rathbone for vainly striving to arrest the vile
assassin's flight.
Thus this great and good Ruler of our reunited People was foully
stricken down in the very moment of his triumph; when the Union troops
were everywhere victorious; when Lee had surrendered the chief Army of
the downfallen Confederacy; when Johnston was on the point of
surrendering the only remaining Rebel force which could be termed an
Army; on the self-same day too, which saw the identical flag of the
Union, that four years before had been sadly hauled down from the
flagstaff of Fort Sumter, triumphantly raised again over that historic
fort; when, the War being at an end, everything in the future looked
hopeful; at the very time when his merciful and kindly mind was
doubtless far away from the mimic scenes upon which he looked, revolving
beneficent plans for reconstructing and rebuilding the waste and
desolate places in the South which War had made; at this time, of all
times, when his clear and just perceptions and firm patriotism were most
needed,
[For his last public words, two nights before, had been: "In the
present 'situation,' as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make
some new announcement to the people of the South. I am
CONSIDERING, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action
will be proper."]
alike by conquerors and conquered, to guide and aid the Nation in the
difficult task of reconstruction, and of the new departure, looming up
before it, with newer and broader and better political issues upon which
all Patriot might safely divide, while all the old issues of
States-rights, Secession, Free-Trade, and Slavery, and all the mental
and moral leprosy growing out of them, should lie buried far out of
sight as dead-and-gone relics of the cruel and devastating War which
they alone had brought on! Abraham Lincoln never spoke again. The
early beams of the tomorrow's sun touched, but failed to warm, the
lifeless remain of the great War-President and Liberator, as they were
borne, in mournful silence, back to the White House, mute and ghastly
witness of the sheer desperation of those who, although armed Rebellion,
in the open field, by the fair and legitimate modes of Military warfare,
had ceased, were determined still to keep up that cowardly "fire in the
rear" which had been promised to the Rebel leaders by their Northern
henchmen and sympathizers.
The assassination of President Lincoln was but a part of the plot of
Booth and his murderous Rebel-sympathizing fellow conspirators. It was
their purpose also to kill Grant, and Seward, and other prominent
members of the Cabinet, simultaneously, in the wild hope that anarchy
might follow, and Treason find its opportunity. In this they almost
miraculously failed, although Seward was badly wounded by one of the
assassins.
That the Rebel authorities were cognizant of, and encouraged, this
dastardly plot, cannot be distinctly proven. But, while they naturally
would be likely, especially in the face of the storm of public
exasperation which it raised throughout the Union, to disavow all
knowledge of, or complicity in, the vengeful murder of President
Lincoln, and to destroy all evidences possible of any such guilty
knowledge or complicity, yet there will ever be a strong suspicion that
they were not innocent. From the time when it was first known that Mr.
Lincoln had been elected President, the air was full of threats that he
should not live to be inaugurated.
That the assassination, consummated in April, 1865, would
have taken place in February of 1861, had it not been for the timely
efforts of Lieutenant-General Scott, Brigadier-General Stone, Hon.
William H. Seward, Frederick W. Seward, Esq., and David S. Bookstaver of
the Metropolitan Police of New York--is abundantly shown by
Superintendent John A. Kennedy, in a letter of August 13, 1866, to be
found in vol. ii., of Lossing's "Civil War in America," pages 147-149,
containing also an extract from a letter of General Stone, in which the
latter--after mentioning that General Scott and himself considered it
"almost a certainty that Mr. Lincoln could not pass Baltimore alive by
the train on the day fixed"--proceeds to say: "I recommended that Mr.
Lincoln should be officially warned; and suggested that it would be
altogether best that he should take the train of that evening from
Philadelphia, and so reach Washington early the next day." * * *
General Scott, after asking me how the details could be arranged in so
short a time, and receiving my suggestion that Mr. Lincoln should be
advised quietly to take the evening train, and that it would do him no
harm to have the telegraph wires cut for a few hours, he directed me to
seek Mr. W. H. Seward, to whom he wrote a few lines, which he handed to
me. It was already ten o'clock, and when I reached Mr. Seward's house
he had left; I followed him to the Capitol, but did not succeed in
finding him until after 12 M. I handed him the General's note; he
listened attentively to what I said, and asked me to write down my
information and suggestions, and then, taking the paper I had written,
he hastily left. The note I wrote was what Mr. Frederick Seward carried
to Mr. Lincoln in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln has stated that it was this
note which induced him to change his journey as he did. The stories of
disguise are all nonsense; Mr. Lincoln merely took the sleeping-car in
the night train.
Equally certain also, is it, that the Rebel authorities were utterly
indifferent to the means that might be availed of to secure success to
Rebellion. Riots and arson, were among the mildest methods proposed to
be used in the Northern cities, to make the War for the Union a
"failure"--as their Northern Democratic allies termed it--while,
among other more devilish projects, was that of introducing cholera
and yellow fever into the North, by importing infected rags! Another
much-talked-of scheme throughout the War, was that of kidnapping
President Lincoln, and other high officials of the Union Government.
There is also evidence, that the Rebel chiefs not only received, but
considered, the plans of desperadoes and cut-throats looking to the
success of the Rebellion by means of assassination. Thus, in a footnote
to page 448, vol. ii., of his "Civil War in America," Lossing does not
hesitate to characterize Jefferson Davis as "the crafty and malignant
Chief Conspirator, who seems to have been ready at all times to
entertain propositions to assassinate, by the hand of secret murder, the
officers of the Government at Washington;" and, after fortifying that
statement by a reference to page 523 of the first volume of his work,
proceeds to say: "About the time (July, 1862) we are now considering, a
Georgian, named Burnham, wrote to Jefferson Davis, proposing to organize
a corps of five hundred assassins, to be distributed over the North, and
sworn to murder President Lincoln, members of his Cabinet, and leading
Republican Senators, and other supporters of the Government. This
proposition was made in writing, and was regularly filed in the
'Confederate War Department,' indorsed 'Respectfully referred to the
Secretary of War, by order of the President,' and signed 'J. C Ives.'
Other communications of similar tenor, 'respectfully referred' by
Jefferson Davis, were placed on file in that 'War Department.'" All the
denials, therefore, of the Rebel chieftains, as to their complicity in
the various attempts to assassinate Abraham Lincoln, ending with his
dastardly murder in April, 1865, will not clear their skirts of the
odium of that unparalleled infamy. It will cling to them, living or
dead, until that great Day of Judgment when the exact truth shall be
made known, and "their sin shall find them out."
[The New York Tribune, August 16, 1885, under the heading "A NARROW
ESCAPE OF LINCOLN," quotes an interesting "Omaha Letter, to the St.
Paul Pioneer Press," as follows:
"That more than one attempt was made to assassinate Abraham Lincoln
is a fact known to John W. Nichols, ex-president of the Omaha Fire
Department. Mr. Nichols was one of the body-guard of President
Lincoln from the Summer of 1862 until 1865. The following
narrative, related to your correspondent by Mr. Nichols, is
strictly true, and the incident is not generally known:
'One night about the middle of August, 1864, I was doing sentinel
duty at the large gate through which entrance was had to the
grounds of the Soldiers' Home. The grounds are situated about a
quarter of a mile off the Bladensburg road, and are reached by
devious driveways. About 11 o'clock I heard a rifle shot in the
direction of the city, and shortly afterwards I heard approaching
hoof-beats. In two or three minutes a horse came dashing-up, and I
recognized the belated President. The horse was very spirited, and
belonged to Mr. Lamon, marshal of the District of Columbia. This
horse was Mr. Lincoln's favorite, and when he was in the White
House stables he always chose him. As horse and rider approached
the gate, I noticed that the President was bareheaded. After
assisting him in checking his steed, the President said to me: 'He
came pretty near getting away with me, didn't he? He got the bit
in his teeth before I could draw the rein.' I then asked him where
his hat was, and he replied that somebody had fired a gun off down
at the foot of the hill, and that his horse had become scared and
jerked his hat off. I led the animal to the Executive Cottage, and
the President dismounted and entered. Thinking the affair rather
strange, a corporal and myself started in the direction of the
place from where the sound of the rifle report had proceeded, to
investigate the occurrence. When we reached the spot where the
driveway intersects with the main road we found the President's
hat--a plain silk hat-and upon examining it we discovered a bullet
hole through the crown. The shot had been fired upwards, and it
was evident that the person who fired the shot had secreted himself
close to the roadside. We listened and searched the locality
thoroughly, but to no avail. The next day I gave Mr. Lincoln his
hat and called his attention to the bullet hole. He rather
unconcernedly remarked that it was put there by some foolish
gunner, and was not intended for him. He said, however, that he
wanted the matter kept quiet, and admonished us to say nothing
about it. We all felt confident that it was an attempt to kill
him, and a well-nigh successful one, too. The affair was kept
quiet, in accordance with his request. After that, the President
never rode alone.'"]
That this dark and wicked and bloody Rebellion, waged by the upholders
and advocates of Slavery, Free Trade, and Secession, had descended so
low as to culminate in murder--deliberate, cold-blooded, cowardly
murder--at a time when the Southern Conspirators would apparently be the
least benefitted by it, was regarded at first as evidencing their mad
fatuity; and the public mind was dreadfully incensed.
The successor of the murdered President-Andrew Johnson-lost little time
in offering (May the 2d) rewards, ranging from $25,000 to $100,000, for
the arrest of Jefferson Davis, Jacob Thompson,
[The same individual at whose death, in 1885, the Secretary of the
Interior, ordered the National flag of the Union--which he had
swindled, betrayed, fought, spit upon, and conspired against--to be
lowered at halfmast over the Interior Departmental Building, at
Washington, D. C.]
Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, George N. Sanders, and W. C. Cleary,
in a Proclamation which directly charged that they, "and other Rebels
and Traitors against the Government of the United States, harbored in
Canada," had "incited, concerted, and procured" the perpetration of the
appalling crime.
On the 10th of May, one of them, Jacob Thompson, from his place of
security, in Canada, published a letter claiming to be innocent;
characterized himself as "a persecuted man;" arrayed certain suspicious
facts in support of an intimation that Johnson himself was the only one
man in the Republic who would be benefited by President Lincoln's death;
and, as he was found "asleep" at the "unusual hour" of nine o'clock
P.M., of the 14th of April, and had made haste to take the oath of
office as President of the United States as soon as the breath had left
the body of his predecessor, insinuated that he (Johnson) might with
more reason be suspected of "complicity" in "the foul work" than the
"Rebels and Traitors" charged with it, in his Proclamation; so charged,
for the very purpose--Thompson insinuated--of shielding himself from
discovery, and conviction!
But while, for a moment, perhaps, there flitted across the public mind a
half suspicion of the possibility of what this Rebel intimated as true,
yet another moment saw it dissipated. For the People remembered that
between "Andrew Johnson," one of the "poor white trash" of Tennessee,
and the "aristocratic Slave-owners" of the South, who headed the
Rebellion, there could be neither sympathy nor cooperation--nothing, but
hatred; and that this same Andrew Johnson, who, by power of an
indomitable will, self-education, and natural ability, had, despite the
efforts of that "aristocracy," forced himself upward, step by step, from
the tailor's bench, to the successful honors of alderman and Mayor, and
then still upward through both branches of his State Legislature, into
the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States--and,
in the latter Body, had so gallantly met, and worsted in debate, the
chosen representatives of that class upon whose treasonable heads he
poured forth in invective, the gathered hatred of a life-time--would
probably be the very last man whom these same "aristocratic"
Conspirators, "Rebels, and Traitors," would prefer as arbiter of their
fate.
The popular feeling responded heartily, at this time, to the
denunciations which, in his righteous indignation, he had, in the
Senate, and since, heaped upon Rebellion, and especially his declaration
that "Treason must be made odious!"--utterances now substantially
reiterated by him more vehemently than ever, and multiplied in posters
and transparencies and newspapers all over the Land. Thus the public
mind rapidly grew to believe it impossible that the Rebel leaders could
gain, by the substitution, in the Executive chair, of this harsh,
determined, despotic nature, for the mild, kindly, merciful,
even-tempered, Abraham Lincoln. With Andrew Johnson for President, the
People felt that justice would fall upon the heads of the guilty, and
that the Country was safe. And so it happened that, while the mere
instruments of the assassination conspiracy were hurried to an
ignominious death, in the lull that followed, Jefferson Davis and others
of the Rebel chiefs, who had been captured and imprisoned, were allowed
to go "Scott-free, without even the semblance of a trial for their
Treason!"
It is not the purpose of this work to deal with the history of the
Reconstruction or rehabilitation of the Rebel States; to look too
closely into the devious ways and subtle methods through and by which
the Rebel leaders succeeded in flattering the vanity, and worming
themselves into the confidence and control, of Andrew Johnson--by
pretending to believe that his occupation of the Presidential Office had
now, at last, brought him to their "aristocratic" altitude, and to a
hearty recognition by them of his "social equality;" or to follow,
either in or out of Congress, the great political conflict, between
their unsuspecting Presidential dupe and the Congress, which led to the
impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, for high crimes and
misdemeanors in office, his narrow escape from conviction and
deposition, and to much consequent excitement and turmoil among the
People, which, but for wise counsels and prudent forethought of the
Republican leaders, in both Civil and Military life, might have
eventuated in the outbreak of serious civil commotions. Suffice it to
say, that in due time; long after the Thirteenth Amendment to the United
States Constitution had been ratified by three-fourths of all the
States; after Johnson had vexed the White House, with his noisy
presence, for the nearly four years succeeding the death of the great
and good Lincoln; and after the People, with almost unexampled
unanimity, had called their great Military hero, Grant, to the helm of
State; the difficult and perplexing problems involved in the
Reconstruction of the Union were, at last, successfully solved by the
Republican Party, and every State that had been in armed Rebellion
against that Union, was not only back again, with a Loyal State
Constitution, but was represented in both branches of Congress, and in
other Departments of the National Government.