The King's conferences with the great financier were most confidential,

and Sully was as secret as the grave. But Henry never could keep a

secret even when it concerned his most important interests, and nothing

would serve him but he must often babble of his great projects even to

their minutest details in presence of courtiers and counsellors whom in

his heart he knew to be devoted to Spain and in receipt of pensions from

her king. He would boast to them of the blows by which he meant to

demolish Spain and the whole house of Austria, so that there should be

no longer danger to be feared from that source to the tranquillity and

happiness of Europe, and he would do this so openly and in presence of

those who, as he knew, were perpetually setting traps for him and

endeavouring to discover his deepest secrets as to make Sully's hair

stand on end. The faithful minister would pluck his master by the cloak

at times, and the King, with the adroitness which never forsook him when

he chose to employ it, would contrive to extricate himself from a dilemma

and pause at the brink of tremendous disclosures.--[Memoires de Sully,

t. vii. p. 324.]--But Sully could not be always at his side, nor were

the Nuncius or Don Inigo de Cardenas or their confidential agents and

spies always absent. Enough was known of the general plan, while as to

the probability of its coming into immediate execution, perhaps the

enemies of the King were often not more puzzled than his friends.

But what the Spanish ambassador did not know, nor the Nuncius, nor even

the friendly Aerssens, was the vast amount of supplies which had been

prepared for the coming conflict by the finance minister. Henry did not

know it himself. "The war will turn on France as on a pivot," said

Sully; "it remains to be seen if we have supplies and money enough.

I will engage if the war is not to last more than three years and you

require no more than 40,000 men at a time that I will show you munitions

and ammunition and artillery and the like to such an extent that you will

say, 'It is enough.'

"As to money--"

"How much money have I got?" asked the King; "a dozen millions?"

"A little more than that," answered the Minister.

"Fourteen millions?"

"More still."

"Sixteen?" continued the King.

"More yet," said Sully.

And so the King went on adding two millions at each question until thirty

millions were reached, and when the question as to this sum was likewise

answered in the affirmative, he jumped from his chair, hugged his

minister around the neck, and kissed him on both cheeks.

"I want no more than that," he cried.

Sully answered by assuring him that he had prepared a report showing a

reserve of forty millions on which he might draw for his war expenses,

without in the least degree infringing on the regular budget for ordinary

expenses.

The King was in a transport of delight, and would have been capable of

telling the story on the spot to the Nuncius had he met him that

afternoon, which fortunately did not occur.

But of all men in Europe after the faithful Sully, Henry most desired to

see and confer daily and secretly with Barneveld. He insisted vehemently

that, neglecting all other business, he should come forthwith to Paris at

the head of the special embassy which it had been agreed that the States

should send. No living statesman, he said, could compare to Holland's

Advocate in sagacity, insight, breadth of view, knowledge of mankind and

of great affairs, and none he knew was more sincerely attached to his

person or felt more keenly the value of the French alliance.

With him he indeed communicated almost daily through the medium of

Aerssens, who was in constant receipt of most elaborate instructions

from Barneveld, but he wished to confer with him face to face, so that

there would be no necessity of delay in sending back for instructions,

limitations, and explanation. No man knew better than the King did that

so far as foreign affairs were concerned the States-General were simply

Barneveld.

On the 22nd January the States' ambassador had a long and secret

interview with the King.' He informed him that the Prince of Anhalt had

been assured by Barneveld that the possessory princes would be fully

supported in their position by the States, and that the special deputies

of Archduke Albert, whose presence at the Hague made Henry uneasy, as he

regarded them as perpetual spies, had been dismissed. Henry expressed

his gratification. They are there, he said, entirely in the interest of

Leopold, who has just received 500,000 crowns from the King of Spain, and

is to have that sum annually, and they are only sent to watch all your

proceedings in regard to Cleve.

The King then fervently pressed the Ambassador to urge Barneveld's coming

to Paris with the least possible delay. He signified his delight with

Barneveld's answer to Anhalt, who thus fortified would be able to do good

service at the assembly at Hall. He had expected nothing else from

Barneveld's sagacity, from his appreciation of the needs of Christendom,

and from his affection for himself. He told the Ambassador that he was

anxiously waiting for the Advocate in order to consult with him as to all

the details of the war. The affair of Cleve, he said, was too special a

cause. A more universal one was wanted. The King preferred to begin

with Luxemburg, attacking Charlemont or Namur, while the States ought at

the same time to besiege Venlo, with the intention afterwards of uniting

with the King in laying siege to Maestricht.

He was strong enough, he said, against all the world, but he still

preferred to invite all princes interested to join him in putting down

the ambitious and growing power of Spain. Cleve was a plausible pretext,

but the true cause, he said, should be found in the general safety of

Christendom.

Boississe had been sent to the German princes to ascertain whether and to

what extent they would assist the King. He supposed that once they found

him engaged in actual warfare in Luxemburg, they would get rid of their

jealousy and panic fears of him and his designs. He expected them to

furnish at least as large a force as he would supply as a contingent.

For it was understood that Anhalt as generalissimo of the German forces

would command a certain contingent of French troops, while the main army

of the King would be led by himself in person.

Henry expressed the conviction that the King of Spain would be taken by

surprise finding himself attacked in three places and by three armies at

once, he believing that the King of France was entirely devoted to his

pleasures and altogether too old for warlike pursuits, while the States,

just emerging from the misery of their long and cruel conflict, would be

surely unwilling to plunge headlong into a great and bloody war.

Henry inferred this, he said, from observing the rude and brutal manner

in which the soldiers in the Spanish Netherlands were now treated. It

seemed, he said, as if the Archdukes thought they had no further need of

them, or as if a stamp of the foot could raise new armies out of the

earth. "My design," continued the King, "is the more likely to succeed

as the King of Spain, being a mere gosling and a valet of the Duke of

Lerma, will find himself stripped of all his resources and at his wits'

end; unexpectedly embarrassed as he will be on the Italian side, where we

shall be threatening to cut the jugular vein of his pretended universal

monarchy."

He intimated that there was no great cause for anxiety in regard to the

Catholic League just formed at Wurzburg. He doubted whether the King of

Spain would join it, and he had learned that the Elector of Cologne was

making very little progress in obtaining the Emperor's adhesion. As to

this point the King had probably not yet thoroughly understood that the

Bavarian League was intended to keep clear of the House of Habsburg,

Maximilian not being willing to identify the success of German

Catholicism with the fortunes of that family.

Henry expressed the opinion that the King of Spain, that is to say, his

counsellors, meant to make use of the Emperor's name while securing all

the profit, and that Rudolph quite understood their game, while Matthias

was sure to make use of this opportunity, supported by the Protestants of

Bohemia, Austria, and Moravia, to strip the Emperor of the last shred of

Empire.

The King was anxious that the States should send a special embassy at

once to the King of Great Britain. His ambassador, de la Boderie, gave

little encouragement of assistance from that quarter, but it was at least

desirable to secure his neutrality. "'Tis a prince too much devoted to

repose," said Henry, "to be likely to help in this war, but at least he

must not be allowed to traverse our great designs. He will probably

refuse the league offensive and defensive which I have proposed to him,

but he must be got, if possible, to pledge himself to the defensive. I

mean to assemble my army on the frontier, as if to move upon Julich, and

then suddenly sweep down on the Meuse, where, sustained by the States'

army and that of the princes, I will strike my blows and finish my

enterprise before our adversary has got wind of what is coming. We must

embark James in the enterprise if we can, but at any rate we must take

measures to prevent his spoiling it."

Henry assured the Envoy that no one would know anything of the great

undertaking but by its effect; that no one could possibly talk about it

with any knowledge except himself, Sully, Villeroy, Barneveld, and

Aerssens. With them alone he conferred confidentially, and he doubted

not that the States would embrace this opportunity to have done for ever

with the Spaniards. He should take the field in person, he said, and

with several powerful armies would sweep the enemy away from the Meuse,

and after obtaining control of that river would quietly take possession

of the sea-coast of Flanders, shut up Archduke Albert between the States

and the French, who would thus join hands and unite their frontiers.

Again the King expressed his anxiety for Barneveld's coming, and directed

the Ambassador to urge it, and to communicate to him the conversation

which had just taken place. He much preferred, he said, a general war.

He expressed doubts as to the Prince of Anhalt's capacity as chief in the

Cleve expedition, and confessed that being jealous of his own reputation

he did not like to commit his contingent of troops to the care of a

stranger and one so new to his trade. The shame would fall on himself,

not on Anhalt in case of any disaster. Therefore, to avoid all petty

jealousies and inconveniences of that nature by which the enterprise

might be ruined, it was best to make out of this small affair a great

one, and the King signified his hope that the Advocate would take this

view of the case and give him his support. He had plenty of grounds of

war himself, and the States had as good cause of hostilities in the

rupture of the truce by the usurpation attempted by Leopold with the

assistance of Spain and in the name of the Emperor. He hoped, he said,

that the States would receive no more deputations from Archduke Albert,

but decide to settle everything at the point of the sword. The moment

was propitious, and, if neglected, might never return. Marquis Spinola

was about to make a journey to Spain on various matters of business. On

his return, Henry said, he meant to make him prisoner as a hostage for

the Prince of Conde, whom the Archdukes were harbouring and detaining.

This would be the pretext, he said, but the object would be to deprive

the Archdukes of any military chief, and thus to throw them into utter

confusion. Count van den Berg would never submit to the authority of Don

Luis de Velasco, nor Velasco to his, and not a man could come from Spain

or Italy, for the passages would all be controlled by France.

Fortunately for the King's reputation, Spinola's journey was deferred,

so that this notable plan for disposing of the great captain fell to the

ground.

Henry agreed to leave the two French regiments and the two companies of

cavalry in the States' service as usual, but stipulated in certain

contingencies for their use.

Passing to another matter concerning which there had been so much

jealousy on the part of the States, the formation of the French East

India Company--to organize which undertaking Le Roy and Isaac Le Maire

of Amsterdam had been living disguised in the house of Henry's famous

companion, the financier Zamet at Paris--the King said that Barneveld

ought not to envy him a participation in the great profits of this

business.

Nothing would be done without consulting him after his arrival in Paris.

He would discuss the matter privately with him, he said, knowing that

Barneveld was a great personage, but however obstinate he might be, he

felt sure that he would always yield to reason. On the other hand the

King expressed his willingness to submit to the Advocate's opinions if

they should seem the more just.

On leaving the King the Ambassador had an interview with Sully, who again

expressed his great anxiety for the arrival of Barneveld, and his hopes

that he might come with unlimited powers, so that the great secret might

not leak out through constant referring of matters back to the Provinces.

After rendering to the Advocate a detailed account of this remarkable

conversation, Aerssens concluded with an intimation that perhaps his own

opinion might be desired as to the meaning of all those movements

developing themselves so suddenly and on so many sides.

"I will say," he observed, "exactly what the poet sings of the army of

ants--

'Hi motus animorum atque haec certamina tanta

Pulveris exigui jactu contacts quiescunt.'

If the Prince of Conde comes back, we shall be more plausible than ever.

If he does not come back, perhaps the consideration of the future will

sweep us onwards. All have their special views, and M. de Villeroy more

warmly than all the rest."

ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

Abstinence from inquisition into consciences and private parlour

Allowed the demon of religious hatred to enter into its body

Behead, torture, burn alive, and bury alive all heretics

Christian sympathy and a small assistance not being sufficient

Contained within itself the germs of a larger liberty

Could not be both judge and party in the suit

Covered now with the satirical dust of centuries

Deadly hatred of Puritans in England and Holland

Doctrine of predestination in its sternest and strictest sense

Emperor of Japan addressed him as his brother monarch

Estimating his character and judging his judges

Everybody should mind his own business

He was a sincere bigot

Impatience is often on the part of the non-combatants

Intense bigotry of conviction

International friendship, the self-interest of each

It was the true religion, and there was none other

James of England, who admired, envied, and hated Henry

Jealousy, that potent principle

Language which is ever living because it is dead

More fiercely opposed to each other than to Papists

None but God to compel me to say more than I choose to say

Power the poison of which it is so difficult to resist

Presents of considerable sums of money to the negotiators made

Princes show what they have in them at twenty-five or never

Putting the cart before the oxen

Religious toleration, which is a phrase of insult

Secure the prizes of war without the troubles and dangers

Senectus edam maorbus est

So much in advance of his time as to favor religious equality

The Catholic League and the Protestant Union

The truth in shortest about matters of importance

The vehicle is often prized more than the freight

There was but one king in Europe, Henry the Bearnese

There was no use in holding language of authority to him

Thirty Years' War tread on the heels of the forty years

Unimaginable outrage as the most legitimate industry

Wish to appear learned in matters of which they are ignorant

Life and Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland : with a view of the primary causes and movements of the Thirty Years' War, 1609-10 · 第 8 / 8 段