here I proposed to start another establishment, so had made all
preparations at Ibuno for that purpose, and left the latter place with
my boat, people, provisions and materials. We arrived at Okot overnight,
intending to sleep there, as it was the nearest beach to Okon. All went
well until the next morning, when we were preparing to start. My factory
keeper at Okot came to me in the most serious manner possible, wanting
to know if I really meant going to Okon. I said "Certainly, we have come
up for the purpose." "Well," he said, "I think you had better not go;
there are very nasty rumours about here that it is intended to do you
some harm if you should attempt to open up at Okon; in other words, men
have been appointed to take your life." "All right," I said; "we must
take our chance; we shall not turn back until we have tried." So away we
went, I in a small boat with a few boys, the others in another boat with
the etceteras. We arrived at Okon and landed our goods, but we found a
number of Ja Ja's people had arrived before us. I took no notice of them
any more than passing the time of day. However, I must confess I did not
like their demeanour. Nothing was said and our provisions were safely
housed in a native shanty. Here I intended to remain while building our
own house. The timber, iron and other goods were placed on the spot we
intended to occupy. This done, I started off with a couple of boys to
acquaint the king and the people of the village of our arrival, and to
get the king or some of his chiefs to come down and allot me the land I
required. We had been in the village some little time, and matters were
well-nigh settled, when all at once there was a general stampede from
the meeting house, and just at that moment I heard a regular fusilade of
guns, and in came running one of my people from the beach, nearly
frightened to death. "Massa, massa, come quick to the beach; Ja Ja's men
have burnt down the house and want to shoot us all, and all our goods
are in their hands." By this time a lot of Ja Ja's men were in the
village, and I was left absolutely alone with the exception of my own
boys and the one that had run up from the beach. Every native had rushed
to his compound as soon as the firing had commenced. I turned to my
boys, told them not to fire, but to keep cool, do as I told them, and be
ready to protect themselves if any one attacked them, not else. So down
we slowly walked to the beach. Here was a sight for me! All my goods
thrown to the four winds, my house burnt to the ground, and about a
hundred or more of Ja Ja's or Opobo men arranged up in line, every man
with his rifle and cutlass, ready to fight, which they evidently
anticipated I should do as soon as I appeared on the scene; but this I
had no intention of doing. To attempt to show fight against such odds
would have been simply suicidal, so I made up my mind to show the best
front possible under the circumstances, called my boys, placed them in
equal numbers on either side of me, with our backs to the bush and
facing our would-be enemies. I then inquired what they wished to do.
Drawing my revolver, which was a six chambered one, I held it up. "If
you want my life you may have it, but, FIRST, _let me tell you, inside
this small gun I hold six men's lives; those six men I_ WILL _have_,
then you may have me." Not a word was uttered. Then I said, "If you do
not want that, I and my people will leave you here in possession of
these goods and the house that you have already partly destroyed." With
this I ordered my boys to the boats, to which we went quietly and in
order, leaving our Opobo friends dumbfounded and baulked of the main
object of their mission.
When we had got well clear of the beach I was thankful indeed, for never
was a man nearer death than I was at that time, I think. We went down to
Ibuno as fast as our boats could go, our boys singing as Kroo boys can
sing when they feel themselves free from danger. I only stayed a few
hours at Ibuno. As soon as the tide served I made right away to Old
Calabar to lay the whole affair before H.M. Consul. After this I felt I
had done my duty in the matter of the Opobo business. The affair was, of
course, settled against the Opobos, and they had to leave the Okon beach
to us absolutely.
I must not deal with the rough side only of pioneer life in West Africa,
so I think I will just touch upon one of the many kindnesses shown to me
by the Ibunos during these troublous times. The Qua Iboe bar, like many
others along the coast, more so in this particular part, is very
treacherous, being composed of quicksand. It is always on the move, so
the channel changes from place to place. Sometimes you go in and out at
one side, sometimes at the other, and sometimes straight through the
centre. These moving sands require a great deal of careful watching and
constant surveying, which I used to invariably see to and do myself
about once a fortnight. While out on this work one day, with four boys
and Mr. Williams, who at that time had a small establishment at Ibuno,
and was as anxious as I was to know the true position of the channel, we
were both working small sailing craft--we had not risen to a steamer
then--(now there is, and has been for a considerable time, one working
the same river), and started off, the weather being fairly fine, and to
all appearances the sea very quiet. All went well with us going out. I
got soundings right through the channel, and after passing safely we
turned our boat about to come back into the river again. Along we came
until we got right into the centre of the bar, then suddenly a sea took
us, and before any one could speak the boat was over. We were under
water and the boat on top of us. Being a good swimmer, I was not afraid,
but immediately dived down and came up alongside the boat. My boys were
round me like a swarm of fish, not knowing whether I could swim or not.
I soon put their minds at rest and told them not to trouble about me,
but to get everything together belonging to the boat and get her
righted. This done, "Now," I said, "if you will all keep your heads and
do as you are told, we shall get the boat and ourselves through all
right." So we divided, three on one side, three on the other, and swam
with the boat until we reached the beach, which was about a mile and a
half distant, and I can tell you took us some considerable time. Before
we landed we had been something like three hours in the water, which is
no small matter anywhere, much less in West Africa, where one is not
always in the best of condition. Mr. Williams got very frightened and, I
think, was in doubt once or twice as to whether we should reach the
shore; but we did, and were truly thankful, and although we did not
openly show it, we gave none the less hearty thanks from our inmost
hearts. After landing we righted our boat and paddled off up river to
our factory. Here we arrived before any of the natives knew what had
happened. Our boys soon put the news about, as they felt they had had a
marvellous escape. Mr. Williams and I drank as much brandy as we could
manage, then I jumped into bed and remained until the next morning. I
believe he did the same too. At daylight I awoke and felt, to my
surprise, as well as I ever felt in my life. Being so long in the water,
I fully anticipated a severe attack of fever next day, but it wasn't so,
and I was about my business as though nothing had happened. I don't
think I should have thought any more about it had not the Ibunos so
forcibly reminded me of the danger we really had passed through. After
having so many narrow escapes this one appeared to pass as a matter of
ordinary occurrence. Not so to them; the afternoon of the day after the
accident, while I was out about the work, I saw an unusual number of
natives going to the house, each little contingent carrying baskets of
yams and fish. I had not long to wait before one of my boys came to tell
me the Ibuno people wished to speak with me at the house. I went to them
at once. Here was my dining room full of natives, and in the centre a
pile of yams two or three feet high, and fish, the very finest that had
been caught that day, as well as some very beautiful dried fish, enough
to last me and my people, I should think, a month or more. This sight
took me rather by surprise, not quite knowing what was about to take
place. I took the chair which was placed for me and waited. All being
quiet, one of the chiefs rose up and said, "We know you are somewhat
surprised to see all us villagers here to-day, and also the food we
have brought with us which is now in front of you, but we have come to
tell you how sorry we all were, men, women and children throughout our
villages, when we heard you had been thrown into the sea, and all had
such a narrow escape of losing your lives. We are all the more sorry to
think that not one of our people were able to render you the slightest
assistance. Had we seen you or known what was taking place every canoe
would have come to your aid, but we did not, and while we were sitting
comfortably in our houses you were struggling in the water. To us this
has been a grief, and to show you how thankful we are to think you have
been preserved to us through this danger and many others, we have
brought for your acceptance the best we can offer you. We are but poor,
as you know, but these gifts come from our hearts as a present to you
and a thank-offering to our Father in Heaven who has been pleased to
restore you to us unhurt. We are, we must tell you, thankful in more
ways than one for your deliverance, because had you been lost our great
enemy Ja Ja would at once have said his Ju Ju had worked that it should
be so." With this he sat down.
For me to attempt to express what I felt at that moment would be
impossible; I must say I felt a very unpleasant feeling in my throat,
and I don't know but that some of the water I had had too much of the
day before was having a good try to assert itself. If it had, it was not
to be wondered at; for any one would have to have been hard indeed if
such kindness did not touch them; even the strongest of us are bound
sometimes to give way for a moment. I did not attempt to hide from them
the fulness of my heart, and the gratitude I felt for such kindness,
where I least expected it. I told them I had not thought much of the
accident, but I was thankful to think my life and my people had been
spared, and I only hoped I should live to show them how their great
kindness would ever be remembered by me, and would not be forgotten as
long as life lasted. After general thanks our meeting broke up and
ended, but has never been forgotten.
After we had got fairly well established and our trade began to develop
itself, our firm at Liverpool chartered a small brig, with a general
cargo of goods for us, which in due time I was notified of. Now this was
a great event, not only for us, but for the river, as this would be the
first sailing ship that had ever entered the Qua Iboe to bring in and
take out a cargo direct. Everything that had been done before this was
by small craft, and transhipped at one of the main rivers; so I was very
anxious that the arrival of this ship should be made as complete a
success as possible. I knew it would be next to impossible to bring her
in right over the bar, as deeply laden as she would be from England, as
our depth of water was not more than 8 ft. 6 in. to 9 ft. at spring
tides, and this vessel would draw from 10 to 11 ft. at the very least.
In due time the little ship was sighted off the bar. As soon as the tide
made, I put off to her to receive her letters, and to give the captain
instructions as to what I wished him to do. On arriving alongside, the
first thing I found was that her draft of water was 11 ft., so I told
the captain he could not possibly go into the river with that draft, so
we decided to lighten her all we could; I left again for the shore to
make all the necessary arrangements to this end. The next morning our
boats were started off out; the day being fine they all got alongside
without much trouble, and brought away as much as they could carry,
which was not more than about twenty tons; this from 200 did not make
much impression on the ship's draught. Next day all the boats were again
despatched; this time the weather was anything but favourable, and, to
my dismay, while all the boats crossed the bar in safety, not one could
get to the ship; the wind and current being so strong down from the
westward against them, they all fell away to leeward. When night came on
they anchored, as they could neither get to the ship nor back to the
river; here they were without food or fire. All remained until the next
day, when the weather, if anything, was worse; so when evening came and
they all found it was useless trying to get back into the river or to
the ship, and being without food, they all ran before the wind for the
Old Calabar River, which was some twenty-five miles to the mouth, then
about thirty-five miles more of river, until they got to our
establishment there; here they eventually arrived nearly starved; while
I, with only one boy, was left at the Ibuno factory in a dreadful state
of mind, as you may imagine, wondering what had happened to our people,
and also what was to be done with the ship and cargo. The spring tides
were upon us, and the vessel either had to come in at once, or remain
out another fortnight, and be under demurrage, which meant a very
serious matter for us. Being our first ship, it was most unfortunate.
The only thing to do was to bring her in as she stood. This had to be
done at all costs; so I at once got Mr. Williams, who, by-the-bye, was
generally to the fore in time of need, to lend me his boat, with three
of his boys; these, with my one, made up some sort of a crew. Away we
went, and got safely out. On the way I had a good survey of the bar, so
as to get every inch of the water it was possible. This carefully done,
we arrived alongside the ship, and no one was more surprised than the
captain, when I told him I had come out to take his ship into the river,
if he was ready. "Yes," he said; "if you will undertake to do it." "I
will," I said. "You work your ship as I tell you, and we shall get in
all right, I feel confident."
The order was given to loose all sails and heave anchor, which was done
in a very short time. As the tide was near to being high, there was no
time to be lost. We were soon under way, and our little craft, with all
sails set, bounding for the bar. I had my channel to a nicety; over we
went, to my astonishment, without a touch. The relief I felt when this
was passed, I am unable to describe. In a short time the first ship that
had ever entered Qua Iboe River from England direct was anchored off our
factory. The natives crowded down to see this, to them, wonderful sight,
and when I landed I was immediately carried on the shoulders of some of
the crowd up to my house. The delight in the river that evening was
great indeed; so much so, that I shall not easily forget that event.
Still, my troubles were not quite at an end, for while we had the ship
in, we had no one to discharge her cargo; but "necessity being the
mother of invention," I called the chiefs of the village together, and
told them of my position. One boy was all I had, and the cargo must come
out of the ship. "All right," they said, "show our people what has to be
done; we will discharge the ship." Next morning our beach was alive with
people, and by the evening of the next day she was completely
discharged and ready for homeward cargo. We could now afford to take
more time. The next thing was to commence loading; this we had got well
on with, when our people returned. After this we were not long in
getting our ship ready for going out over the bar again, which was done
as successfully as she was brought in. After getting her clear we ran
her to Old Calabar to complete her loading for England. This ended our
first ship, others followed after, one of which got left on the bar a
wreck, and another turned back and was condemned in the river. We soon
gave up the idea of working sailing ships. A small steamer was bought,
and after this things went fairly well.
APPENDIX III
TRADE GOODS USED IN THE EARLY TRADE WITH AFRICA AS GIVEN BY BARBOT AND
OTHER WRITERS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY M. H. KINGSLEY
"Those used in trade by the Senga Company of Senegal at St. Lewis and
Goree and their dependent factories of Rufisco, Camina, Juala, Gamboa
(Gambia), _circa_ 1677.
"For the convenience of trade between the French at the Senega and the
natives, all European goods are reduced to a certain standard, viz.,
hides, bars, and slaves, for the better understanding whereof I give
some instances. One bar of iron is reckoned as worth 8 hides, 1 cutlace
the same, 1 cluster of bugles weighing 4-1/4 lbs. as 3 hides, 1 bunch of
false pearls 20 hides, 1 bunch of Gallet 4 hides, 1 hogshead of brandy
from 150 to 160 hides. Bugles are very small glass beads, and mostly
made at Venice, and sold in strings and clusters. At Goree the same
goods bear not quite so good a rate, as, for example, a hogshead of
brandy brings but 140 hides, 1 lb. of gunpowder 2 hides, 1 piece of
eight 5 hides, 1 oz. of coral 7 or 8 hides, 1 oz. of crystal 1 hide, an
ounce of yellow amber 2 hides.
"A slave costs from 12 to 14 bars of iron, and sometimes 16, at Porto
d'Ali 18 to 20, and much more at Gamboa, according to the number of
ships, French, English, Portuguese, and Dutch, which happen to be there
at the same time. The bar of iron is rated at 6 hides.
"Besides these, which are the most staple commodities, the French import
common red, blue, and scarlet cloth, silver and brass rings or
bracelets, chains, little bells, false crystal, ordinary and coarse
hats, _Dutch_ pointed knives, pewter dishes, silk sashes with false gold
and silver fringes, blue serges, _French_ paper, steels to strike fire,
_English_ sayes, _Roan_ linen, salamporis, platillies, blue callicoes,
taffeties, chintzs, cawris or shells, by the French called _bouges_,
coarse north, red cords called _Bure_, lines, shoes, fustian, red
worsted caps, worsted fringe of all colours, worsted of all kinds in
skeins, basons of several sizes, brass kettles, yellow amber, maccatons,
that is, beads of two sorts, pieces of eight of the old stamp, some
pieces of 28 sols value, either plain or gilt, Dutch cutlaces, straight
and bow'd, and clouts, galet, martosdes, two other sorts of beads of
which the blacks make necklaces for women, white sugar, musket balls,
iron nails, shot, white and red frize, looking-glasses in plain and gilt
frames, cloves, cinnamon, scissors, needles, coarse thread of sundry
colours, but chiefly red, yellow, and white, copper bars of a pound
weight, ferrit, men's shirts, coarse and fine, some of them with bone
lace about the neck, breast, and sleeves, _Haerlem_ cloths, _Coasveld_
linen, _Dutch_ mugs, white and blue, _Leyden_ rugs or blankets,
_Spanish_ leather shoes, brass trumpets, round padlocks, glass bottles
with a tin rim at the mouth, empty trunks or chests, and a sort of bugle
called Pezant, but above all, as was said above, great quantities of
brandy, and iron in bars; particularly at Goree the company imports
10,000 or more every year of those which are made in their province of
_Brittany_, all short and thin, which is called in London narrow flat
iron, or half flat iron in Sweden, but each bar shortened or cut off at
one end to about 16 to 18 inches, so that about 80 of these bars weigh a
ton English. It is to be observed that such voyage-iron, as it is called
in London, is the only sort and size used throughout all Nigritia,
Guinea, and West Ethiopia in the way of trade. Lastly, a good quantity
of Cognac brandy, both in hogsheads and rundlets, single and double, the
double being 8, the single 4 gallons.
"The principal goods the French have in return for these commodities
from the _Moors_ and _Blacks_ are slaves, gold dust, elephants' teeth,
beeswax, dry and green hides, gum-arabic, ostrich feathers, and several
other odd things, as ambergris, cods of musk, tygers' and goats' skins,
provisions, bullocks, sheep, and teeth of sea-horses (hippopotamus)."
The main trade of the Senga or Senegal Company seems to have been gum
and slaves in these regions. Gold dust they got but little of in
Senegal, the Portuguese seeming to have been the best people to work
that trade. The ivory was, according to Barbot, here mainly that picked
up in woods, and scurfy and hollow, or, as we should call it, kraw kraw
ivory, the better ivory coming from the Qua Qua Ivory Coast. Hides,
however, were in the seventeenth century, as they are now, a regular
line in the trade of Senegambia, and the best hides came from the
Senegal River, the inferior from Rufisco and Porto d'Ali. Barbot says:
"They soak or dye these hides as soon as they are flayed from the beast,
and presently expose them to the air to dry; which, in my opinion, is
the reason why, wanting the true first seasoning, they are apt to
corrupt and breed worms if not looked after and often beaten with a
stick or wand, and then laid up in very dry store houses." I have no
doubt Barbot is right, and that there is not enough looking after done
to them now a days, so that the worms have their own way too much.
The African hides were held in old days inferior to those shipped from
South America, both in thickness and size, and were used in France
chiefly to cover boxes with; but in later times, I am informed, they
were sought after and split carefully into two slices, serving to make
kid for French boots.
"The French reckoned the trade of the Senga Company to yield 700 or 800
per cent, advance upon invoice of their goods, and yet their Senga
Company, instead of thriving, has often brought a noble to ninepence.
Nay, it has broken twice in less than thirty years, which must be
occasioned by the vast expense they are at in Europe, Africa, and
America, besides ill-management of their business; but this is no more
than the common fate of Dutch and English African Companies, as well as
that to make rather loss than profit, because their charges are greater
than the trade can bear, in maintaining so many ports and other forts
and factories in Africa, which devour all the profits." I quote this of
Barbot as an interesting thing, considering the present state of West
Coast Colonial finance.
GAMBIA TRADE, 1678.
"The factors of the English Company at James Fort, and those of the
French at Albreda and other places, drive a very great trade in that
country all along the river in brigantines, sloops, and canoes,
purchasing--
Elephants' teeth, beeswax, slaves, pagnos (country-made clothes),
hides, gold and silver, and goods also found in the Sengal trade.
In exchange they give the _Blacks_--
Bars of iron, drapery of several sorts, woollen stuffs and cloth, linen
of several sorts, coral and pearl, brandy or rum in anchors, firelocks,
powder, ball and shot, Sleysiger linen, painted callicoes of gay
colours, shirts, gilded swords, ordinary looking-glasses, salt, hats,
_Roan_ caps, all sorts and sizes of bugles, yellow amber, rock crystal,
brass pans and kettles, paper, brass and pewter rings, some of them
gilt, box and other combs, _Dutch_ earthen cans, false ear-rings,
satalaes, and sabres or cutlaces, small iron and copper kettles, _Dutch_
knives called _Bosmans_, hooks, brass trumpets, bills, needles, thread
and worsted of several colours." This selection practically covered the
trade up to Sierra Leone.
SIERRA LEONE, 1678.
"Exports.--Elephants' teeth, slaves, santalum wood, a little gold, much
beeswax with some pearls, crystal, long peppers, ambergris, &c. The
ivory here was considered the best on the West Coast, being, says
Barbot, very white and large, have had some weighing 80 to 100 lbs., at
a very modest rate 80 lbs. of ivory for the value of five livres
_French_ money, in coarse knives and other such toys. The gold purchased
in Sierra Leone, the same authority states, comes from Mandinga and
other remote countries towards the Niger or from South Guinea by the
River Mitomba. The trade selection was: French brandy or rum, iron bars,
white callicoes, Sleysiger linen, brass kettles, earthen cans, all sorts
of glass buttons, brass rings or bracelets, bugles and glass beads of
sundry colours, brass medals, earrings, _Dutch_ knives, _Bosmans_, first
and second size, hedging bills and axes, coarse laces, crystal beads,
painted callicoes (red) called chintz, oil of olive, small duffels,
ordinary guns, muskets and fuzils, gunpowder, musket balls and shot, old
sheets, paper, red caps, men's shirts, all sorts of counterfeit pearls,
red cotton, narrow bands of silk stuffs or worsted, about half a yard
broad for women, used about their waists.
The proper goods to purchase, the cam wood and elephants' teeth in
Sherboro' River, are chiefly these:--
Brass basons and kettles, pewter basons, and tankards, iron bars,
bugles, painted callicoes, _Guinea_ stuffs or cloths, _Holland_ linen or
cloth, muskets, powder, and ball. A ship may in two months time out and
home purchase here fifty-six tons of cam wood and four tons of
elephants' teeth or more."
The trade selection for the Pepper Coast was practically the same as for
Sierra Leone, only less extensive and cheaper in make, and had a special
line in white and blue large beads. The main export was Manequette
pepper and rice, the latter of which was to be had in great quantity but
poor quality at about a halfpenny a pound; and there was also ivory to
be had, but not to so profitable an extent as on the next coast, the
Ivory. The same selection of goods was used for the Ivory Coast trade as
those above-named, with the addition of Contaccarbe or Contabrode,
namely, iron rings, about the thickness of a finger which the blacks
wear about their legs with brass bells, as they do the brass rings or
bracelets about their arms in the same manner. The natives here also
sold country-made cloths, which were bought by the factors to use in
trade in other districts, mainly the Gold Coast; the Ivory Coast cloths
come from inland districts, those sold at Cape La Hou are of six
stripes, three French ells and a half long, and very fine; those from
Corby La Hou of five stripes, about three ells long, and coarser. They
also made "clouts" of a sort of hemp, or plant like it, which they dye
handsomely, and weave very artificially.
THE GOLD COAST.
This coast has, from its discovery in the 15th century to our own day,
been the chief trade region in the Bight of Benin; and Barbot states
that the amount of gold sent from it to Europe in his day was L240,000
value per annum.
The trade selection for the Gold Coast trade in the 17th and 18th
centuries is therefore very interesting, as it gives us an insight into
the manufactures exported by European traders at that time, and of a
good many different kinds; for English, French, Portuguese, Dutch, Danes
and Brandenburghers were all engaged in the Gold Coast trade, and each
took out for barter those things he could get cheapest in his own
country.
"The _French_ commonly," says Barbot, "carry more brandy, wine, iron,
paper, firelocks, &c., than the _English_ or _Dutch_ can do, those
commodities being cheaper in _France_, as, on the other hand, they (the
_English_ and _Dutch_) supply the Guinea trade with greater quantities
of linen, cloth, bugles, copper basons and kettles, wrought pewter,
gunpowder, sayes, perpetuanas, chintzs, cawris, old sheets, &c., because
they can get these wares from _England_ or _Holland_.
"The _French_ commonly compose their cargo for the Gold Coast trade to
purchase slaves and gold dust; of brandy, white and red wine, ros solis,
firelocks, muskets, flints, iron in bars, white and red contecarbe, red
frize, looking glasses, fine coral, sarsaparilla, bugles of sundry sorts
and colours and glass beads, powder, sheets, tobacco, taffeties, and
many other sorts of silks wrought as brocardels, velvets, shirts, black
hats, linen, paper, laces of many sorts, shot, lead, musket balls,
callicoes, serges, stuffs, &c., besides the other goods for a true
assortment, which they have commonly from _Holland_.
"The _Dutch_ have _Coesveld_ linen, Slezsiger lywat, old sheets,
_Leyden_ serges, dyed indigo-blue, perpetuanas, green, blue and purple,
_Konings-Kleederen_, annabas, large and narrow, made at _Haerlem_;
_Cyprus_ and _Turkey_ stuffs, _Turkey_ carpets, red, blue and yellow
cloths, green, red and white _Leyden_ rugs, silk stuffs blue and white,
brass kettles of all sizes, copper basons, _Scotch_ pans, barbers'
basons, some wrought, others hammered, copper pots, brass locks, brass
trumpets, pewter, brass and iron rings, hair trunks, pewter dishes and
plates (of a narrow brim), deep porringers, all sorts and sizes of
fishing hooks and lines, lead in sheets and in pipes, 3 sorts of _Dutch_
knives, _Venice_ bugles and glass beads of sundry colours and sizes,
sheep skins, iron bars, brass pins long and short, brass bells, iron
hammers, powder, muskets, cutlaces, cawris, chintz, lead balls and shot,
brass cups with handles, cloths of _Cabo Verdo_, _Qua Qua_, _Ardra_ and
_Rio Forcada_, blue coral, _alias_ akory from Benin, strong waters and
abundance of other wares, being near 160 sorts, as a _Dutchman_ told
me."
I am sorry Barbot broke down just when he seemed going strong with this
list, and I was out of breath checking the indent, and said "other
wares," but I cannot help it, and beg to say that this is the true
assortment for the Gold Coast trade in 1678. The English selection
"besides many of the same goods above mentioned have tapseils, broad and
narrow, nicanees fine and coarse, many sorts of chintz or _Indian_
callicoes printed, tallow, red painting colours, _Canary_ wine, sayes,
perpetuanas inferior to the _Dutch_ and sacked up in painted tillets
with the _English_ arms, many sorts of white callicoes, blue and white
linen, _China_ satins, _Barbadoes_ rum, other strong waters and spirits,
beads of all sorts, buckshaws, _Welsh_ plain, boy-sades, romberges,
clouts, gingarus, taffeties, amber, brandy, flower, _Hamburgh_ brawls,
and white, blue and red chequered linen, narrow _Guinea_ stuffs
chequered, ditto broad, old hats, purple beads. The _Danes_,
_Brandenburghers_ and _Portuguese_ provide their cargoes in _Holland_
commonly consisting of very near the same sort of wares as I have
observed the _Dutch_ make up theirs, the two former having hardly
anything of their own proper to the trade of the Gold Coast besides
copper and silver, either wrought or in bullion or in pieces of eight,
which are a commodity also there.
"The _Portuguese_ have most of their cargoes from _Holland_ under the
name of _Jews_ residing there, and they add some things of the product
of _Brazil_, as tobacco, rum, tame cattle, _St. Tome_ cloth, others from
_Rio Forcado_ and other circumjacent places in the Gulf of Guinea."
USE MADE OF EUROPEAN GOODS BY THE NATIVES OF THE GOLD COAST. BARBOT.
"The broad linen serves to adorn themselves and their dead men's
sepulchers within, they also make clouts thereof. The narrow cloth to
press palm oil; in old sheets they wrap themselves at night from head
to foot. The copper basons to wash and shave. The _Scotch_ pans serve in
lieu of butchers' tubs when they kill hogs or sheep, from the iron bars
the smiths forge out all their weapons, country and household tools and
utensils; of frize and perpetuanas, they make girts 4 fingers broad to
wear about their waists and hang their sword, dagger, knife and purse of
money or gold, which purse they commonly thrust between the girdle and
their body. They break _Venice_ coral into 4 or 5 parts, which
afterwards they mould into any form on whetstones and make strings or
necklaces which yield a considerable profit; of 4 or 5 ells of _English_
or _Leyden_ serges, they make a kind of cloak to wrap about their
shoulders and stomachs. Of chintz, perpetuanas, printed callicoes,
tapsiels and nicanees, are made clouts to wear round their middles. The
wrought pewter, as dishes, basons, porringers, &c., serve to eat their
victuals out of, muskets, firelocks and cutlaces they use in war; brandy
is more commonly spent at their feasts, knives to the same purposes as
we use them. With tallow they anoint their bodies from head to toe and
even use it to shave their beards instead of soap. Fishing hooks for the
same purpose as with us. _Venice_ bugles, glass beads and contacarbe,
serve all ages and sexes to adorn their heads, necks, arms and legs very
extravagantly, being made into strings; and sarsaparilla."--Well, I
think I have followed Barbot enough for the present on this point, and
turn to his description of the dues the natives have to pay to native
authorities on goods bought of Europeans, which amounted to 3 per cent.
paid to the proper officers; the kings of the land have at each port
town, and even fishes, if it exceeds a certain quantity pays 1 in 5;
these duties are paid either in coin or value. Up the inland they pay no
duty on river fish, but are liable to pay a capitation fee of one
shilling per head for the liberty of passing down to the sea-shore
either to traffic or attend the markets with their provisions or other
sorts of the product of the land, and pay nothing at their return home,
goods or no goods, unless they by chance leave their arms in the
village, then the person so doing is to pay one shilling.
The collectors account quarterly with their kings, and deliver up what
each has received in gold at his respective post, but the fifth part of
the fish they collect is sent to the king as they have it, and serves to
feed his family.
No fisherman is allowed to dispose of the first fish he has caught till
the duty is paid, but are free to do it aboard ships, which perhaps may
be one reason why so many of them daily sell such quantities of their
fish to the seafaring men.
Barbot, remarking on this Gold Coast trade, says: "The Blacks of the
Gold Coast, having traded with Europeans ever since the 14th century,
are very well skilled in the nature and proper qualities of all European
wares and merchandize vended there; but in a more particular manner
since they have so often been imposed on by the Europeans, who in former
ages made no scruple to cheat them in the quality, weight and measures
of their goods which at first they received upon content, because they
say it would never enter into their thoughts that white men, as they
call the Europeans, were so base as to abuse their credulity and good
opinion of us. But now they are perpetually on their guard in that
particular, examine and search very narrowly all our merchandize, piece
by piece, to see each the quality and measure contracted for by samples;
for instance, if the cloth is well made and strong, whether dyed at
_Haerlem_ or _Leyden_--if the knives be not rusty--if the basons,
kettles, and other utensils of brass and pewter are not cracked or
otherwise faulty, or strong enough at the bottom. They measure iron bars
with the sole of the foot--they tell over the strings of contacarbel,
taste and prove brandy, rum or other liquors, and will presently
discover whether it is not adulterated with fresh or salt water or any
other mixture, and in point of French brandy will prefer the brown
colour in it. In short they examine everything with as much prudence and
ability as any European can do."
"The goods sold by _English_ and _Dutch_, _Danes_, _Brandenburghers_,
&c., ashore, out of these settlements are generally about 25 per cent.
dearer to the Blacks than they get aboard ships in the Roads; the
supercargoes of the ships commonly falling low to get the more customers
and make a quicker voyage, for which reason the forts have very little
trade with the Blacks during the summer season, which fills the coast
with goods by the great concourse of ships at that time from several
ports of Europe; and as the winter season approaches most of them
withdraw from the coast, and so leave elbow room for the fort factors to
trade in their turn during that bad season.
"In the year 1682 the gold trade yielded hardly 45 per cent. to our
French ships, clear of any charges; but that might be imputed to the
great number of trading ships of several European nations which happened
to be at that time on the coast, whereof I counted 42 in less than a
month's time: had the number been half as great that trade would have
appeared 60 per cent. or more, and if a cargo were properly composed it
might well clear 70 per cent. in a small ship sailing with little
charge, and the voyage directly home from this coast not to exceed 7 or
8 months out and home, if well managed."
These observations of Barbot's are alike interesting and instructive,
and in principle applicable to the trade to-day. Do not imagine that
Barbot was an early member of the Aborigines' Protection Society when he
holds forth on the way in which Europeans "in former ages" basely dealt
with the angelic confidence of the Blacks. One of his great charms is
the different opinions on general principles, &c., he can hold without
noticing it himself: of course this necessitates your reading Barbot
right through, and that means 668 pages folio in double column, or
something like 2,772 pages of a modern book; but that's no matter, for
he is uniformly charming and reeks with information.
Well, there are other places in Barbot where he speaks, evidently with
convictions, of "this rascal fellow Black," &c. and gives long accounts
of the way in which the black man cheats with false weights and
measures, and adulterates; and if you absorb the whole of his
information and test it against your own knowledge, and combine it with
that of others, I think you will come to the conclusion that it is not
necessary for the philanthropist to fidget about the way the European
does his side to the trade; the moralist may drop a large and heavy tear
on both white and black, but that is all that is required from him.
Unfortunately this is not all that is done nowadays: the black has got
hold of Governmental opinion, and just when he is more than keeping his
end up in commercial transactions, he has got the Government to handicap
his white fellow-trader with a mass of heavy dues and irritating
restrictions, which will end most certainly in stifling trade. My firm
conviction is that black and white traders should be left to settle
their own affairs among themselves.
SELECTION OF GOODS FOR FIDA OR ONIDAH, CALLED BY THE FRENCH JUIDA, NOW
KNOWN AS DAHOMEY, WITH MAIN SEAPORT WHYDAH.
The French opened trade in this district in 1669, when the Dutch were
already there.
"The main export of this coast was 'slaves, cotton cloth, and blue
stones, called agoy or accory, very valuable on the Gold Coast.'
"The best commodity the Europeans can carry thither to purchase is
Boejies or cawries, so much valued by the natives, being the current
coin there and at Popo, Fida, Benin and other countries further east,
without which it is scarcely possible to traffic there. Near to Boejies
the flat iron bars for the round or square will not do, and again next
to iron, fine long coral, _China_ sarcenets, gilt leather, white damask
and red, red cloth with large lists, copper bowls or cups, brass rings,
_Venice_ beads or bugles of several colours, agalis, gilded looking
glasses, _Leyden_ serges, platilles, linen morees, salampores, red
chints, broad and narrow tapsiels, blue canequins, broad gunez and
narrow (a sort of linen), double canequins, French brandy in ankers or
half-ankers (the anker being a 16 gallon rundlet), canary and malmsey,
black caudebec hats, Italian taffeties, white or red cloth of gold or
silver, _Dutch_ knives, _Bosmans_, striped armoizins, with white or
flowered, gold and silver brocadel, firelocks, muskets, gunpowder, large
beads from _Rouen_, white flowered sarcenets, _Indian_ armorzins and
damask napkins, large coral earrings, cutlaces gilded and broad, silk
scarfs large umbrellors, pieces of eight, long pyramidal bells."
All the above-mentioned goods are also proper for the trade in _Benin_,
_Rio Lagos_ and all along the coast to _Rio Gabon_.
BENIN TRADE GOODS.
"Exports, 1678: cotton cloths like those of _Rio Lagos_, women slaves,
for men slaves (though they be all foreigners, for none of the natives
can be sold as such) are not allowed to be exported, but must stay
there; jasper stones, a few tigers' or leopards' skins, acory or blue
coral, elephants' teeth, some pieminto, or pepper. The blue coral grows
in branching bushes like the red coral at the bottom of the rivers and
lakes in Benin, which the natives have a peculiar art to grind or work
into beads like olives, and is a very profitable merchandise at the Gold
Coast, as has been observed.
"The Benin cloths are of 4 bands striped blue and white, an ell and a
half long, only proper for the trade at _Sabou river_ and at _Angola_,
and called by the blacks _monponoqua_ and the blue narrow cloths
_ambasis_; the latter are much inferior to the former every way, and
both sorts made in the inland country.
"The European goods are these: cloths of gold and silver, scarlet and
red cloth, all sorts of calicoes and fine linen, _Haerlem_ stuffs with
large flowers and well starched, iron bars, strong spirits, rum and
brandy, beads or bugles of several colours, red velvet, and a good
quantity of Boejies, cawries as much as for the Ardra (Fida) trade being
the money of the natives, as well as them; false pearls, Dutch cans
with red streaks at one end, bright brass large rings from 5 to 5-1/2
ounces weight each, earrings of red glass or crystal, gilt looking
glasses, crystal, &c."
OUWERE (NOW CALLED WARRI) TRADE, AND THE NEW CALABAR TRADE, 1678.
"Exports mainly slaves and fine cloths from New Calabar district and
Ouwere. 'The principal thing that passes in Calabar as current money
among the natives is brass rings for the arms or legs, which they call
_bochie_, and they are so nice in the choice of them, that they will
often turn over a whole cask before they find 2 to please their fancy.'
"The _English_ and _Dutch_ import there a great deal of copper in small
bars, round and equal, about 3 feet long, weighing about 1-1/4 lbs.,
which the blacks of Calabary work with much art, splitting the bar into
3 parts from one end to the other, which they polish as fine as gold,
and twist the 3 pieces together very ingeniously into cords to make what
form of arm rings they please."
OLD CALABAR TRADE, 1678.
"The most current goods of Europe for the trade of Old Calabar to
purchase slaves and elephants' teeth are iron bars, in quality and
chiefly, copper bars, blue rags, cloth and striped _Guinea_ clouts of
many colours, horse bells, hawks' bells, rangoes, pewter basons of 1, 2,
3 and 4 lbs. weight, tankards of ditto of 1, 2, and 3 lbs. weight, beads
very small and glazed yellow, green, purple and blue, purple copper
armlets or arm rings of _Angola_ make, but this last sort of goods is
peculiar to the _Portuguese_."
The blacks there reckon by copper bars, reducing all sorts of goods to
such bars; for example, 1 bar of iron, 4 copper bars; a man slave for 38
and a woman slave for 37 or 36 copper bars.
TRADE OF RIO DEL REY, AMBOZES COUNTRY, CAMARONES RIVER, AND DOWN TO RIO
GABON.
"The _Dutch_ have the greatest share in the trade here in yachts sent
from Mina on the Gold Coast, whose cargo consists mostly of small copper
bars of the same sort as mentioned at Old Calabar, iron bars, coral,
brass basons, of the refuse goods of the Gold Coast, bloom coloured
beads or bugles and purple copper armlets or rings made at _Loanda_ in
_Angola_, and presses for lemons and oranges. In exchange for which they
yearly export from thence 400 or 500 slaves, and about 10 or 12 tons
weight of fine large teeth, 2 or 3 of which commonly weigh above a
hundredweight, besides accory, javelins and some sorts of knives which
the blacks there make to perfection, and are proper for the trade of the
Gold Coast."
"_Ambozes_ country, situated between the _Rio del Rey_ and _Rio
Camarones_, is very remarkable for the immense height of the mountains
it has near the sea-shore, which the Spaniards call _Alta Tierra de
Ambozi_, and reckon some of them as high as the _Pike of Teneriffe_
(this refers to the great Camaroon, 13,760 feet). Trade in teeth, accory
and slaves, for iron and copper bars, brass pots and kettles, hammered
bugles or beads, bloom colour purple, orange and lemon colour, ox horns,
steel files, &c."
The trade in the Rio Gabon at this time was inferior to that at Cape
Lopez. Indeed, the ascendency the Gaboon trade attained to in the middle
parts of this 19th century was an artificial one, the natural outlet for
the trade being the districts round the mouth of the Ogowe river, which
penetrates through a far greater extent of country than the rivers
Rembwe and Ncomo, which form the Gaboon estuary or _Rio Gabon_ of
Barbot.
"Great numbers of ships ran to _Cape Lopez Gonzalves_ in the seventeenth
century, and did a pretty brisk trade in cam wood, beeswax, honey and
elephants' teeth, of which last a ship may sometimes purchase three or
four thousand-weight of good large ones and sometimes more, and there is
always an abundance of wax; all which the Europeans purchase for knives
called _Bosmans_, iron bars, beads, old sheets, brandy, malt, spirits or
rum, axes, the shells called cauris, annabas, copper bars, brass basons,
from eighteen-pence to two shillings apiece, firelocks, muskets, powder,
ball, small shot, &c."
SELECTION OF GOODS FOR THE ISLANDS FERNANDO PO, ST. THOMAS'S, PRINCE'S,
AND ANNOBON.
There were about 150 ships per annum calling and trading at San Tome in
the seventeenth century. The goods in "_French_ ships particularly
consist in _Holland_ cloth or linen as well as of _Rouen_ and
_Brittany_, thread of all colours, serges, silk stockings, fustians,
_Dutch_ knives, iron, salt, olive oil, copper in sheets or plates, brass
kettles, pitch, tar, cordage, sugar forms (from 20 to 30 lbs. apiece),
brandy, all kinds of strong liquors and spirits, _Canary_ wines, olives,
carpets, fine flour, butter, cheese, thin shoes, hats, shirts, and all
sorts of silks out of fashion in _Europe_, hooks, &c., of each sort a
little in proportion."
In connection with this now but little considered island of San Tome, so
called from having been discovered in the year 1472, under the direction
of Henry the Navigator, on the feast day of the Apostle Thomas, there is
an interesting bit of history, which has had considerable bearing on the
culture of the Lower Congo regions.
The Portuguese, observing the fertility of the soil of this island,
decided to establish a colony there for the convenience of trading in
the Guinea regions; but the climate was so unwholesome that an abundance
of men died before it was well settled and cultivated. "Violent fevers
and cholicks that drove them away soon after they were set a-shore."
"The first design of settling there was in the year 1486 but perceiving
how many perished in the attempt, and that they could better agree with
that of the continent on the coast of Guinea, it was resolved by King
Jao II. of Portugal that all the Jews within his dominions, which were
vastly numerous, should be obliged to receive baptism, or upon refusal
be transported to the coast of Guinea, where the Portuguese had already
several considerable settlements and a good trade, considering the time
since its first discovery.
"A few years after such of those Jews as had escaped the malignant air,
were forced away to this Isle of San Tome; these married to black women,
fetched from Angola in great numbers, with near 3,000 men of the same
country.
"From these Jews married to black women in process of time proceeded
mostly that brood of mulattos at this day inhabiting the island. Most of
them boast of being descended from the Portuguese; and their
constitution is by nature much fitter to bear with the malignity of the
air." (For a full account of this matter see the _History of Portugal_
by Faria y Sousa, p. 304.)
San Tome is now very flourishing, on account of its soil being suited to
cocoa and coffee, and there are to-day there plenty of full-blooded
Portuguese; but the old strain of Jewish mulattos still exists and is
represented by individuals throughout all the coast regions of West
Africa. Moreover, these mulattos secured in the seventeenth century a
monopoly for Portugal of the slave trade in the Lower Congo, and I
largely ascribe the prevalence of customs identical with those mentioned
in the Old Testament that you find among the Fjort tribes to their
influence, although you always find such customs represented in all the
native cultures in West Africa (presumably because the West African
culture is what the Germans would call the _urstuff_), but I fancy in no
culture are they so developed as among the Fjorts.[94]
TRADE GOODS FOR CONGO AND CABENDA, 1700.
"Blue bafts, a piece containing 6 yards and of a deep almost black
colour, and is measured either with a stick of 27 inches, of which 8
sticks make a piece, or by a lesser stick, 18 inches long, 12 of which
are accounted a piece, _Guinea_ stuffs, 2 pieces to make a piece,
tapseils have the same measure as blue bafts.
Nicanees, the same measure.
Black bays, 2-1/2 yards for a piece, measured by 5 sticks of 18 inches
each.
Annabasses, 10 to the piece.
Painted callicoes, 6 yards to the piece.
Blue paper Slesia, 1 piece for a piece. Scarlet, 1 stick of 18 inches or
1/2 a yard is accounted a piece.
Muskets, 1 for a piece.
Powder, the barrel or rundlet of 7 lbs. goes for a piece.
Brass basons, 10 for a piece. We carry thither the largest.
Pewter basons of 4, 3, 2 and 1 lb. The No. 4 goes 4 to the piece, and
those of 1 lb. 8 to a piece.
Blue perpetuanas have become but of late in great demand, they are
measured as blue bafts, 6 yards making the piece.
Dutch cutlaces are the most valued because they have 2 edges, 2 such go
for a piece.
Coral, the biggest and largest is much more acceptable here than small
coral, which the Blacks value so little that they will hardly look on
it, usually 1-1/2 oz. is computed a piece.
_Memorandum._ A whole piece of blue bafts contains commonly 18-1/2
yards, however some are shorter and others exceed.
_Pentadoes._ Commonly contain 9 or 9-1/2 to the piece.
_Tapseils._ The piece usually holds 15 yards.
_Nicanees._ The piece is 9 or 9-1/2 yards long."
The main export of Congo was slaves and elephants' teeth and grass
clothes called Tibonges, were used by the Portuguese as at Loando in
Angola. Some of them single marked with the arms of Portugal, and others
double marked, and some unmarked.
The single marked cloth was equal in value to 4 unmarked, equal to about
8 pence.
TRADE GOODS FOR SAN PAUL DO LOANDA.
"Cloths with red lists, great ticking with long stripes and fine wrought
red kerseys, _Silesia_ and other fine linen, fine velvet, small and
great gold and silver laces, broad black bays, _Turkish_ tapestry or
carpets, white and all sorts of coloured yarns, blue and black beads,
stitching and sewing silk, _Canary_ wines, brandy, linseed oil, seamen's
knives, all sorts of spices, white sugar and many other commodities and
trifles as great fish-hooks, pins a finger long, ordinary pins, needles
and great and small hawks' bells.
"The _English_ compose their cargoes generally of brass, basons,
annabasses, blue bafts, paper, brawls, _Guinea_ stuffs, muskets, powder,
nicanees, tapseils, scarlet, _Slesia's_, coral, bags, wrought pewter,
beads, pentedoes, knives, spirits, &c., all sorts of haberdashery,
silks, linens, shirts, hats, shoes, &c., wrought pewter plates, dishes,
porringers, spoons of each a little assortment are also very probably
vended among the _Portuguese_, and also all manner of native made cloths
from other parts of _Guinea_ fetch good prices in _Angola_."
[Illustration: _Miss Kingsley's "Studies in West Africa"_ TROPICAL
WEST AFRICA.]
FOOTNOTES:
[94] For the reasons for the unhealthiness of this island see _Travels
in West Africa_ (Macmillan), p. 46.
INDEX
A
ABIABOK, 163, 180-184
Abiadiong, 180
Abonema (_see_ New Calabar)
Abrah, oracle at, 172
Administration (_see_ Crown Colony)
Adultery laws, 434, 454, 536
African--
acclimatisation of, West Indians, 53-54
agriculture, 341
nature of, 63, 124, 168, 177-178, 373
Alemba rapid fetish, 177
Alumah, King, 458
Amachree, King, 500, 503, 505
_Amomum_, 56
Anamaquoa, 82
Ancestor Worship, 131-135
Andoni, 538-540, 553
Angola, 196, 283
Animal deities, 513, 515 (_see_ Snake and Shark)
Ants--
Driver, 25-33
_Myriaica molesta_, 33, 34
Apothecary, 180-184
Ashantee, 115, 144, 368
Assini, 73, 83
Atlantis, 227
Ayzingo, 108
Azambuja, 258
B
BAFANGH, 152
Bakele, 186
Bantu, 231 (_see_ Negro)
Bar, custom, 523
Barbot, 46, 69, and Appendix III.
Basel mission, 110
Bastian, 137, 154
Baths, medical, 182, 183
Bence Island, 36
Benga, 90, 153
Benguella, 210, 286-287
Benin, Bight of, 4
fetish of, 141-144 (_see_ Appendix I)
natives of kingdom, 448-468
Binger, 83
Bob Manuel, King, 507, 509
Bonny, 142, 495-509, 510, "free," 516, 540
Brahmanism, 119
Brass River, 140, 468-491
Bristol, 83
Brohemie, 458
Bruee Sieur, 271-273
Burial Customs, 144-150, 452-455
Bush fighting, 319
soul, 208, 209
C
CABINDA, 11, 186
Calabar, 54, 140-142
fetish, 144
history, 552-561
New, 491
Cameroons, 81, 231, 236, 238
Canoes, 99-101
Catfish, 96, 97
Centipedes, 81
Chamberlain, Rt. Honble. J., 307
Chambers of Commerce, 323
Charms, 163-169
Chiloango, 108-112
Clerks, 329, 357
Coinage, native, 82
Colonial Office, 305, 324-330
Comey, 444, 447, 523
Competition, 417
Comte, 115
Congo--
Belge, 54
River, 102, 238
Cookey Gam, King, 497
Corisco, 89-90
Crabs, 105
Crocodiles, 2
worship of, 140
Crown Colony, 317, 319, 326, 361, 366, 390, 417-418
statistics, 348, 357
Crowther--
Bishop, 481
Archdeacon, 487, 509
"Customs," native, 451 (_see_ Fetish)
fiscal, 408, 410, 413, 444, 447
D
DAHOMEY--
fetish, 144
fiscal, 347-348
Danfodio, 278
Dash, 446
De Brosses, 114
Debtors, 431, 433
Dennett, R. E., 154, 183, 186, 192
De Zurara, 252, 253
Dieppe, 256, 261-263
Diplomacy, 280
Direct taxation, 331
Disease (_see_ Doctor)
ague, 184
boisi, 184
fvuma, 184
hysteria, 188
leprosy, 184
malignant melancholy, 188
pneumonia, 188
small-pox, 184-188
soul, diseases of, 199, 209, 213
worms, 184
yaws, 187
Doctor (_see_ Apothecary)
clinical, 199-219
witch, 163, 169, 180, 182, 213
Dream-soul, 205, 207
Drum fish, 108
Duppy, 68
Dutch, 262, 268
Dye wood, 78
E
EBOES, 138 (_see_ Ibo)
Ebony, 78
Ebumtup, 214
_Edinburgh Review_, 157
Egbo (_see_ Law God)
Electrical fish, 107
Ellis, Sir A. B., 115-116, 132, 134-139
Elmina, 257
Emanequetta, 57
Expenditure (_see_ Crown Colony)
Exports, 334
F
FACE, throwing the, 165-167
Familiar spirits, 161
Fangaree charms, 164
Father, making, 146-148, 451
Fetish, 112-179
"customs," 173, 176, 450
days, 171, 174
definitions of, 113, 116, 119, 171
derivation of the word, 114
gods and goddesses--
Abassi-boom, 155
Mbuiri, 118
Nkala, 118
Nyankupong, 155
Nzambi 118, 137, 154
Nzambi Mpungu, 155
Sasabonsum, 117
Srahmantin, 137
House, description of, 170, 514
Man, 168, 171
Schools of, 137
Calabar, 144, 151, 160
Mpongwe, 151, 154, 160
Nkissism, 154-163
Tshi and Ewe and Yoruba, 139
Fiscal arrangements, 290 (_see_ Crown Colony)
Fish, quality of, 95, 106-109
Fishing, appliances, 101-106
canoes, 99
Native methods of, 99-109, 488
Floating Islands, 103
French, early exploration by the, 250, 264
Statistics, Colonial, 347
Frogs, 66
Funerals, 145, 452-484
G
GA, 138
Gesture, 237
Ghagas, 424
Glamour, 219
Gods (_see_ Fetish), 141
Goethe, 121-123
Gorillae, 235, 236
Governor, 305, 328, 365
native, 450
Grain Coast, 56-61
of Paradise, 56-61
Guineamen, 83
Guenther, Dr., 108
H
HANNO, 231-240
Head cutting, 525
Hero worship, 131-134
Hoheit, Landes and Ober, 400-405, 410
House system, 427, 475-478
Human sacrifices, 142-148
I
IBBIBIOS, 138
Igalwa, 153
Ijos, 448, 460
Immortal soul, 200, 207
Imports, 334
Inheritance, 453-475
Insects, 10-11
Islam and Fetish, 127
Ivory Coast, 68-73
trade of, 81-83, 347
J
JA JA, KING, 497, 522, 527, 540-552
Jakris, 448-457, 459-460
Jam, 503
Jannequin, 248
Jews, 630
Jobson, 246-247
Ju Ju, 114 (_see_ Fetish)
Long, 439, 444, 461, 480, 498
trade, 503
K
KITTY-KATTY, 64
Kla, 200
Koromantin slaves, 140
Krumen, 52, 54, 56, 412, 429
Kufong, 163, 165
Kwo Ibo, 549, 552, and Appendix II
L
LABAT, 131
Lagos, colony, 353
Land, 438
Landana, 194
Law, John, 271
Law, native--
adultery, 434, 536
god society, 160
property, 371, 427, 439, 475-478.
Leo Africanus, 231
Leopard worship, 140, 165
Liberia, 46, 52-54 (_see_ Grain Coast)
Loanda, 108, 284
Loango, 212
Lucan, Dr., 194
Lyall, Sir Alfred, on witchcraft, 156, 158
M
MACHINERY, 288
Maine, Sir Henry, 153
Malagens, 69
Malignant melancholy, 188-189
Manchester, 288, 351
Manilla, 82
Manioc, 190
Markets, 310
Maxwell, Sir Wm., 329
Meleguetta Coast, 51-61
Melli, 244-245, 426
Mendi, 164
Merolla, 197, 321
Minstrels, 149
Missionary, 320, 478, 509, 512, 556
Mohammedanism and Fetish, 126-127, 141
Monrovia, 46
Monteiro, 196
Mpongwe, 151
Mungo Mah Lobeh, 236
Murder, 454
Music, 64-66
_Mutterrecht_, 437
N
NASSAU, Dr., 89, 130, 152-153, 159
Nana, 451, 458
Negro, 420-423
Nganga bilongo (_see_ Apothecary)
Niger Company, 279, 306, 360, 394
Nkala, 118
Nkissism, 154-155, 163
Nyankupong, 155
Nzambi, 118, 137, 154-155, 159
Nzambi Mpungu, 118, 155
O
OBEAH, 139, 140, 219
Ogi, 138
Ogowe, 45, 79, 102
Oko Jumbo, King, 522, 529-532
Ombuiri, 116
Opobo, 142, 532, 540-549
Ordeal, 160, 161, 490
Oru, 160
Oulof, 273
Ouwere, 143, 630
P
PALM oil, 15 (_see_ Appendix I)
Panavia, 152
Paradise grains, 56-57
Parliamentary resolution (1865), 305, 307, 311
Pepple, King, 497, 510, 512, 517-521, 526
Pepper coast (_see_ Grain)
Phoenicians, 227 (_see_ Hanno)
Police, 333, 407
Poorah, 139
Portuguese, 114, 252-256, 281, 290
stone monuments, 259
Post-mortem, 211
Priests, 140-141, 160, 169-170, 499, 505 (_see_ Fetish Man)
Property--
ancestral, 428
family, 428
private, 428-429
Stool, 428
R
RAILWAYS, 287, 350
Religion, native (_see_ Fetish)
Revenue, 309, 413 (_see_ Crown Colony)
native, 444-447, 523
S
SAILS, 100-101
Sataspes, 228
San Andrew, Rio, 58, 70, 73
Sanguin, 274
Sasabonsum, 116-117
Scorpion, 80, 81, 185
Senegal, 273, 275
Shadow-soul, 200, 207-208
Shake hand, 446
Shark, 501
Sierra Leone, 36, 139, 149, 344
resources of, 339
Sisa, 202-205
Sleep disease, 189-193
stages of, 192-193
Small-pox, 186-188
Smaltz, 273
Snake worship, 140, 483-490, 456
Sobo, 457
Societies, Secret, 139, 170, 556-566
(_see_ Law God)
Song-net, 149-150
Soul, 199-200
Fetish view of the, 129-131
Division of the Human, 200-204
South Africa, 394
Spiders, 140
Spinoza 112-113, 120
Spirit and Matter, Native view of, 129-130
Spirits, Classes of, 130
Familiar, 161
Touch of, 133
Srahmandazi, 146, 151, 202
Srahmantin, 137
Statesmanship, 311
Statistics, 348-357
T
TCHANGA (Voudou), 139
"Them," 132
Theopompus, 226
Timber, 73-80
Timbuctoo, 277
Tom-toms, 64
Topping, 525
Tornadoes, 18-19, 47-48
Trade (_see_ Crown Colony)
gold, 241-246, 257
palm oil, 354-359
rubber, 353
salt, 242-248, 339
timber, 78
tobacco, 248, 339
Tshi, 115, 137
Twins, treatment of, 148
Tylor, Professor, 115
U
UKUKIWE, 160
Umaru l'Haji, 278
V
VEGETATION, 32-33
Virtue, Native idea of, 178
Volta, 96
Voudou, 139-140
W
WANGA (Obeah), 139-140, 219
War, 371
Warri, 143, 459, 630
Wealth, 438
"Well-disposed ones," 132
West Africa, Political aspect of, 310
West Indies, 302, 324
Will Braid, 493-497
Wills, 436
Winnebah, 175
Winnaboes, 471-474
Witchcraft, 157-168
law, 430 (_see_ Fetish)
X
XYLOPHONIC instruments, 65
Y
YAM custom, 174-175, 450
Yaws, 187
Z
ZAIRE, 102
THE END
RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, LIMITED: LONDON AND BUNGAY.
[Illustration: _Miss Kingsley's "Studies in West Africa"_
MAP OF THE NIGER DELTA.]
Transcriber's Notes:
The following typographical errors/spelling errors have been corrected.
The pages refer to the original printed text.
p. 38 The town be took by locusts!["] : added closing quote
p. 42 You remember D----?["] : added closing quote.
p. 75 regarding this affair[.] : repaired
p. 86 ar[r]ives : corrected.
p. 246 Timbucto[o], added, to match other instances.
p. 255 Bodajor --> Bojador : corrected
p. 287 The footnote is unnumbered, and [54] has been provided.
p. 289 about L6,400[)]: added missing right parenthesis]
p. 416 sink--holes --> sink-holes : corrected
p. 485 an[n]iversaries : corrected
p. 495 on the floor [fo] --> of : corrected
p. 510 number of 3,200,00[0] souls : added
p. 548n Monopolies[,] have led : removed
p. 602 I did not like their demeanour[.] : added
p. 603 our goods are in their hands.["] : added
p. 615 own way too much[.] : repaired
p. 622 perpetually on[,] their guard : removed
p. 623 to the great [m/n]umber : typo corrected
p. 625 being a 16 gallon rundlet[)] : closing parenthesis added
p. 636 Clerks, 329, 357[,] : removed
The following words appear as variants and have been left as printed:
Ogowe (3) / Ogowe (11)
Filiaria perstans (1) / Filaria perstans (1)
muetterrecht (1) / mutterrecht (1)
Bassambri (1) / Basambri (1)
The following words appear with and without hyphens. The various
spellings are left as printed. Where the printed text introduces
a hyphen at end-of-line, the hyphen is retained only if that variant
is otherwise predominant.
Scott-Elliott/Scott Elliot--(In the literature the name is
uniformly hyphenated.)
Sea-shore/seashore
headquarters/headquarters
ashore / a-shore (hyphenated only in a quoted passage)
craw-fish / crawfish
ear-rings / earrings
firewood / fire-wood
headman / head-man
inter-marriage / intermarriage
ju-ju / juju
re-captured / recaptured
re-organized / reorganized
sand-flies / sandflies
middleman / middle-man
sandbanks / sand-banks
Winna-boes / Winnaboes
small-pox / smallpox
End of Project Gutenberg's West African studies, by Mary Henrietta Kingsley