CHAPTER XXIV.

TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS.

The immortal Charter of Freedom had, as we have seen, with comparative

ease, after a ten days' debate, by the power of numbers, run the

gauntlet of the Senate; but now it was to be subjected to the much more

trying and doubtful ordeal of the House. What would be its fate there?

This was a question which gave to Mr. Lincoln, and the other friends of

Liberty and Union, great concern.

It is true that various votes had recently been taken in that body, upon

propositions which had an indirect bearing upon the subject of

Emancipation, as, for instance, that of the 1st of February, 1864, when,

by a vote of 80 yeas to 46 nays, it had adopted a Resolution declaring

"That a more vigorous policy to enlist, at an early day, and in larger

numbers, in our Army, persons of African descent, would meet the

approbation of the House;" and that vote, although indirect, being so

very nearly a two-thirds vote, was most encouraging. But, on the other

hand, a subsequent Resolution, squarely testing the sense of the House

upon the subject, had been carried by much less than a two-thirds vote.

This latter Resolution, offered by Mr. Arnold, after conference with Mr.

Lincoln, with the very purpose of making a test, was in these direct

terms:

"Resolved, That the Constitution shall be so amended as to Abolish

Slavery in the United States wherever it now exists, and to prohibit its

existence in every part thereof forever."

The vote, adopting it, was but 78 yeas to 62 nays. * This vote,

therefore, upon the Arnold Resolution, being nowhere near the two-thirds

affirmative vote necessary to secure the passage through the House of

the Senate Joint Resolution on this subject amendatory of the

Constitution, was most discouraging.

It was definite enough, however, to show the necessity of a change from

the negative to the affirmative side of at least fifteen votes. While

therefore the outlook was discouraging it was far from hopeless. The

debate in the Senate had already had its effect upon the public mind.

That, and the utterances of Mr. Lincoln--and further discussion in the

House, it was thought, might produce such a pressure from the loyal

constituencies both in the Free and Border Slave-States as to compel

success.

But from the very beginning of the year 1864, as if instinctively aware

that their Rebel friends were approaching the crisis of their fate, and

needed now all the help that their allies of the North could give them,

the Anti-War Democrats, in Congress, and out, had been stirring

themselves with unusual activity.

In both Houses of Congress, upon all possible occasions, they

had been striving, as they still strove, with the venom of their

widely-circulated speeches, to poison the loyal Northern and

Border-State mind, in the hope that the renomination of Mr. Lincoln

might be defeated, the chance for Democratic success at the coming

Presidential election be thereby increased, and, if nothing else came

of it, the Union Cause be weakened and the Rebel Cause correspondingly

strengthened.

At the same time, evidently under secret instructions from their

friends, the Conspirators in arms, they endeavored to create

heart-burnings and jealousies and ill-feeling between the Eastern

(especially the New England) States and the Western States, and

unceasingly attacked the Protective-Tariff, Internal Revenue, the

Greenback, the Draft, and every other measure or thing upon which the

life of the Union depended.

Most of these Northern-Democratic agitators, "Stealing the livery of

Heaven to serve the Devil in," endeavored to conceal their treacherous

designs under a veneer of gushing lip-loyalty, but that disguise was

"too thin" to deceive either their contemporaries or those who come

after them. Some of their language too, as well as their blustering

manner, strangely brought back to recollection the old days of Slavery

when the plantation-whip was cracked in the House, and the air was blue

with execration of New England.

Said Voorhees, of Indiana, (January 11, 1864) when the House was

considering a Bill "to increase the Internal Revenue and for other

purposes:"

"I want to know whether the West has any friends upon the floor of this

House? We pay every dollar that is to be levied by this Tax Bill. * *

* The Manufacturing Interest pays not a dollar into the public Treasury

that stays there. And yet airs of patriotism are put on here by men

representing that interest. I visited New England last Summer, * * *

when I heard the swelling hum of her Manufactories, and saw those who

only a short time ago worked but a few hands, now working their

thousands, and rolling up their countless wealth, I felt that it was an

unhealthy prosperity. To my mind it presented a wealth wrung from the

labor, the sinews, the bone and muscle of the men who till the soil,

taxed to an illegitimate extent to foster and support that great System

of local wealth. * * * I do not intend to stand idly by and see one

portion of the Country robbed and oppressed for the benefit of another."

And the same day, replying to Mr. Morrill of Vermont, he exclaimed: "Let

him show me that the plethoric, bloated Manufacturers of New England are

paying anything to support the Government, and I will recognize it."

Washburne, of Illinois got back at this part of Mr. Voorhees's speech

rather neatly, by defending the North-west as being "not only willing to

stand taxation" which had been "already imposed, but * * * any

additional taxation which," said he, "may be necessary to crush out this

Rebellion, and to hang the Rebels in the South, and the Rebel

sympathizers in the North." And, he pointedly added: "Complaint has

been made against New England. I know that kind of talk. I have heard

too often that kind of slang about New England. I heard it here for ten

years, when your Barksdales, and your Keitts's, and your other Traitors,

now in arms against the Government, filled these Halls with their

pestilential assaults not only upon New England, but on the Free North

generally."

Kelley of Pennsylvania, however, more fitly characterized the speech of

Voorhees, when he termed it "a pretty, indeed a somewhat striking,

paraphrase of the argument of Mr. Lamar, the Rebel Agent,--[in 1886,

Secretary of the Interior]--to his confreres in Treason, as we find it

in the recently published correspondence: 'Drive gold coin out of the

Country, and induce undue Importation of Foreign products so as to

strike down the Financial System. You can have no further hope for

Foreign recognition. It is evident the weight of arms is against us;

and it is clear that we can only succeed by striking down the Financial

System of the Country.' It was an admirable paraphrase of the

Instructions of Mr. Lamar to the Rebel Agents in the North."

The impression was at this time abroad, and there were not wanting

elements of proof, that certain members of Congress were trusted

Lieutenants of the Arch-copperhead and Outlaw, Vallandigham. Certain it

is, that many of these leaders, six months before, attended and

addressed the great gathering from various parts of the Country, of

nearly one hundred thousand Vallandigham-Anti-War Peace-Democrats, at

Springfield, Illinois--the very home of Abraham Lincoln--which adopted,

during a lull, when they were not yelling themselves hoarse for

Vallandigham, a resolution declaring against "the further offensive

prosecution of the War" as being subversive of the Constitution and

Government, and proposing a National Peace Convention, and, as a

consequence, Peace, "the Union as it was," and, substantially such

Constitutional guarantees as the Rebels might choose to demand! And

this too, at a time (June 13, 1863), when Grant, after many recent

glorious victories, had been laying siege to Vicksburg, and its Rebel

Army of 37,000 men, for nearly a month, with every reason to hope for

its speedy fall.

No wonder that under such circumstances, the news of such a gathering of

the Northern Democratic sympathizers with Treason, and of their adoption

of such treasonable Resolutions, should encourage the Rebels in the same

degree that Union men were disheartened! No wonder that Lee, elated by

this and other evidences of Northern sympathy with Rebellion, at once

determined to commence a second grand invasion of the North, and on the

very next day (June 14th,) moved Northward with all his Rebel hosts to

be welcomed, he fondly hoped, by his Northern friends of Maryland and

elsewhere! As we have seen, it took the bloody Battle of Gettysburg to

undeceive him as to the character of that welcome.

Further than this, Mr. Cox had stumped Ohio, in the succeeding election,

in a desperate effort to make the banished Traitor, Vallandigham--the

Chief Northern commander of the "Knights of the Golden Circle"

(otherwise known as the "Order of the Sons of Liberty," and "O. A. K."

or "Order of American Knights")--Governor of that great State.

[The Rebel General Sterling Price being the chief Southern

commander of this many-named treasonable organization, which in the

North alone numbered over 500,000 men.

August, 1864.--See Report of Judge Advocate Holt on certain "Secret

Associations," in Appendix,]

And it only lacked a few months of the time when quantities of copies of

the treasonable Ritual of the "Order of American Knights"--as well as

correspondence touching the purchase of thousands of Garibaldi rifles

for transportation to the West--were found in the offices of leading

Democrats then in Congress.

When, therefore, it is said, and repeated, that there were not wanting

elements of proof, outside of Congressional utterances and actions, that

leading Democrats in Congress were trusted Lieutenants of the Supreme

Commander of over half a million of Northern Rebel-sympathizers bound

together, and to secrecy, by oaths, which were declared to be paramount

to all other oaths, the violation of which subjected the offender to a

shameful death somewhat like that, of being "hung, drawn, and

quartered," which was inflicted in the middle ages for the crime of

Treason to the Crown--it will be seen that the statement is supported by

circumstantial, if not by positive and direct, evidence.

Whether the Coxes, the Garret Davises, the Saulsburys, the Fernando

Woods, the Alexander Longs, the Allens, the Holmans, and many other

prominent Congressmen of that sort,--were merely in close communion with

these banded "Knights," or were actual members of their secret

organizations, may be an open question. But it is very certain that if

they all were not oath-bound members, they generally pursued the precise

methods of those who were; and that, as a rule, while they often loudly

proclaimed loyalty and love for the Union, they were always ready to act

as if their loyalty and love were for the so-called Confederacy.

Indeed, it was one of these other "loyal" Democrats, who even preceded

Voorhees, in raising the Sectional cry of: The West, against New

England. It was on this same Internal Revenue Bill, that Holman of

Indiana had, the day before Voorhees's attack, said:

"If the Manufacture of the Northwest is to be taxed so heavily, a

corresponding rate of increase must be imposed on the Manufactures of

New England and Pennsylvania, or, will gentlemen tax us without limit

for the benefit of their own Section? * * * I protest against what I

believe is intended to be a discrimination against one Section of the

Country, by increasing the tax three-fold, without a corresponding

increase upon the burdens of other Sections."

But these dreadfully "loyal" Democrats--who did the bidding of

traitorous masters in their Treason to the Union, and thus, while

posturing as "Patriots," "fired upon the rear" of our hard-pressed

Armies--were super-sensitive on this point. And, when they could get

hold of a quiet sort of a man, inclined to peaceful methods of

discussion, how they would, terrier-like, pounce upon him, and extract

from him, if they could, some sort of negative satisfaction!

Thus, for instance, on the 22nd of January, when one of these quiet men

--Morris of New York--was in the midst of an inoffensive speech, Mr. Cox

"bristled up," and blusteringly asked whether he meant to say that he

(Cox) had "ever been the apologist or the defender of a Traitor?"

And Morris not having said so, mildly replied that he did "not so

charge"--all of which little bit of by-play hugely pleased the touchy

Mr. Cox, and his clansmen.

But on the day following, their smiles vanished under the words of

Spalding or Ohio, who, after referring to the crocodile-tears shed by

Democratic Congressmen over the Confiscation Resolution--on the pretense

that it would hunt down "innocent women and children" of the Rebels,

when they had never a word of sympathy for the widows and children of

the two hundred thousand dead soldiers of the Union-continued:

"They can see our poor soldiers return, minus an arm, minus a leg, as

they pass through these lobbies, but their only care is to protect the

property of Rebels. And we are asked by one of my colleagues, (Mr. Cox)

does the gentleman from New York intend to call us Traitors? My friend,

Mr. Morris, modestly answered no! If he had asked that question of me,

he knows what my answer would have been! I have seen Rebel officers at

Johnson's Island, and I have taken them by the hand because they have

fought us fairly in the field and did not seek to break down the

Government while living under its protection. Yes, Sir, that gentleman

knows that I would have said to him that I have more respect for an open

and avowed Traitor in the field, than for a sympathizer in this Hall.

Four months have scarcely gone by since that gentleman and his political

friends were advocating the election of a man for the Gubernatorial

office in my State, who was an open and avowed advocate of Secession--AN

OUTLAW AT THAT!"

And old Thaddeus Stevens--the clear-sighted and courageous "Old

Commoner"--followed up Spalding, and struck very close to the root and

animus of the Democratic opposition, when he exclaimed:

"All this struggle by calm and dignified and moderate 'Patriots;' all

this clamor against 'Radicals;' all this cry of 'the Union as it Was,

and the Constitution as it Is;' is but a persistent effort to

reestablish Slavery, and to rivet anew and forever the chains of Bondage

on the limbs of Immortal beings. May the God of Justice thwart their

designs and paralyze their wicked efforts!"

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