More victims in the month of April were sacrificed upon the altar of
revenge. Colonel John Okey, a distinguished officer in the Commonwealth
Army, who had adopted Republican and Millenarian views; Miles Corbet, a
member of the Long Parliament, and Recorder of Yarmouth, who had been
connected with the Church under the pastoral care of William Bridge,
in that town; and Colonel John Barkstead, who had been knighted by
Cromwell, and had been appointed to a seat in his House of Lords--all
three, after a brief trial, and a merciless sentence, for the part they
had taken in the High Court of Justice, were executed at Tyburn.
A noble victim perished two months afterwards. It has been with Sir
Henry Vane as with Oliver Cromwell: having disliked each other in life,
they have shared a common fate in the judgment of posterity: for,
after years of odium, the names of both are raised to honour. Vane's
Republicanism rendered him impracticable, and his mysticism, although
undeserving the reproaches of Baxter and Burnet, threw a haze over his
speculations, which makes them somewhat unintelligible; but the piety
and genius of his _Meditations_, and the purity and virtue of his life,
render him an object of reverence and love.
[Sidenote: REPUBLICAN VICTIMS.]
He was tried for compassing the death of the King; yet, whatever he
might be in other respects, he was no regicide. The evidence on his
trial only proved that he had held office under the Commonwealth,
that he had been a member of the Council of State in 1651, and had
belonged to the Committee of Safety in 1659. To make the condemnation
and sentence of Vane the more unrighteous, the King, after solemnly
promising to spare the life of the Republican, had written to
Clarendon, saying--Vane "is too dangerous a man to let live, if we can
honestly put him out of the way."
The spirit of the prisoner appears in a letter which he wrote to his
wife. "This dark night, and black shade," he observes, "which God hath
drawn over His work in the midst of us, may be, for aught we know, the
ground colour to some beautiful piece that He is now exposing to the
light." His execution was an ovation. From the crowded tops and windows
of the houses, people expressed their deep sympathy, crying aloud, "The
Lord go with you, the great God of heaven and earth appear in you and
for you;"--signs of popular feeling which sustained the sufferer, who
gratefully acknowledged them, "putting off his hat and bowing." When
asked how he did, he answered, "Never better in all my life;" and on
the scaffold his noble bearing so affected the spectators that they
could scarcely believe "the gentleman in the black suit and cloak, with
a scarlet silk waistcoat (the victorious colour) showing itself at
the breast, was the prisoner." Frequent interruptions from the sound
of drums drowned his voice, which, as Burnet says, was "a new and
very indecent practice." The officers, as they put their hands in his
pockets, searching for papers, exasperated the populace, whilst Vane's
calmness led a Royalist present to say, "he died like a prince." Before
receiving the last stroke, he exclaimed, "I bless the Lord, who hath
accounted me worthy to suffer for His name. Blessed be the Lord, that
I have kept a conscience void of offence to this day. I bless the Lord
I have not deserted the righteous cause for which I suffer."--"Father,
glorify Thy servant in the sight of men, that he may glorify Thee in
the discharge of his duty to Thee and to his country." One blow did the
work. "It was generally thought," remarks Burnet, "the Government had
lost more than it had gained by his death." Pepys declares the people
counted his constancy "a miracle;" adding, "The King lost more by that
man's death than he will get again for a good while."[347]
[Sidenote: 1662.]
Thus fell one of the triumvirate described in a former volume--thus
fell the noblest mystic of the age, next to George Fox--thus was
devoted to death in the Temple of Expediency, one who had never bowed
at the shrine of that heathen goddess, but had always fervently
worshipped in the Temple of Christian Virtue. Whatever his enemies
might do with his body, they could not prevent his pure soul from
entering that adjacent Temple of Honour, on the walls of which his name
is inscribed for evermore.
Some of the regicides escaped with their lives. Well known is the story
of Edmund Ludlow--how he fled at the Restoration, and went to Geneva,
and settled at Vevay; how he came back to England at the period of
the Revolution, and set sail for Ireland to assist William III. at
the siege of Londonderry, and was compelled to return because that
prince would not allow in his fleet, the presence of one who had been
implicated in his grandfather's execution.[348] But history tells
of another regicide, less known to fame--whose fortunes were less
happy, and more wonderful. Edward Whalley figured amongst Cromwell's
Major-Generals, and was so considerable a person that Richard Baxter
dedicated to him a controversial work, entitled _The Apology_, in which
he says, "Think not that your greatest trials are all over. Prosperity
hath its peculiar temptations, by which it hath foiled many that stood
unshaken in the storms of adversity. The tempter, who hath had you on
the waves, will now assault you in the calm, and hath his last game
to play on the mountain till nature cause you to descend. Stand this
charge, and you win the day."[349]
[Sidenote: REPUBLICAN VICTIMS.]
The Divine little apprehended the fate awaiting the soldier. A few days
before Charles' return, Whalley, with his son-in-law, Major-General
Gough,--who had stood together by Oliver Cromwell's death-bed,--sailed
for America. Landing at Boston, they were protected by the Governor,
until scented out by the Royalists of Barbadoes, they were forced to
renew their flight. Settled at Newhaven, the minister of the place,
named Davenport, pleaded for their security in a sermon from the
ingeniously selected words: "Let mine outcasts dwell with thee,--be
thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler."[350] Rewards
were offered for the fugitives, and this minister was threatened for
his advocacy on their behalf, but he continued to harbour them in his
neighbourhood, where they abode in a cave on the top of a rock, to
which was given the name of _Providence_. This kind of life they spent
for two or three years, when they removed to Hadley, and there, under
the protection of another minister, spent sixteen years more of alarm,
privation, and sorrow. The people in these parts were at war with the
famous Indian Chief, Philip of Pokanoket, who with his tribe one day
surrounded the little town at an hour when the inhabitants were engaged
in public worship. Although the people always carried arms, even at
church, on this occasion the sudden assault filled them with fear,
and, for once unmanned, they would have probably fallen into the hands
of their foes, had not a strange person, in peculiar attire, and of
commanding presence, put himself at their head, skilfully marshalling
the little band, with the words and authority of a general. It was
as when the Romans fought under the leadership of the twin brethren;
and the unknown visitant and deliverer proved to be no other than
Gough, who had learned the arts of war under Oliver Cromwell. He
survived his father-in-law Whalley, who died in the year of the English
Revolution.[351]
[Sidenote: 1662.]
The revised edition of the Prayer Book was not ready until the 6th of
August. Then appeared an advertisement announcing that books in folio
were provided for all churches and chapels; the price of each being six
shillings, ready bound. Printed copies, examined and corrected, were
certified under the Great Seal, and the Deans and Chapters of cathedral
and collegiate churches were required to obtain one of these books
annexed to a copy of the Act, before the 25th of December. A similar
copy was to be delivered to the Courts at Westminster, to be placed
amongst the Records in the Tower of London.[352]
[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE ACT.]
In those days, when editions were not thrown off in thousands by a
steam press, and there was no book post to convey parcels in one night
to the Land's End, it was slow work to multiply and circulate copies.
Some clergymen, therefore, could not get sight of the alterations
before St. Bartholomew's Day.
It showed indecent haste to date the time for decision so early as the
24th of August; or it showed indecent delay, not to issue the Book
until within three weeks before. It has been asserted that few parishes
received it till a fortnight after the period prescribed, and Burnet
says that he was informed by some of the Bishops, that many clergymen
subscribed before they had seen the volume.[353] One, in the diocese
of Lincoln, pleaded as a proof of the injustice of his being silenced,
that he had never had an opportunity of reading what he was required to
adopt; and he adds, that this was the case with many more. A clergyman,
named Steel, in his farewell sermon, at Hanmer, in Flintshire, declared
"he was silenced and turned out, for not declaring his unfeigned assent
and consent to a Book which he never saw or could see."[354] Certainly
the Book ought to have been in every rectory and vicarage a month or
two previously to the day of ejection; yet, it must be acknowledged,
too much was made of the difficulty at the time, and too much has been
made of it since; for the fifth clause of the Act distinctly provides
for lawful impediments "to be allowed and approved of by the Ordinary
of the place."[355] Upon this clause we have a practical commentary in
a paper issued by the Bishop of Peterborough, expressly providing for
such cases.[356]
[Sidenote: 1662.]
The Bishop very properly treated as a lawful impediment, inability to
examine the Book: and in the following year, as we shall see, an Act
passed for the relief of such persons as were disabled from declaring
conformity. Wherever and whenever a prelate felt so disposed, he could
make allowance for such inability; nevertheless, the fact remains,
that it rested entirely with him to determine what was a _lawful
impediment_, and to allow or not, the force of scruples, according to
his own personal pleasure; if the Diocesan chose to decide against
the Incumbent, the patron might at once present another person to the
living.
Richard Baxter made up his mind to leave the Establishment within a
week of the time when the Act of Uniformity received the Royal assent.
He preached on the 25th of May, and then gave as reasons for his early
silence, that he considered the Act at once put an end to the liberty
of his lecturing in parish churches, and that he wished his brethren to
understand he had fully made up his mind not to conform. He thought if
he "stayed to the last day," some might be led to suppose he meant to
submit, and so might be drawn into an imitation of his supposed example.
[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE ACT.]
Baxter's course in this respect was peculiar. The Presbyterians
generally remained in the Church, as long as they could, although
they had quite made up their minds as to what they should do when
the decisive feast of St. Bartholomew arrived. Philip Henry spent
days of prayer for Divine direction, and sought advice from friends
at Oxford and Chester. He objected to be ordained, and could not,
after being a Presbyter for years, declare himself moved by the Holy
Ghost to take upon himself the office of Deacon. The difficulty in
his case was increased by the demand of Hall, Bishop of Chester, that
the Presbyterians whom he ordained should explicitly repudiate their
previous orders.[357] Henry could not give his assent and consent to
things in the Prayer Book which to him were not true. He felt the force
of the exceptions taken at the Savoy Conference, and did not believe
in the power of any company of men to impose a yoke of ceremonial
law upon the necks of their brethren. He disapproved of kneeling at
the Lord's table as a practice unwarranted by Scripture; unsuited to
the celebration of a supper; "grossly abused even to idolatry;" the
imposition of which was a violation of Christian liberty. He objected
particularly to kneeling at the rails, as smelling "rank of Popish
superstition:" the indiscriminate Communion of the Episcopalian Church
he could not reconcile with his notions of discipline; and, though
he had never taken the Covenant, he would not condemn those who had
done so. He approved of Archbishop Ussher's scheme of Episcopacy;
and "thought it lawful to join in the Common Prayer in public
assemblies, and practised accordingly, and endeavoured to satisfy
others concerning it."[358] It is curious to learn that he believed
his views of spiritual religion formed the basis of his objections to
conformity: and that when Dr. Busby, to whom as his friend, he owed his
deep evangelic convictions, said once, "Prythee child, what made thee a
Nonconformist?" Henry replied to his much-loved schoolmaster, "Truly,
sir, you made me one; for you taught me those things that hindered me
from conforming."[359]
[Sidenote: 1662.]
In the mind of Philip Henry there existed a strong disposition to
conform, and the case was the same with Joseph Alleine, and others.
Many, who had been episcopally ordained, were prepared to do everything
required, except one thing--giving an unfeigned assent and consent to
all the contents of the Prayer Book.[360]
John Howe felt more difficulties than one; he had not received
Episcopal orders, but had been ordained at Winwick, in Lancashire, by
the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery; on which account, he
used to say, that few had so primitive an ordination as himself. After
the Act had passed, Dr. Wilkins expressed his surprise that _a man of
Howe's latitude_ should have stood out; to which he replied, that he
would gladly have remained in the Establishment, but his _latitude_
was the very thing that made him and kept him a Nonconformist. He
said also, "that he could not by any means he fond of a Church, that
in reality had no discipline at all, and that he thought that a very
considerable objection against the Establishment." In these respects
his difficulties were similar to those of Philip Henry. On another
occasion, when asked by Seth Ward, then Bishop of Exeter, "Pray, sir,
what hurt is there in being _twice_ ordained?" he replied, "Hurt, my
lord,--it hurts my understanding; the thought is shocking; it is an
absurdity, since nothing can have two beginnings."[361]
[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE ACT.]
We can enter into the struggles which agitated the clergy during the
three months before St. Bartholomew's Day. As the corn ripened, and
the country Rector sat with his wife in their little parlour,--as
they looked out of the latticed window on the children chasing the
butterflies in the garden, or picking up daisies on the glebe,--there
came the alternative--"we _must_ conform, or leave all this next
August;" and, as that necessity stared the Incumbent in the face, it
would require, in some cases, a woman's quieter fortitude to reinforce
a man's louder resolve.[362] Nor can it be denied, that means of
usefulness to some had brighter attractions than home comforts; and
that it proved the hardest wrench of all to break the bond between
the Christian shepherd and his flock. These men had hearts as well as
heads; but in the conflict the victory came from their judgments, not
their affections. I remember visiting Scotland more than a quarter of
a century ago, just on the eve of the great disruption, and spending
an evening at a pleasant manse inhabited by an able minister and his
accomplished wife, both of whom were pondering the question of "going
out," or "remaining in;" and never can I forget the look of anguish
with which they alluded to the impending crisis. The memory of that
visit brings vividly to mind many an English parsonage in the year 1662.
[Sidenote: 1662.]
It required much effort in the minds of Puritan clergymen to brace
themselves up to meet what was at hand. One prepared for the crisis by
preaching to his congregation four successive Sundays from words to
the Hebrews: "Ye took joyfully the spoiling of your goods, knowing in
yourselves that ye have in heaven a better and an enduring substance."
Another, who had a wife and ten children--"eleven strong arguments,"
so he said, for conformity--remarked, that his family must live on the
6th of Matthew, "Take no thought for your life, what ye shall eat, or
what ye shall drink; nor yet for your body, what ye shall put on." A
third, when asked what he would do with his family, replied, "Should I
have as many children as that hen has chickens," pointing to one with a
numerous brood, "I should not question but God would provide for them
all."[363]
Several of the ministers conferred or corresponded with each other.
A few came to London to know the opinions of their brethren. Letters
passed to and fro as fast as the post could carry them; and sheets
full of arguments, questions, replies, and rejoinders, were conveyed
from place to place. Stories respecting the treatment of Presbyterian
Chaplains, the conduct of the Bishops at the Savoy, the debates in
Convocation, and the speeches in Parliament, Sheldon's management,
and Clarendon's policy, would be freely told, not always with perfect
accuracy. Ministers conversed with Presbyterian Peers, and other
patrons; and, it is said, that one of the former being asked by
one of the latter whether he would conform, answered, "That such
things were required and enjoined as he could not swallow," and
he was "necessitated to march off, and sound a retreat;" whereupon
His Lordship added, with a sigh, "I wish it had been otherwise;
but they were resolved either to reproach you, or undo you."[364]
With conference and correspondence there existed no organized
confederation; each took his own ground, and pursued his own course.
Many a village Vicar stood alone, and his conduct proceeded from
individual conscientiousness. The ejected had nothing to strengthen and
animate them, like the understanding which preceded the disruption in
Scotland--nothing like the popular applause that welcomed it--nothing
like the _éclat_ of the public procession from the House of Assembly
in the City of Edinburgh; no ovation soothed the cast-out. The feast
of St. Bartholomew became a fast; as in the Valley of Megiddon, so in
Puritan England, "The land mourned, every family apart."
[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE ACT.]
As August approached, reports of disaffection increased in gravity.
In July, an idea was current that Cromwell's soldiers were waiting
to learn what the Presbyterians would do, being themselves ready to
rekindle the flames of revolution. From various parts of the country
came news of refractory trained bands, of gunsmiths preparing arms,
and of ministers talking treason. Rumour declared there was to be a
general rising in a few weeks. At all events, within two years of the
Restoration, the joy of seeing a crowned head once more, had given
way. People began, not only to ask what advantage had accrued from the
King's return, but they also began to institute comparisons between
the Long Parliament and that which was now sitting. De Wiquefort,
the Dutch Minister, in a despatch dated the 14th of May, informed
his Government, that the chimney tax could not be levied without much
trouble, and that Parliament, _which had been the idol of the nation,
was now sinking in popular respect_.[365]
[Sidenote: 1662.]
Several sources of discontent can be pointed out. The licentiousness
and extravagance of the Court were passing all bounds; even such of
the Cavaliers as combined with their hatred of Puritan precision,
some regard for outward decency, were shocked at the stories of the
mad revelries and shameless debauchery of Whitehall; many individuals
had been beggared in the Royal service, and now they saw themselves
totally neglected by the Prince in whose cause they had sacrificed
their property and shed their blood. To replenish an empty exchequer,
the Government effected the sale of Dunkirk--a town which had been
won by the valour of Cromwell. It wounded the national honour, and
roused popular indignation, to see the keys of that fortress put into
the hands of Louis XIV. for a sum of money; and also to see Tangier,
a useless possession, part of the dowry of Queen Catherine, carefully
preserved at a large cost. To add to the trouble, Popery was said to
be on the increase, especially through proceedings at Somerset House,
where the Queen Mother Henrietta kept her Court, gathered round her the
English Roman Catholics, and encouraged the intrigues of Jesuits and
priests.
Charles and his Council did not learn the whole truth, they only caught
glimpses of some wild phantasmagoria, with the great Gorgon-head of
insurrection in the midst of all; and, therefore, instead of striving
to see what could be done to re-establish confidence, he and his
Ministers set to work to demolish fortifications at Northampton,
at Gloucester, and at other places, and to issue instructions to
Lieutenants of Counties to take precautions against rebellion.[366]
[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE ACT.]
[Sidenote: 1662.]
Numbers of political papers and tracts appeared expressing uneasiness.
Much authority cannot be attached to such a random writer as Roger
L'Estrange; but when he states that not so few as 200,000 copies of
seditious works had been printed "since the blessed return of his
sacred Majesty," and that to these were to be added new editions of
old ones to the amount of millions more,[367] we are justified in
believing that the printers were kept very busy by people of the kind
so much detested by this pamphleteer, nor do I doubt that, as he
says, the publications "were contrived and penned with accurate care
and cunning to catch all humours." On the other side, the Church and
State party did not sit with folded hands--Roger's own fiery pen being
unceasingly employed in the laudation of King, Church, and Bishops, and
in vilifying Roundheads, Republicans, and all Sectaries. Some authors
mingled in the _mêlée_ after a very equivocal fashion, drawing "a
parallel betwixt the ancient and the modern fanatics," so as to place
in company with Anabaptists, Quakers, and Independents, not only the
Lollards, but even Hugh Latimer--thus striking a blow at Nonconformity
through the side of the Reformation.[368] Much more effective than
abuse and satire, were papers, printed ready for Bartholomew's Day,
giving "a brief martyrology and catalogue of the learned, grave,
religious, and painful ministers of the City of London, who were
deprived, imprisoned, and plundered, during the Commonwealth." The
persecution of the Episcopalians afforded a strong point against the
Nonconformists, especially before it could be met by a long list of
ejected Nonconformists. Names of Episcopalians said to have been
reviled, and forced to resign, and "compelled to fly"--"violated,
assaulted, abused in the streets," and imprisoned in "the Compter,
Ely House, Newgate, and the ships"--furnished so many arguments for
severe measures against those who were charged with these indefensible
persecutions.