completely cast out all their belief in Ju-Juism? If I were put upon my
oath to answer truthfully according to my own individual belief, I am
afraid my answer would be _not one_.
What an awful injustice the missionary preaches in the estimation of the
average native woman, when he advises the native of West Africa to put
away all his wives but one. Supposing, for instance, it is the case of a
big chief with a moderate number of wives, say only twenty or thirty, he
may have had children by all of them, or he may have had children by a
half dozen of them,--what is to become of those wives he discards? are
they to be condemned to single blessedness for the remainder of their
days? Native custom or etiquette would not allow these women to marry
the other men in the chief's house; they can't marry into other houses,
because they would find the same condition of things there as in their
own husband's house, always supposing Christianity was becoming general.
These difficulties in the way of the missionary are the Ju-Ju priests'
levers, which they know well how to use against Christianity, and which
accounts for the frequent slide back to Ju-Juism, and in some cases
cannibalism of otherwise apparently semi-civilized Africans.
The Pagan portion of the inhabitants of the Brass district have still
their old belief in the Ju-Ju priests and animal worship.
The python is the Brass natives' titular guardian angel. So great was
the veneration of this Ju-Ju snake in former times, that the native
kings would sign no treaties with her Britannic Majesty's Government
that did not include a clause subjecting any European to a heavy fine
for killing or molesting in any way this hideous reptile. When one
appeared in any European's compound, the latter was bound to send for
the nearest Ju-Ju priest to come and remove it, for which service the
priest expected a dash, _id est_, a present; if he did not get it, the
chances were the priest would take good care to see that that European
found more pythons visited him than his neighbours; and as a rule these
snakes were not found until they had made a good meal of one of the
white man's goats or turkeys, it came cheaper in the long run to make
the usual present.
It is now some twenty years ago that the then agent of Messrs. Hatton
and Cookson in Brass River found a large python in his house, and killed
it. This coming to the ears of the natives and the Ju-Ju priests, caused
no little excitement; the latter saw their opportunity, worked up the
people to a state of frenzy, and eventually led them in an attack on the
factory of Messrs. Hatton and Cookson, seized the agent and dragged him
out of his house on to the beach, tied him up by his thumbs, each Ju-Ju
priest present spat in his mouth, afterwards they stripped him naked and
otherwise ill treated him, besides breaking into his store and robbing
him of twenty pounds worth of goods. The British Consul was appealed to
for redress, and upon his next visit to the river inquired into the
case, but, _mirabile dictu_, decided that he was unable to afford the
agent any redress, as he had brought the punishment on himself. I don't
mention the name of this Consul, as it would be a pity to hand down to
posterity the fact that England was ever represented by such an idiot.
Besides the python the Brass men had several other secondary Ju-Jus;
amongst others may be mentioned the grey and white kingfisher, also
another small bird like a water-wagtail, besides which, in common with
their neighbours, they believed in a spirit of the water who was
supposed to dwell down by the Bar, and to which they occasionally made
offerings in the shape of a young slave-girl of the lightest complexion
they could buy.
The burial customs of this people differed little from others in the
Niger Delta, but as I was present at the burial of two of their
kings--viz. King Keya and King Arishima, at which I saw identically the
same ceremonial take place, I will describe what I saw as far as my
memory will serve me, for the last of these took place about thirty
years ago.
The grave in this instance was not dug in a house, but on a piece of
open ground close to the king's house, but was afterwards roofed over
and joined on to the king's houses. The size of the grave was about
fourteen by twelve feet, and about eight feet deep. At the end where the
defunct's head would be, was a small table with a cloth laid over it,
upon this were several bottles of different liquors, a large piece of
cooked salt beef and sundry other cooked meats, ship's biscuits, &c. The
ceiling of this chamber was supported by stout beams being laid across
the opening, upon which would be placed planks after the body had been
lowered into position, then the whole would be covered over with a part
of the clay that had been taken out of the hole, the rest of the clay
being afterwards used to form the walls of the house, that was
eventually constructed over the grave; a small round hole about three
inches in diameter being made in the ceiling of the grave, apparently
about over the place where the head of the corpse would lay. Down this
would be poured palm wine and spirits on the anniversaries of the king's
death, by his successor and by the Ju-Ju priests. This part of the
ceremony would be called "making his father," if it was a son who
succeeded; if it was not a son, he would describe it as "making his big
father"; though he was perhaps no blood relation at all.
Previous to the burial the body of the king lay in state for two days in
a small hut scarcely five feet high, with very open trellis work sides.
I believe they would have kept the body unburied longer if they could
have done so, but at the end of the second day his Highness commenced to
be very objectionable. The king's body was dressed for this ceremony in
his most expensive robes, having round the neck several necklaces of
valuable coral, to which his chiefs would add a string more or less
valuable according to their means, as they arrived for the final
ceremony. The Europeans were expected to contribute something towards
the funeral expenses, which contribution generally consisted of a cask
of beef, a barrel of rum, a hundredweight of ship's biscuits, and from
twenty to thirty pieces of cloth. Even in this there was a certain
amount of rivalry shown by the Europeans, to their loss and the natives'
gain. One knowing trader amongst them on this occasion had just received
a consignment of imitation coral, an article at that time quite unknown
in the river, either to European trader or to natives; so he decided to
place one of these strings of imitation coral round the king's neck
himself, and thus create a great sensation, for had it been real coral
its value would have been one hundred pounds. He had, however, not
counted on the king's very objectionable state, and when he proceeded to
place his offering round the king's neck, he nearly came to grief, and
did not seem quite himself until he had had a good stiff glass of brandy
and water. The news spread like wildfire of this man's munificence, and
soon the principal chiefs waited upon him to thank him for his present
to their dead king; the other Europeans were green with jealousy, though
each had in his turn tried to outdo his neighbour; unfortunately, there
was a Scotchman there "takin' notes," and faith he guessed a ruse, but
he was a good fellow and friend of the donor, and kept the secret for
some years, and did not tell the tale until it could do his friend no
harm.
The cannons had been going off at intervals for the last two days.
Towards ten o'clock of the second night after death the king was placed
in a very open-work wicker casket, and carried shoulder high round the
town, and then finally deposited in his grave. During this time the
cannons were being continually fired off, and individuals were assisting
in the din by firing off the ordinary trade gun. I and another European
concealed ourselves near the grave, and carefully watched all night to
see if they sacrificed any slaves on the king's grave, or put any poor
creatures down into the grave to die a lingering death; but we saw
nothing of this done, though we had been informed that no king or chief
of Brass was ever buried without some of his slaves being sent with him
into the next world; as our informant explained, how would they know he
had been a big man in this life if he did not go accompanied by some of
his niggers into the next?
The firing of cannon is kept up at intervals for an indefinite number of
days after the final interment; but there is no hard and fast rule as
to its duration as far as I have been able to ascertain, and I think
myself it is ruled by the greater or less liberality of the successors,
who are the ones who have to pay for the gunpowder.
Amongst other customs that are common to all these rivers and this river
is the killing of twin children; but since the mission has been
established here the missionaries have done their utmost to wean the
people from this remnant of savagery.
A curious custom that I have heard of in most of these rivers is the
throwing into the bush, to be devoured by the wild beasts, any children
that may be born with their front teeth cut. I found this custom in
Brass, but with an exception, _id est_, I knew a pilot in Twon Town who
had had the misfortune to be born with his upper front teeth through;
whether it was because it was only the upper teeth that were through, or
whether it was that the law is not so strictly carried out in the case
of a male, I was never able to make sure of; however, he had been
allowed to live, but it appears in his case some part of the law had to
be carried out at his death, viz. he was not allowed to be buried, but
was thrown into the bush, to fall a prey to the wild beasts, and any
property he might die possessed of could not be inherited by any one,
but must be dissipated or thrown into the bush to rot. I believe the
Venerable Archdeacon Crowther has been instrumental in saving several of
these kind of children in Bonny.
The women of Brass are, like their sisters in Benin river, moving on
towards women's rights; for though they have been for many generations
the hewers of wood and drawers of water, and made to do most of the hard
work of the country, they had commenced some years ago to enjoy more
freedom than their sisters in the leeward rivers. They still do most of
the fishing, and the fishing girls of Twon Town used to present a pretty
sight as some fifteen or twenty of their tiny canoes used to sweep past
the European factories, each canoe propelled by two or three graceful,
laughing, chattering girls; with them would generally be seen a canoe or
two paddled by some dames of a maturer age. Though _passee_ as far as
their looks were concerned, they could still ply their paddle as well as
the best amongst the younger ones, as they forced their frail canoes
through water to some favourite quiet blind creek where the currentless
water allowed them to use their preparation[83] for stupefying the fish,
and in little over three hours you might see them come paddling back,
each tiny canoe with from fifty to a hundred small grey mullet,
sometimes with more and occasionally with a few small river soles.
The Brass man, like his neighbours, had his public Ju-Ju house as well
as his private little Ju-Ju chamber, the latter was to be found in any
Brass man's establishment which boasted of more than one room; those who
could not afford a separate chamber used to devote a corner of their own
room, where might be seen sundry odds and ends bespattered with some
yellow clay, and occasionally a white fowl hung by the leg to remain
there and die of starvation and drop gradually to pieces as it
decomposed.
The public Ju-Ju house at Obulambri was not a very pretentious affair;
it consisted of a native hut of wattle and daub, the walls not being
carried more than half way up to the eaves, roofed with palm mats; in
the centre was an iron staff about five feet high, surrounded by eight
bent spear heads; this was called a tokoi, at the foot of it was a hole
about three inches in diameter, down which the Ju-Ju priests would pour
libations of tombo or palm wine, as a sacrifice to the Ju-Ju. I was
informed that this Ju-Ju house was built over the grave of the original
founder of Obulambri town. Behind the tokoi, on a kind of altar raised
about eighteen inches from the ground, were displayed about a dozen
human skulls; at the time I visited it the Ju-Ju man explained to me
that the greater part of these had belonged to New Calabar prisoners
taken in their last war with those people; besides the skulls were
sundry odds and ends of native pottery, as also a few bowls and jugs of
European manufacture. What part this pottery played in their devotions I
could never get a Ju-Ju man to explain, some of them appeared to have
held human blood. Stacked up in one corner were a few human bones,
principally thigh and shin bones.
The Brassmen do not often sacrifice human beings to their Ju-Jus, except
in time of war, when all prisoners without exception were sacrificed.
Their Ju-Ju snake occasionally secured a small child by crawling
unobserved into a house when the elders were absent or asleep. I once
was passing through a small fishing village in the St. Nicholas river,
when most of the inhabitants were away fishing, and hearing terrible
screams went to see what was the cause of the trouble, and found several
women wringing their hands and running to and fro in front of a small
hut. For several minutes I could not get them to tell me what was the
cause of their trouble; at last one of them trembling, with the most
abject fear and quite unable to speak, pointed to the door of the hut.
I went and looked in, but it was so dark I could see nothing at first,
so stepped inside; when, getting accustomed to the semi-darkness, I saw
a large python, some ten or twelve feet long, hanging from the ridge
pole of the hut immediately over a child about two years old that was
calmly sleeping. To snatch up the child and walk out was the work of a
moment. I then found that the woman who had pointed to the door of the
hut was the mother of the child--her gratitude to me for delivering her
child from certain death can be more easily imagined than described.
Upon asking why she had not acted as I had done, she replied she dare
not have interfered with the snake in the way I had done. I afterwards
asked several of the more intelligent natives of Brass if the Ju-Ju law
did not allow a mother to save her child in such a case. Some said she
was a fool woman, and that she could have taken her child away the
moment she saw it in danger; but others said had she done so, she would
have been liable to be killed herself or pay a heavy fine to the Ju-Ju
priests; and I am inclined to believe the latter version to be
correct.[84]
Amongst other curious customs these people make use of the feather
ordeal, to find out robbery, witchcraft, and adultery, &c. In this
ordeal it rests a great deal with the Ju-Ju man who performs it whether
it proves the party guilty or not. This ordeal is performed as
follows:--The Ju-Ju man takes a feather from the underpart of a fowl's
wing, making choice of a stronger or weaker one, according to how he
intends the ordeal shall demonstrate, then, drawing the tongue of the
accused as far out of his mouth as he can, forces the quill of the
feather through from the upper side and draws it out by grasping the
point of the feather from the under side of the tongue; if the feather
is unbroken the accused person is proved guilty, if on the contrary the
feather breaks in the attempt to pass it through the tongue it proves
the innocence of the person. It may be seen from this description how
very easy it was to prove a person innocent, the mere fact of the
feather breaking in the attempt to push it through the tongue being
sufficient; thus, when suitably approached, the Ju-Ju man could not only
prove a person's innocence, but also save him any inconvenience in
eating his mess of foo foo and palaver sauce that evening.
NEW CALABAR
The intervening rivers between the Brass and New Calabar Rivers are the
St. Nicholas, the St. Barbara, the St. Bartholomew, and the Sombrero;
the influence of the king of New Calabar may be said to commence at the
St. Bartholomew River, extending inland to about five or ten miles
beyond the town of Bugama. The lower parts of the St. Bartholomew and
the numerous creeks, running between that river and New Calabar are
mostly inhabited by fishermen and their families, their towns and
villages being without exception the most squalid and dirty of any to be
found in the Delta. Beyond fishing, the males seem to do little else
than sleep; occasionally the men assist their wives and children in
making palm-leaf mats, used generally all over the Delta in place of
thatch--not a very profitable employment, as the demand varies
considerably according to the seasons. After a very rough and
boisterous rainy season, the price may be two shillings and sixpence, or
its equivalent, for four hundred of these mats, each mat being a little
over two feet in length, but falling in bad times to two shillings and
sixpence for five to six hundred. A roof made with these mats threefold
thick will last for three years.
These people call themselves Calabar men simply because they live within
the influence of the Calabarese. In the upper part of these small
rivers, about a day's journey by canoe from the mouth of St.
Bartholomew, is the chief town of a small tribe of people called the
Billa tribe, connected by marriage with the Bonny men, several of the
kings of Bonny having married Billa women. These people are producers in
a small way of palm-oil, and though they are located so close to the New
Calabar people, prefer to sell their produce to the Bonny men, who send
their canoes over to the Billa country to fetch the oil, the latter
people not having canoes large enough for carrying the large puncheons
which the Bonny men send over to collect their produce in.
The New Calabar men are now split up into three towns called Bugama,
where the king lives; Abonema, of which Bob Manuel is the principal
chief; and Backana, where the Barboy House reside. Besides they have
numerous small towns scattered about in the network of creeks connecting
the Calabar River with the Sombrero River. Previous to 1880 these people
all dwelt together in one large town on the right bank of the Calabar
River, nearly opposite to where the creek, now called the Cawthorne
Channel,[85] branches off from the main river.
For some few years previous the chief of the Barboy House, Will Braid,
had incurred the displeasure of the Amachree house, which was the king's
house. For certain private reasons the king, with whom sided most of the
other chiefs, had decided to break down the Barboy house, which had
been a very powerful house in days anterior to the present king's
father, and tradition says that the Barboys had some right to be the
reigning house. Will Braid, the head of the house at this time, had by
his industry and honourable conduct raised the position of the house to
very near its former influence. This was one of the private reasons that
caused the king to look on him with disfavour.
When one of these West African kinglets decides that one of their chiefs
is getting too rich, and by that means too powerful, he calls his more
immediate supporters together, and they discuss the means that are to be
used to compass the doomed one's fall. If he be a man of mettle, with
many sub-chiefs and aspiring trade boys, the system resorted to is to
trump up charges against him of breaches of agreement as to prices paid
by him or his people in the Ibo markets for produce, and fine him
heavily. If he pays without murmur, they leave him alone for a time; but
very soon another case is brought against him either on the same lines
or for some breach of native etiquette, such as sending his people into
some market to trade where, perchance, he has been sending his people
for years; but the king and his friendly chiefs dish up some old custom,
long allowed to drop in abeyance, by which his house was debarred from
trading in that particular market. The plea of long usance would avail
him little; another fine would be imposed. This injustice would
generally have the effect desired, the doomed one would refuse to pay,
then down the king would come on him for disregarding the orders of
himself and chiefs; fine would follow fine, until the man lost his head
and did some rash act, which assisted his enemies to more certainly
compass his ruin. Or he does what I have seen a persecuted chief do in
these rivers on more than one occasion: that is, he gathers all his
wives and children about him, together with his most trusted followers
and slaves, also any of his family who are willing to follow him into
the next world, lays a double tier of kegs of gunpowder on the floor of
the principal room in his dwelling-house and knocks in the heads of the
top tier of kegs. Placing all his people on this funeral pile, he seats
himself in the middle with a fire-stick grasped in his hand, then sends
a message to the king and chiefs to come and fetch the fines they have
imposed on him. The king and chiefs generally shrewdly guessed what this
message meant, and took good care not to get too near, stopping at a
convenient distance to parley with him by means of messengers. The
victim finding there was no chance of blowing up his enemies along with
himself and people, would plunge the fire-stick into the nearest keg,
and the next moment the air would be filled with the shattered remains
of himself and his not unwilling companions.
Having digressed somewhat to explain how chiefs are undone, I must
continue my account of the New Calabar people and the cause of their
deserting their original town. This was brought about by Will Braid, on
whom the squeezing operation had been some time at work. He turned at
bay and defied the king and chiefs; this led to a civil war, in which he
was getting the worst of the game, so one dark night he quietly slipped
away with most of his retainers and took refuge in Bonny. This led to
complications, for Bonny espoused the cause of W. Braid and declared war
against New Calabar; thus in place of suppressing Will Braid they came
near to being suppressed themselves, the Bonny men very pluckily
establishing themselves opposite New Calabar town, where they threw up
a sand battery, in which they placed several rifled cannon, and did
considerable damage to the New Calabar town, from whence a feeble return
fire was kept up for several days, during which time the Calabar men
occupied themselves in placing their valuables and people in security,
and eventually, unknown to the Bonny men, clearing out all their war
canoes and fighting men through creeks at the back of their town to the
almost inaccessible positions of Bugama and Abonema. The Bonny men
continued the bombardment, but finding there was no reply from the town,
despatched, during the night, some scouts to find out what was the
position of things in the New Calabar town; on their return they
reported the town deserted. The Bonny men lost no time in following the
New Calabar men to their new position, but found Bugama inaccessible, so
turned their attention to Abonema, which they very pluckily assaulted,
but were repulsed with considerable loss, losing one of their best war
canoes, in which was a fine rifled cannon; at the same time the Bonny
chief, Waribo, who had most energetically led the assault, barely
escaped with his life, as he was in the war canoe that had been sunk by
the New Calabar men. This victory was very pluckily gained by Chief Bob
Manuel and his people, who were greatly assisted in the defence of their
position by having been supplied at an opportune moment with a
mitrailleuse by one of the European traders in the New Calabar river.
This defeat somewhat cooled the courage of the Bonny men; the war
however continued to be carried on in a desultory manner for several
months, until both sides were tired of the game, and at last all the
questions in dispute between the king and chiefs of New Calabar and Will
Braid, and the matters in dispute between the New Calabar men and the
Bonny men were by mutual agreement left to the arbitration of the king
and chiefs of Okrika, and King Ja Ja and the chiefs of Opobo. The
arbitrators met on board one of Her Majesty's vessels in Bonny River in
1881, King Ja Ja being represented by Chief Cookey Gam and several other
chiefs, the king and chiefs of Okrika being in full force. The result of
the arbitration did not give complete satisfaction to any party, owing
to the advice of Ja Ja on the affair not having been listened to in its
entirety. However, W. Braid returned to New Calabar territory and
founded a town of his own, assisted by his very faithful Chief Yellow of
Young Town. Thus ended the last war between the old rivals Bonny and New
Calabar. It is on record that these two countries had been scarcely ever
at peace for any length of time since New Calabar was first founded some
two hundred and fifty years ago, when, tradition says, one of the
Ephraim Duke family left Old Calabar and settled at the spot from whence
they retired in 1880.
Old traders I met with in the early sixties informed me that during one
of these wars, between the years 1820 and 1830, the king Pepple, then
reigning in Bonny succeeded in capturing the king of Calabar of that
time (the grandfather of the last king Amachree), and to celebrate his
victory and royal capture, made a great feast to which he invited all
the European slave traders then in his country. The feast was a right
royal one, the king had a special dish prepared for himself which was
nothing less than the heart of his royal captive, torn from his scarcely
lifeless body.
The New Calabar people, though said to be descended from the Old Calabar
race, have not retained any of the characteristics of the latter,
neither in their language nor dress, nor have they retained the
elaborate form of secret society or native freemasonry peculiar to the
Efik[86] race called Egbo.
Their religion is the same animistic form of Ju-Juism and belief in the
oracle they call Long Ju-Ju situated in the vicinity of Bende in the
hinterland of Opobo, common to all the inhabitants of the Delta; besides
the latter, they are believers in the power of a Ju-Ju in some mystic
grove in the Oru country. The peculiar test at this latter place is said
to have been established by some ancient dame having uttered some
fearful curse or wish at the spot where the ordeal is administered. The
descriptions of this are rather vague, as no one who has undergone it
has ever been known to return, that is, if he has really seen the oracle
work, for if it works it is a sign of his guilt and drowns him; if he is
innocent it does not work, so on his return he is not in a position to
describe it. But the proprietors of this interesting Ju-Ju have for very
many years found that a nigger fetches a better price alive than when
turned into butcher's meat; they have therefore been in the habit of
selling the guilty victim into slavery in as far distant a country as
possible; but occasionally one of these men have drifted down to the
coast again, but dare not return to his own country as no one would
believe he was anything else but a spirit. One of these "spirits" I had
the pleasure to interview on one occasion, and he told me that the only
ones who were actually drowned were the old or unsaleable men; when two
men went to this Ju-Ju or ordeal well, to decide some vital question
between them, the party taking best would want to see his dead or
drowned opponent; for this purpose the Ju-Ju priests always kept a few
of the old and decrepit votaries on hand to be drowned as required, but
the opponent was never allowed to stand by and see the oracle work, but
was taken up to the well and allowed to see a dead body lying at the
bottom, and after he had glanced in and satisfied himself there was a
drowned person there, he would be hurried away by the Ju-Ju priests and
their assistants. That these priests had the supernatural power to make
the water rise up in the well, this "spirit" thoroughly believed, and
when I offered the suggestion of an underground water supply brought
from some higher elevation, he scouted the idea and gave me his private
opinion thus: "White man he no be fit savey all dem debly ting Ju-Ju
priest fit to do; he fit to change man him face so him own mudder no fit
savey him; he fit make dem tree he live for water side, bob him head
down and drink water all same man; he fit make himself alsame bird and
fly away; you fit to look him lib for one place and you keep you eye for
him, he gone, you no fit see him when he go."
Which little speech turned into ordinary English meant to say that white
people could not understand the devilish tricks the Ju-Ju priests were
able to do, they could so disguise a person that his own mother would
not recognise him, this without the assistance of any make-up but simply
from their devilish science; that they could cause a tree on the banks
of a river to bend its stem and imbibe water through its topmost
branches; that they could change themselves into birds and fly away; and
lastly, that they could make themselves invisible before your eyes and
so suddenly that you could not tell when they had done so.
I asked him why the Ju-Ju man had not altered him, so that when he sold
him it would be impossible for any one who had known him in his own
country ever to recognise him if they saw him in another. His reply was:
"Ju-Ju man savey them man what believe in Ju-Ju no will believe me dem
time I go tell dem I be dem Os[=u]k[=u] of Young Town come back from
Long Ju-Ju. He savey all man go run away from me in my own country."
"Well," I said, "how about the people amongst whom you now are? they
believe in very nearly the same Ju-Jus that your own people do, what do
they say about you?" "Oh! they say I be silly fellow and no savey I done
die one time, and been born again in some other country." I then asked
him how they accounted for his knowing about the people who were still
alive in his own country and to be able to talk about matters which had
taken place there within the previous five or six years. Then I got the
word the inquirer in this part of the world generally gets when he
wishes to dive into the inner circles of native occultism, viz.,
"Anemia," which means "I don't know."
The chiefs in New Calabar in the days of the last king's father were an
extremely fine body of men, both physically and commercially; the latter
quality they owed to the strong hand the king kept over them, and the
excellent law he inaugurated when he became the king with regard to
trade, viz., that no New Calabar chief or other native was allowed to
take any goods on credit from the Europeans. His power was absolute, and
considering that he inherited his father's place at a time when the
country was in the throes of war with Bonny--his father being the king
captured by the king of Bonny mentioned previously--the success of his
rule was wonderful, for he pulled his country together and carried on
the war with such ability that Bonny ultimately was glad to come to
terms; a peace was agreed upon which lasted many years, until the old
king of Bonny died, and his son wishing to emulate his father re-opened
hostilities, but with such ill-success and loss to his country that it
eventually led to his being deposed and exiled from his country for some
years.
The New Calabar people are and have been always great believers in
Ju-Juism, the head Ju-Ju priest being styled the Ju-Ju king and ranking
higher than the king in any matters relating to purely native affairs.
The shark is their principal animal deity, to which they were in the
habit of sacrificing a light-coloured child every seven years. This used
to be openly and ostentatiously performed by a procession of a
half-dozen large canoes being formed up at the town of New Calabar, each
canoe being manned by forty to fifty paddlers; in the midships of each
canoe a deck some ten feet long would be placed on which the Ju-Ju
priests and a number of the younger chiefs and the grown-up sons of the
chief men would huddle together and keep up a continuous howling and
dancing, accompanied with the waving of their hands and handkerchiefs,
until they arrived down near the mouth of the river. When the water
began to be so rough that the singers and dancers could not keep their
feet, it was a sign the offering must be cast into the sea; the Ju-Ju
men and their assistants all supplicating their friend the shark to
intercede with the Spirit of the Water to keep open the entrance to
their river and cause plenty of ships to come to their river to trade.
Their Ju-Ju house in their original town was a much larger and more
pretentious edifice than that of Bonny, garnished with human and goats'
skulls in a somewhat similar manner, unlike the Bonny Ju-Ju house in the
fact that it was roofed over, the eaves of which were brought down
almost to the ground, thus excluding the light and prying eyes at the
same time; at either side of the main entrance, extending some few feet
from the eaves, was a miscellaneous collection of iron three-legged
pots, various plates, bowls and dishes of Staffordshire make, all of
which had some flower pattern on them, hence were Ju-Ju and not
available for use or trade--the old-fashioned lustre jug, being also
Ju-Ju, was only to be seen in the Ju-Ju house, though a great favourite
in Bonny and Brass as a trade article--at this time all printed goods or
cloth with a flower or leaf pattern on them were Ju-Ju. Any goods of
these kinds falling into the hands of a true believer had to be
presented to the Ju-Ju house. As traders took good care not to import
any such goods, people often wondered where all these things came from.
Had they arrived shortly after a vessel bound to some other port had had
the misfortune to be wrecked off New Calabar, they would have solved the
problem at once, for anything picked up from a wreck which is Ju-Ju has
to be carried off at once to the Ju-Ju house. I remember on one occasion
visiting this Ju-Ju house just after a large ship called the _Clan
Gregor_ bound into Bonny had been wrecked off New Calabar, and found the
Ju-Ju house decked both inside and out with yards of coloured cottons
from roof to floor; but the Ju-Ju priests did not get all their rights,
for some tricky natives on salving a bale of goods would carefully slit
the bale just sufficiently to see what were the goods inside, and
should they be Ju-Ju would not open them, but take them to their
particular friend amongst the European traders, and get him to send them
away to some other river for sale on joint account.
Every eighth day is called Calabar Sunday, the day following being
formerly the market day or principal receiving day for the white traders
of the native produce, which consisted principally, and still does, of
palm oil. The native Sunday was passed in olden days by the chief in
receiving visits from the white men and jamming[87] with them for any
produce he had the intention of selling the following day, or clearing
up any little Ju-Ju matters that he had been putting off for the want of
a slack day, not because it was his Sunday, but because that was a day
on which by custom he could not visit the ships. I remember it was on
paying a visit to old King Amachree, the father of the late king of the
same name, I saw for the first time a native sacrifice. I was then
little more than a boy as a matter of fact, I was under seventeen years
of age, but filling a man's place in New Calabar who had been invalided
home. The old king had taken me under his special protection and gave me
much good advice and counsel, which was of great use to me in my novel
position. My employers ought to have been very thankful to him, for
though I was the youngest trader in the river by some twelve years, I
held my own with them and got a larger share of the produce of the river
than my predecessor had done, all owing to the old brick of a king, who
would come and see how I was doing on the big trade days, and if he
thought I was not doing as well as my neighbours he would send off a
message to a small creek close to the shipping, where the natives used
to wait with their oil until it was jammed for, _id est_, agreed for,
and order three or four canoes of oil to be sent off to me, though I had
not seen its owner to agree with him as to what he was to get for it. I
held this appointment for a little over six months, when, my senior
having returned, I had to go back to my duties in Bonny under the chief
agent of the firm, a Captain Peter Thompson, one of the kindest-hearted
skippers that ever entered Bonny river. In those days we all had some
nickname that we were known by amongst the natives, and another amongst
the white men. Amongst the former he was called Calla Thompson, because
he was short, in contradistinction to another Thompson who was tall,
called Opo Thompson; but his name amongst the white men was Panter
Thompson, owing to his inability to pronounce the "th" in panther during
a discussion as to whether we had tigers or only panthers on the West
Coast of Africa. Poor Panter, after a most successful voyage of a little
over two years, was preparing to return home, and had only a few more
weeks to remain in Bonny, when in stepping into his boat his foot
slipped and he fell into the river at a point known to be infested with
sharks. A brother skipper jumped into the boat, and actually clutched
him by his cap at the same moment poor Panter said "I am gone, Ned!" no
doubt feeling himself being drawn down by some hungry shark.
His son now commands one of the finest steamers of the African Steamship
Company, and seems to have inherited in a marked degree all the good
qualities of his father; so, travellers to West Africa, if you want a
comfortable ship and a thorough good fellow to travel with, take your
passage in the ship commanded by Captain Willie Thompson, R.N.R.
But this is digressing. I must get back to New Calabar and tell you what
I saw at my introduction to Ju-Juism under the auspices of dear old King
Amachree. The occasion was the swearing Ju-Ju with some people in the
interior, with whom they had only lately opened up commercial relations,
and they wanted them to swear they would trade with no other people but
them. The deputation, who represented the market people, looked as wild
a lot as one could wish to see, and, as far as I could make out, the
ceremony I was watching was a kind of preliminary canter to a more
impressive, and most likely more diabolical one to be carried out at
some future date in the stranger folks' country. On this occasion the
officiating Ju-Ju priest did not seem to address any of his words to the
strangers, who looked on with a certain amount of fear depicted in their
countenance.
The Ju-Ju priest was clothed (?) in a superb dark-coloured and
greasy-looking rag about his loins, barely sufficient to satisfy the
easiest going of European Lord Chamberlains; but from the expressive
grunts of satisfaction which greeted his appearance in the Ju-Ju house,
I was led to suppose his dress was quite correct and proper for the
occasion. His head was shaved on the right side, and all down his right
side and leg he had been dusted over with some greyish-white native
chalk. He said a few words in an undertone to one of his assistants, who
went out of sight for a moment or so and quickly returned with a very
fine almost milk-white goat, the poor beast seeming to anticipate its
fate from its fearfully loud bleating. The Ju-Ju priest seized the poor
beast by its muzzle with his left hand, and dexterously tossing its body
under his left arm, forced its head back towards his left shoulder until
the neck of the beast formed an arc, his assistant handing him at this
moment a very sharp white-handled spear-pointed knife, which he drew
across the animal's throat, almost severing its head from its body.
Quick as lightning he dropped on one knee and held the bleeding animal
over a receptacle, having the appearance of a large soup plate,
fashioned in the clay of the ground immediately in front of the altar
arrangement. In the centre of this plate was a hole down which the
quickly coagulating blood slowly trickled; after the interval of what
appeared to me minutes, but was in fact most likely less than a minute,
the Ju-Ju man laid the lifeless body of the goat down with its neck over
the opening in the plate, leaving it there to drain. At the moment of
the sacrifice various gongs and old ship bells were struck by young men
stationed near them for that purpose--a wrecked ship's bell being
generally presented to the Ju-Ju house, though not as in the case of
Ju-Ju goods by law prescribed. New Calabar people had been fairly well
observant of this custom, and the wrecks numerous, judging from the
number of ships' bells in the Ju-Ju house. At every movement of the
Ju-Ju priest the king and chief would grunt out a noise very much
resembling that auld Scotch word "ahum."
The Ju-Ju house had amongst its possessions several ill-shapen wooden
idols, and scattered about the affair that represented an altar were
various small idols looking very much like children's dolls; also
several large elephant's tusks, and two or three very well carved ones,
with the usual procession of coated and naked figures winding round
them.
The present king of New Calabar[88] is a son of my old friend King
Amachree, and is called King Amachree also, but has shown little of the
ability of his late father, being completely led by the nose by his
brother George Amachree, who practically rules both king and people.
The former is a small, quiet, and rather amiable man, but of a
vacillating and unreliable character; his brother and prime minister is,
on the contrary, a tall and very fine specimen of the negro race,
endowed by nature with a very suave and not unmusical voice, a very able
speaker, clear and logical reasoner, but of a very grasping nature--an
excellent and successful trader and exceedingly nice man to deal with,
as long as he has got things moving the way that suits him and his
policy; but when thwarted in his designs, trading or political, he
becomes a difficult customer to deal with, and a very unpleasant and
objectionable type of negro "big man." Nevertheless, had he had the
fortune to have been born in a civilised Africa, I feel confident his
natural abilities, assisted by education, would have made him a man of
eminence in whatever country his lot might have been cast.
Most of the New Calabar chiefs bear a very favourable repute amongst the
white traders, and compare very favourably intellectually with the
neighbouring chiefs of the Niger Delta.
Another chief of no mean capacity is Bob Manuel, of Abonema, exceedingly
neat, almost a dandy in appearance, a very shrewd trader, clear and
concise in his speech, honourable in all his dealings, of a very
reserved temperament; but a charming man to talk with, once started on
any topic that interests him or his visitor.
Owing to some peculiarities in their dress, the New Calabar chiefs are
very different to the chiefs in other parts of the Delta. They never
appear outside of their houses unless robed in long shirts (made of real
india madras of bold check patterns, in which no other colour but red,
blue and white is ever allowed to be used) reaching down to their heels;
under this they wear a singlet and a flowing loin cloth of the same
material as their shirts. Of late years, during the rainy season, some
of them have added elastic-side boots and white socks, but the most
curious part of their get-up is their head-gear, for since about 1866
they have taken to wearing wigs. These are only worn on high days and
holidays and at special functions, but the effect sometimes is so
utterly ridiculous as to be more than strangers can look at without
laughing. Imagine an immensely stout and somewhat podgy negro with
elastic-side boots, white stockings, long shirt, several strings of
coral hung round his neck and hanging in festoons down as far as where
his waistcoat would end, did he wear one, a Charles II. light flaxen
wig, the latter topped up by an ordinary stove-pipe black silk hat!
This fashion of wearing wigs, I am afraid, was unconsciously inaugurated
by me, having taken with me in 1865 to New Calabar some wigs that I had
used in some private theatricals in England. A chief named Tom Fouche
saw them, and was enchanted with a nigger's trick wig, the top of which
could be raised by pulling a hidden silk cord, and eventually he became
the proud possessor of my stock, and produced a great sensation the
first public festival he appeared at. Previous to this I never saw a wig
in New Calabar; as a matter of fact, they have no excuse for them, a
bald-headed native being an almost unheard-of curiosity, and grey or
white heads are very scarce. Alas! like all pioneers, I did not reap the
reward I should have done, as I left the New Calabar river before the
fashion had caught on, and Messrs. Thomas Harrison and Co., of
Liverpool, became the principal purveyors of wigs to the Court of New
Calabar.
These people are remarkable for the bold stand they have made against
the persecution of their neighbours almost from the day their founder
planted his foot on the New Calabar soil, or mud rather, I should say;
besides their wars with the Bonny men, they were often attacked by the
Brass men, allies of Bonny. With the Okrika men they were almost
constantly at war. This latter was a kind of guerilla warfare carried on
in the creeks, and consisted in seizing any unprotected small canoe with
its crew of two or three men or women and cargo, the latter generally
being yams or Indian corn, the custom being on both sides to eat these
prisoners.
The Church Missionary Society established a mission here in 1875, but
during the war of 1879 and 1880 the missionary had to leave. Their
success had not been brilliant up to this date, owing, no doubt, in some
measure, to the immense power wielded by the Ju-Ju priests in New
Calabar.
It was not until 1887-8 that the missionaries were able to again
commence their labours amongst these people, and then not in the
principal town. Archdeacon Crowther, however, succeeded about this time
in getting a plot of ground in Bob Manuel's town, Abonema, for the
purpose of building a mission station. As to the success of this last
effort I can't speak from personal observation, as I left this river
shortly afterwards myself; in fact, it was on my last visit to Abonema
that I conveyed in my steamer, the _Quorra_, the missionary and his wife
to their new home from Brass. They were a young couple of very well
educated and most intelligent Sierra Leone natives.
BONNY AND THE PEPPLE FAMILY
This river was the most important slave market in the Delta, as a matter
of fact surpassing in numbers of slaves exported any other single
slave-dealing station on the West or South-West Coast of Africa.
According to Mr. Clarkson, the historian of the abolition of the
slave-trade, this river and Old Calabar exported more slaves than all
the other slave-dealing centres on the West and South-West Coasts of
Africa combined.
It is a well-known fact that for about two hundred years the average
annual output of slaves through the Bonny River was about 16,000 (this
included the shipments from New Calabar), totalling up to the immense
number of 3,200,000 souls taken out of this part of Africa during two
centuries.
The above figures do not represent the total depletion this part of
Africa suffered during this time. To the above immense number of slaves
exported must be added the number of lives lost in the raids made on the
Ibo villages for the purpose of capturing the people to sell as slaves;
we must also add the number that died on their way down from the
interior to the coast, and to these again must be added the slaves
refused by the European trader by reason of any defect, malformation,
or incipient signs of disease. The fate of these poor souls was sad; but
perhaps many of their brethren envied them their quick release from the
cares of this world. The native slave-dealer was too practical a man to
burden himself with mouths to fill that he could not immediately turn
into cloth, rum, gunpowder or coral, so oftener than otherwise he would
simply tell his own niggers to drop their canoe astern of the slave
ship, cut the rejected slaves heads off, and cast their bodies into the
river to feed the sharks, this often taking place within sight of the
European slaver.
A very moderate allowance for loss of life between the interior and the
slave-ship from the above-mentioned causes would be at the least 40 per
cent.; thus totalling the immense number of 4,480,000 souls sent out of
this one district in about two centuries. The greater number of these
were Ibos, a slave much sought after in the olden days by planters in
the West Indies and the Southern States of America.
I have mentioned these latter facts here to point out to my readers that
the so-called benevolent domestic slavery as practised on the coast of
Western Africa and tolerated in Her Britannic Majesty's West African
Colonies, must, as a natural consequence, lead to a deplorable loss of
life, though not in so wholesale a manner as the export of slaves led to
in former days.
The Bonny people claim to be descended from the Ibo tribe, but I should
be inclined to think that their proper description to-day would be a
mixture of Ibos, Kwos, Billa, and sundry infusions of blood from
inter-marriage with the female slaves brought down by the slave-dealers
from places lying beyond and at the back of the Ibo people.
Whatever their origin may have been, a commercial spirit is, and has
been since their first intercourse with Europeans, a very highly
developed trait in their character. As I have already shown, they were
the greatest slave traders in Western Africa, and when that, for them,
lucrative trade was finally put a stop to by the treaty signed on the
21st of November, 1848, between Her Britannic Majesty's Consul and King
Pepple, whereby King Pepple was to receive an annual present of $2,000
for six years--[previous to this, one, if not two treaties had been
signed by King Pepple, with Her Britannic Majesty's representatives,
with the same object; but the greed of gain had been too much for his
dusky Majesty, combined with the continued presence on the coast of the
Spanish slave-dealers; one of the latter being established at Brass as
late as 1844]--they then turned their whole attention to the legitimate
trade of palm oil, and soon became the largest exporters of that article
on the West Coast of Africa. Their trade in this article had not been
inconsiderable since 1825, at which date the Liverpool merchants had
seriously turned their attention to legitimate trade.
In 1837-38, the export of palm oil was already about 14,200 tons, all
carried in sailing vessels principally owned in Liverpool, and mostly by
firms that had been in the slave trade.
Like the natives of Brass, many of these people have embraced the
Christian faith, the Church Missionary Society having placed one of
their stations here in 1866, some two years earlier than the Brass
Mission was commenced.
Their endeavours have certainly met with considerable success in
prevailing upon a large number of the natives to give up many of their
Ju-Ju practices; amongst others, the worship of the iguana, an immense
lizard, which from time immemorial had been the Bonny man's titular
guardian angel. They not only got them to give up worshipping this
saurian, but also, to mark a new departure in their religious ideas, the
missionaries prevailed upon the people to organise a general iguana
hunt; so, following the old saying of "the better the day, the better
the deed," one Easter Sunday, about the year 1883 or 1884, or about
twenty-two years after the establishment of the mission, the bells of
the mission church rang out the signal for the wholesale slaughter of
these reptiles. To such an extent and with such good will did the people
work that day, that by evening time not one was left alive in the town.
That day it was everybody's job to kill these reptiles, but it was
nobody's job to clear away the dead bodies, there being no County
Council in Bonny to see to the scavenger work after this animal St.
Bartholomew; the consequence was the stench was so great from the
decaying bodies that every European predicted a general sickness would
be the natural outcome of it all; but no such unlucky event happened,
and the natives did not seem to notice the extra strong perfume very
much--one of them observing, to a growl about it by a white man, that
"it be all same them trade beef you sell we people for chop."
The Bonny men until late years were steeped in all the most vile
practices of Ju-Juism--sacrificing human beings to their various Ju-Jus,
and eating all their prisoners captured in war, certain of their Ju-Ju
practices demanding an annual human sacrifice. If at this time they
happened to be at peace with their neighbours, and consequently without
any prisoner to be sacrificed, the Ju-Ju men would disguise themselves
in some fantastic dress (some Europeans have said they disguise
themselves as leopards; I have never seen this disguise used, and doubt
it very much), and prowl about the town and its byeways, seizing for
their purpose in preference some stray stranger that might be staying in
the town; failing a stranger, some noted bad character belonging to the
town in whose fate no one would be greatly interested would be seized
upon. To say these practices are completely stamped out would be,
perhaps, not quite the truth; but that they are being stamped out I feel
convinced, and considering what believers in Ju-Ju these people have
been, I think I may say fairly quick.
The common sense of the people is assisting very much, and the women are
showing themselves capable of something better than what their former
state condemned them to. The final decision to slaughter the iguana some
years ago was brought about by them in a great measure on solid common
sense grounds, for had not the iguana been their mortal enemy for years
by eating their fowls and chickens before their eyes, thus destroying
about the only means a woman of the lower class, or one who had ceased
to please her lord and master, had of making a little pin money.
The Ju-Ju house of Bonny, once the great show place of the town, has now
completely disappeared and its hideous contents are scattered; strange
to say, I saw, only a few weeks ago, in the house of a lady in London,
one of the sacrificial pots of native earthenware that had done duty for
many generations in the Bonny Ju-Ju House.
A description of this Ju-Ju house may be interesting to some of my
readers. It was an oblong building of about forty feet long by thirty
broad, surrounded by mud walls about eight or ten feet high; one portion
over where the altar stood had had sticks arranged, as if the intention
had been at some time to roof it over; at the end behind the altar the
wall had been built in a semicircle; the altar looked very much like an
ordinary kitchen plate rack with the edges of the plate shelves picked
out with goat skulls. There were three rows of these, and on the three
plate shelves a row of grinning human skulls; under the bottom shelf,
and between it and the top of what would be in a kitchen the dresser,
were eight uprights garnished with rows of goats' skulls, the two middle
uprights being supplied with a double row; below the top of the dresser,
which was garnished with a board painted blue and white, was arranged a
kind of drapery of filaments of palm fronds, drawn asunder from the
centre, exposing a round hole with a raised rim of clay surrounding it,
ostensibly to receive the blood of the victims and libations of palm
wine.
To one side, and near the altar, was a kind of roughly made table fixed
on four straight legs; upon this was displayed a number of human bones
and several skulls; leaning against this table was a frame looking very
like a chicken walk on to the table; this also was garnished with
horizontal rows of human skulls--here and there were to be seen human
skulls lying about; outside the Ju-Ju house, upon a kind of trellis
work, were a number of shrivelled portions of human flesh.
Whilst writing about the wholesale slaughter of iguanas I forgot to
mention that this was not the first time an animal that was Ju-Ju and
held in high veneration had had a general battue arranged for it. The
monkey used to hold a place in Bonny equal with the iguana, but for some
reason or another it fell from its high estate, and was as ruthlessly
slaughtered by its quondam worshippers.
Other Ju-Jus were the shark and the Spirit of the Water, or supposed
guardian angel of the Bar. The bull was at one time worshipped, but not
of late years; but still fresh beef was Ju-Ju, and twenty years ago no
Bonny gentleman would touch it.
Like fresh beef, milk of cows or goats was never used by natives,
neither were eggs eaten by Bonny men or any of the neighbouring coast
tribes.
Native houses in Bonny are very little different to the general run of
native houses along this coast, as far as the external appearance goes;
but inside they are perfect Hampton Court mazes to the uninitiated. A
noticeable peculiarity is that the entrance door and all the other
doorways in a native house have a fixed barrier about eighteen inches
high between each room from whence start the doorways proper. This forms
a very favourite seat of the master of the house or his wife, but one
must never step over them while any one is sitting on them; a man
stepping over one while a man is sitting there means "poison for eye,"
as the natives express it, which means to say your action will cause
them sickness. A man doing the same when a female is sitting in this
position has a much more significant meaning, and for a slave would
entail a good flogging.
No community of natives demonstrates the peculiar workings of domestic
slavery so well as these people, for in no other place on the coast can
any one find so many instances of the rapid rise of a bought slave from
the lowest rung of the slave ladder to the topmost.
The bought slave was quite a different class to the son of a slave born
in Bonny of slave parents; for outside the direct descendants of the
Pepple family, the freemen of Bonny could be counted on one hand;
therefore, a slave born in Bonny was looked upon as being almost equal
with a freeman. These were called Bonny free; and the Bonny free, though
they boast of their birth, can't boast of the most brains, for the most
intelligent men of these people--especially during the last fifty
years--have been bought slaves, with few exceptions.
In 1837, the then reigning King Pepple had to get Captain Craigie of
H.M. Navy to assist him in asserting his rights, a slave of his having
usurped his place. A few years after, in 1854, this same King Pepple was
deposed by his chiefs for making continuous war on New Calabar, and thus
draining the wealth of the country, as well as for his cruelties to his
own people; they, at the same time, found out another charge against him
that he was an usurper, as there was a young man named Dapho Pepple, a
son of his elder brother, who was entitled to the throne, and, with the
assistance of the late Consul Beecroft, the change was made and the
fighting King Pepple was taken away to Fernando Po, and eventually found
his way to England in 1857; there he resided four years, was carefully
looked after by the temperance party, and eventually became a convert to
Christianity. Several sets of verses were strung together for and about
him by the goody goody papers of the time. He made strong appeals to the
British public for L20,000 to establish a mission in his country; but in
this matter I am afraid he was not successful, as the mission was never
started by him, and on his arrival home in Bonny River, in August, 1861,
there was a dearth of current coin in the royal pockets.
The following is King Pepple's address in verse, which, he asserted, he
spoke when seeking funds to establish a mission in his country. He only
asked for a modest L20,000. I never heard what he got, but one thing I
do know, whatever he did get, he never expended a shilling of it for the
purpose it was given him:--
Beloved bretheren,
Young and old,
I come to day to ask for gold
To help the missionary Coons
Who brave Bonny's hot simoons.
Tooralooral! Rich and poor,
A pewter plate is at the door!
Now why must each of you decide
Your heart and purse to open wide?
It is because the imbued sin
That e'en now lurks each heart within
Tooralooral! with all its might
Is prompting you to close them tight.
And then it must not be forgot
That Hell is wide and awful hot,
And gibbering fiends around us grin
With joy to see us tumble in.
Tooralooral! don't forget
The Devil he may have you yet.
But would you from destruction turn,
Nor 'mid sulphurous vapours burn,
But each become a blessed spirit,
And kingdom come with joy inherit.
Tooralooral! tip us a bob,
To help us on our holy job.
Remember, friends, we are but dust,
And die in course of time we must.
To show the seeds have taken root
By yielding up the proper fruit,
Tooralooral! are you willing
To subscribe another shilling?
If you will help to save the nigger
Your crown of glory shall be bigger,
More white your robes, your sandals smarter,
When we shall meet above herear'ter
Tooralooral! Psalms and Hymns,
Cherubs sweet and Seraphims.
Fields of glory, floods of light,
Sweet effulgence, Angels bright,
Sounds symphoneous, jewels rare,
Sheets of gold and perfumed air.
Tooralooral! fellow men,
Hallelujah! and Amen.
By what specious reasoning he succeeded in prevailing upon the
authorities at the Foreign Office to countenance his return to Bonny, or
what he described as his dominions, I know not. The fact, however, is on
record that he did get this permission, and that he found some good
friends in London to assist him with sufficient cash to pay L900 down on
account of the charter of the _Bewley_, a small vessel of only about 180
tons register, which was to carry him and his consort, the Queen
Eleanor, better known in Bonny as Allaputa, and their royal suite, which
consisted of nine English men and two English women; amongst the former
he had nominated the following officials, viz., premier, secretary, an
assistant secretary, three clerks, and one doctor, a farmer, and a valet
for himself. Mrs. Wood, the gardener's wife, was to be schoolmistress,
and the other English woman was to act as a maid of honour to the Queen
Eleanor. All these people had agreements for salaries varying from L60
to L600 per annum, some of them with an allowance of L15 for uniform;
several of the agreements contained a clause that stipulated that the
king was to supply them with suitable apartments in the royal palace.
On arriving in the Bonny river, these poor people had a rude awakening,
for they found that the king was not wanted by his people, had no royal
palace, and no revenues. However, they did not immediately quit the
service of the dusky monarch, but held on in the hope of getting
sufficient arrears of pay out of him to pay their passages home; they
had some reason for their action, for the old king still had a strong
party friendly to him in the town. The king funked landing amongst his
late subjects, and he remained on board the _Bewley_, until the 15th of
October, landing at last with many misgivings. Strange to relate, the
same day the walls of the Bonny Ju-Ju house crumbled to bits, caused, no
doubt, by the heavy rains, but the king looked upon it as an omen boding
no good to him.
When the king landed, the captain of the _Bewley_ gave the European
suite notice that he could not supply them with food any longer, as the
king was not able to pay him what he owed the ship.
These poor people now found themselves in a sad plight, but the
Liverpool supercargoes in the river gave them quarters in their
different sailing vessels and hulks. Those who wished to try their luck
in some other place on the coast had their passages paid by the
supercargoes of the river; Miss Mary, the queen's maid of honour, was
about the first to be sent home, the gardener and his wife left in
November, and by the end of December the last of the king's white suite
left the river. None were ever paid their arrears of wages, the king
being with difficulty made to find L10 towards the passage money of the
doctor. Strange to relate, though these eleven white people could not be
said to have passed their time in Bonny river under the best conditions
for health, being cooped up on board a vessel of only 180 tons
register, yet only one of them died, that one being the king's valet.
All had remained more than two months in the river, some four months, at
a time, when, according to some authorities, the coast climate is most
to be dreaded.
King Pepple never regained his ancient sway over the Bonny people, and
after lingering in very indifferent health a few years, during which
time he was every now and again springing some new intrigue on his
people, he passed away at Ju-Ju Town, where he had been living almost
ever since his return to his native land, for his health's sake, he
asserted, but rumour had it that he felt himself safer away from the
vicinity of his more powerful chiefs.
After his death, the affairs of Bonny went back into the hands of the
four regents, as they had been since the death of King Dapho up to the
time of King Pepple's return in 1861, and in a great measure remained
during the few years Pepple lived.
These regents had originally been appointed by the late Acting Consul
Lynslager on the 1st of September, 1855, and were the heads of the
following houses:--
_Name of House._ _Native Name of Chief in_ _Name of Chief in_
_Possession in 1855._ _Possession in 1869._
Annie Pepple Elolly Pepple Ja Ja.
Captain Hart Apho Dappa Still alive.
Adda Allison Generally called Addah. " "
Manilla Pepple Erinashaboo Warrabo.
Oko Jumbo } Advisers to the regents, Still alive.
Jim Banago } both wealthy men. Squeeze Banago.
The above lists show in a very marked manner the favourable side of
domestic slavery; every one of the above chiefs were bought slaves or
the sons of bought slaves, and in that case would be Bonny free. Ja Ja
was bought by Adda Allison, and by him presented to Elolly Pepple, the
name Ja Ja signifying a present in some native language in the
hinterland of Bonny. Oko Jumbo was a slave bought by Manilla Pepple.
Captain Hart was a slave bought from the Okrika people, and had been
head slave of the late King Dapho. The others I am not sure about, but
Squeeze Banago and Warrabo may have been Bonny free, though I have my
doubts, but in no case from 1855 up to this date, 1869, had a son
inherited from his father. I don't wish to be understood never did;
because cases have occurred, and did occur during this time, where the
son followed the father, but in these six principal Houses the chief was
not the son of the former head of the House. A House, in native
parlance, meant a number of petty chiefs congregated together for mutual
protection, owning allegiance generally to the richest and most
intelligent one amongst them, whom they called their father, and the
Europeans called a chief. A House could be formed as Oko Jumbo formed
his. He, as I have said above, was a bought slave, yet, by his superior
intelligence and industry, he amassed, in early life, great wealth, was
able to buy numerous slaves, some of whom showed similar aptitude to
himself, to whom he showed the same encouragement that his master had
shown him, and allowed them to trade on their own account. These men in
their turn bought slaves, and allowed them similar privileges. This kind
of evolution went on with uninterrupted success until Oko Jumbo, after
twenty years' trading, found himself at the head of five or six hundred
slaves; for, according to country law, all the slaves bought by his
favoured slaves (now become petty chiefs or head boys) belonged to him
as he belonged to Manilla Pepple; but owing to his accumulated riches
and numerous followers he was beginning to take rank as a chief and head
of a House. One must not think that the assistance given by an owner of
slaves to here and there one, as described above, is all pure
philanthropy; it is nothing of the kind, for for every hundred pounds
worth of trade the slave does on his own account nowadays means L25 into
the coffers of his master. In the early sixties this profit was not so
great, but it represented in those days a ten to fifteen per cent.
commission to the head of the House.
There were five kinds of commission paid by the European traders to the
heads of Houses. There were Ex Bar, Custom Bar, Work Bar, Gentlemen's
Dash and Boys' Dash, and as a slave who had been allowed to trade by his
master rose in the social scale he marked the different stages he passed
through by being allowed gradually to claim these various commissions on
his own oil from the Europeans; thus at first he would get only the
boys' dash, = 1 pes of small Manchester cloth, value about 2s., and a
fisherman's red cap, worth about 3d. The latter was supposed to go to
his pull-away boys to buy palm wine. The second stage in his progress
would be marked by his being allowed to take the gentlemen's dash,
consisting of two pes of cloth, value 2s. 6d. each. The third he would
be allowed to receive a portion of the work bar on his oil, sometimes
only a third, gradually increasing until he would be allowed to claim
the whole work bar. On arriving at this latter stage he would be
expected to provide a war canoe and men and arms for the same, ready at
any moment to turn out and fight for the general good of the country or
to take part in any quarrel between his master and any other chief in
Bonny, or to attend his master with it when he wished to visit any small
country and make a little naval demonstration if these people had been a
little slack in paying their debts. In course of time, this man, having
supplied a war canoe, would aspire to being recognised as a chief, and
thus be entitled to wear an eagle's feather in his hat. To arrive at
this stage he would have to make some payments to the principal Ju-Ju
men of the town, and if he never had been at war, and thus missed the
opportunity of cutting an enemy's head off, he must purchase a slave for
this purpose and cut the poor creature's head off in cold blood in the
Ju-Ju house. This function was rigorously insisted upon by the Ju-Ju
men, and under no circumstances would they allow a man to become a chief
who had not cut a man's head off, either in war or in cold blood. After
this ceremony, the new-made chief would be duly introduced, at a public
meeting, to all the other chiefs, and the next day several brother
chiefs would accompany him round to the various trading ships in the
port, to intimate to the Europeans that he was a full chief, and
entitled to receive all the work bar, ex bar, gentlemen's dash and boys'
dash that a chief was entitled to. I have previously mentioned custom
bar; this originally was paid only to the king, and consisted of one
iron bar upon every puncheon of oil bought by the European trader; in
early days the king used to put a boy on board each ship to collect this
toll, but in course of time found that he was more sure to be honestly
dealt with if he left the white man to pay him occasionally what was due
to him, than to receive it daily through his bar-boy. On the deposition
of King Pepple, the custom bar was collected by the four regents, whose
descendants demanded it as a right, even after the return of the king,
and continued to get it, until a few years ago, when all these bars were
abolished in Bonny by mutual consent, and in their place was paid
"topping," varying from time to time, according to the saneness of the
white traders, from twenty to thirty per cent. on the price of the oil,
gentlemen's and boys' dash still being continued.
Referring back to the head-cutting ceremony, I must here mention a
curious fact, when one remembers the savage state of these people, that
I have known many Bonny men who were in a position to be made chiefs,
and had conformed to all the preliminary forms, but who shirked the head
cutting in cold blood, preferring thus to continue head boys only, until
forced by the chiefs (generally instigated by the Ju-Ju men) to complete
the ceremony. One in particular, named Jungo, I remember, who at the
time of the civil war in Bonny in 1869 had been for some time eligible
to become a chief, yet shirked the head cutting; he was amongst those
who followed Ja Ja in his retreat to the Ekomtoro, afterwards called the
Opobo; it was not until some years after arriving in the Opobo that some
Ju-Ju priest remembered that Jungo had not distinguished himself during
the war, and that he had yet to perform his head cutting. Poor Jungo was
one of the mildest natured black men I have ever known, and tried all
kinds of schemes to get out of the ordeal, even offering to give up some
of his acquired rights, but public opinion and the Ju-Ju priests were
too much for him, and the slave to be sacrificed was bought, and the
ceremony carried out by Jungo; but he was such a poor performer that he
unintentionally caused considerably more pain to his victim than
necessary, for Jungo tried to do the terrible deed by striking with his
face turned the other way, the victim absolutely cursing him for his
bungling. This latter episode may, perhaps, be put down as a traveller's
yarn, but it is not at all to be wondered at, when it is known that
these poor wretches are made drunk previous to being decapitated.
Having described how a slave might become a chief, I will now describe
how one became the head of a House or chief, and afterwards made himself
a king, and one of the most powerful in this part of Africa.
When Elolly Pepple died (some say he was poisoned), shortly after the
return of King Pepple in 1861, the Annie Pepple House was for some time
left without a head. The various chiefs held repeated meetings, and the
generally coveted honour did not seem to tempt any of them; by right of
seniority a chief named Uranta (about the freest man in the House, some
asserted he was absolutely free), was offered the place, but he, for
private reasons of his own, refused. After Uranta there were Annie
Stuart, Black Foobra and Warrasoo, all men of some considerable riches
and consideration, but they also shirked the responsibility, for Elolly
had been a very big trader, and owed the white men, it was said, at the
time of his death, a thousand or fifteen hundred puncheons of oil,
equivalent to between ten and fifteen thousand pounds sterling, and none
of the foremost men of the house dare tackle the settlement of such a
large debit account, fearing that the late chief had not left sufficient
behind him to settle up with, without supplementing it with their own
savings, which might end in bankruptcy for them, and their final
downfall from the headship. At this time there was in the House a young
man who had not very long been made a chief, though he had, for a
considerable number of years, been a very good trader, and was much
respected by the white traders for his honesty and the dependence they
could place in him to strictly adhere to any promise he made in trade
matters. This young chief was Ja Ja, and though he was one of the
youngest chiefs in the house, he was unanimously elected to fill the
office. He, however, did not immediately accept, though his being
unanimously elected amounted almost to his being forced to accept.
He first visited _seriatim_ each white trader, counted book (as they
call going through the accounts of a House), and found that though there
was a very large debit against the late chief, there was also a large
credit, as a set off, in the way of sub-chief's work bars and the late
Elolly's own work bars. At the same time, he arranged with each
supercargo the order in which he would pay them off, commencing with
those who were nearing the end of their voyage, and getting a promise
from each that if he settled according to promise they would get their
successor to give him an equal amount of credit that they themselves had
given the late Elolly. A few days after, at a public meeting of the
chiefs of the Annie Pepple House, he intimated his readiness to accept
the headship of the House, distinctly informing them that, as they had
elected him themselves, they must assist him in upholding his authority
over them as a body, which would be no easy task for him when there were
so many older and richer chiefs in the House who were more entitled than
he was to the post. The older chiefs, only too delighted to have found
in Ja Ja some one to take the responsibility of the late chief's debts
and the troubles of chieftainship off their shoulders, were prepared,
and did solemnly swear, to assist him with their moral support, taking
care not to pledge themselves to assist him in any of the financial
affairs of the House.
Ja Ja had not been many months head of the Annie Pepple House before he
began to show the old chiefs what kind of metal he was made of; for
during the first twelve months he had selected from amongst the late
Elolly's slaves no less than eighteen or twenty young men, who had
already amassed a little wealth, and whom he thought capable of being
trusted to trade on their own account, bought canoes for them, took them
to the European traders, got them to advance each of these young men
from five to ten puncheons worth of goods, he himself standing guarantee
for them. This operation had the effect of making Ja Ja immediately
popular amongst all classes of the slaves of the late chief. At the same
time, the slaves of the old chief of the House began to see that there
was a man at the head of the House who would set a good example to their
immediate masters. Some of these young men are now wealthy chiefs in
Opobo, and as evidence that they had been well chosen, Ja Ja was never
called upon to fulfil his guarantee.
Two years after Ja Ja was placed at the head of the House the late
Elolly's debts were all cleared off, no white trader having been
detained beyond the date Ja Ja had promised the late chief's debts
should be paid by. In consideration for the prompt manner in which Ja Ja
had paid up, he received from each supercargo whom the late chief had
dealt with a present varying from five to ten per cent. on the amount
paid.
From this date Ja Ja never looked back, becoming the most popular chief
in Bonny amongst the white men, and the idol of his own people, but
looked upon with jealousy by the Manilla Pepple House, to which belonged
the successful slave, Oko Jumbo, who was now, both in riches and power,
the equal of Ja Ja, though never his equal in popularity amongst the
Europeans. Though there was a king in Bonny, and Warribo was the head of
the Manilla House, _id est_, the king's House, Oko Jumbo and Ja Ja were
looked upon by every one as being the rulers of Bonny. The demon of
jealousy was at work, and in the private councils of the Manilla House
it was decided that Ja Ja must be pulled down, but the only means of
doing it was a civil war. The risks of this Oko Jumbo, Warribo and the
king did not care to face, as though the Oko Jumbo party was most
numerous, each side was equally supplied with big guns and rifles up to
a short time before the end of 1868, when two European traders, on their
way home, picked up a number of old 32 lb. carronades at Sierra Leone,
and shipped the same down to Oko Jumbo. This sudden accession of war
material, of course, put him in a position to provoke Ja Ja, and he cast
about for a _causus belli_, but Ja Ja was an astute diplomatist, and
managed to steer clear of all his opponent's pitfalls. A very small
matter is often seized upon by natives as a means to provoke a war, and
in this case the cause of quarrel was found in "that a woman of the
Annie Pepple House had drawn water from some pond belonging to the
Manilla Pepple House." This was thought quite sufficient. A most
insulting message was sent to Ja Ja, intimating that the time had come
when nothing but a fight could settle their differences. His reply was
characteristic of the man; he reminded them that he had no wish to
fight, was not prepared, and, furthermore, that neither he, nor they,
had paid their debts to the Europeans. The latter part of the message
was too much for an irascible, one-eyed old fighting chief named Jack
Wilson Pepple, so off he marched to his own house, and fired the first
round shot into the Annie Pepple part of the town, and civil war was
commenced. It was a bit overdue, the last having taken place in 1855. As
a rule, they come round about every ten years, like the epidemics of
malignant bilious fever of the coast.
The Annie Pepple House was not slow to reply, but Ja Ja knew he was
over-matched, both in guns and numbers of fighting men, so he only kept
up a semblance of a fight sufficiently long to allow him to make a
retreat to a small town called Tombo, in the next creek to the Bonny
creek, only about three miles from Bonny by water, less by land.
From here he was in a better position to parley with his opponents, and
make terms if possible, but he soon saw that no arrangement less than
the complete humiliation of himself and people was going to satisfy his
enemies, for besides the jealousy of Oko Jumbo, the young King George
Pepple, son of the gentleman who had been to England and brought out the
European suite, had not forgotten that the Annie Pepple house,
represented by the late Elolly, had been the chief opponents of his late
father when he returned to Bonny in 1861 after his exile.
This young man had been educated in England, and I must say did credit
to whoever had had charge of his education. He both spoke and wrote
English correctly, and had his father been able to hand over to him the
kingship as he had received it in 1837, he might have blossomed into a
model king in West Africa; but, alas! the only thing he inherited from
his father beyond the kingship was debt--king only in name, receiving
only so much of his dues as the principal chiefs liked to allow him, not
having the means of being a large trader, looked upon with scant favour
by the Europeans, and owing to his English education lacking the rude
ability of such men as Oko Jumbo and Ja Ja to make a position for
himself, he became but a puppet in the hands of his principal chiefs; a
fate, I am afraid, which has generally befallen the native of these
parts who has attempted to retain any of the teachings of Christianity
on his return amongst his pagan brethren.
Few people can understand the reason of this. It is simply another proof
of the wonderful power of Ju-Ju amongst these people, for it is to that
occult influence that I trace the general ill-success of the educated
native of the Delta in his own country,--unless he returns to all the
pagan gods of his forefathers, and until he does so many channels of
prosperity are completely closed to him.
I am afraid I have wandered a little from my subject, but in doing so I
hope I have made some things clear that otherwise might have appeared a
little mixed from an European point of view, so will now return to Ja
Ja.
From Tombo Town Ja Ja communicated with the Bonny Court of Equity, and a
truce was arranged, native meetings followed, and after several weeks of
palavering, no better terms were offered Ja Ja than had before been
offered to him. The white men interested themselves in the matter, and
held meetings innumerable, until at last they were as divided as the
natives. With the exception of one or two at the outside, they
understood so little of the occult workings of native squabbles that
they could do little to smooth matters over. In the meantime, Ja Ja had
been studying a masterly plan of retreat from Tombo Town to a river
called the Ekomtoro, also called the Rio Conde in ancient maps.
Once in this river, by fortifying two or three points he would be able
to completely turn the tables on his enemies by barring their way to the
Eboe markets, but to get there he would have to pass one, if not two,
fortified points held by the Manilla Pepple people. Besides this, what
would his position be when there, if he could not get any white men
there to trade with? Luckily for him, there dropped from the clouds the
very man he wanted. This was a trader named Charley, who had been in the
Bonny River some years before, and was now established at Brass on his
own account. At an interview with Ja Ja, that did not last half an hour,
the whole plan of campaign was arranged. Charley returned to Brass and
confided the scheme to his friend, Archie McEachan, who decided to join
him. Thus Ja Ja had the certainty of support in his new home if he could
only get there, and get there he did.
Being shortly after joined by these two white traders trade was opened
in the Ekomtoro, and on Christmas Day, 1870, Ekomtoro was named the
[)O]p[)o]b[=o] River, after [)O]p[)o]b[=o], the founder of the town of
"Grand Bonny," as Bonny men delight to call their mud and thatch
capital.
The name of [)O]p[)o]b[=o] was chosen by Ja Ja himself. To students of
the peculiar relationship existing between a bought slave and his
master, the latter looked up to and called father by his slave, this
choice of the name of a man who had been a great man in his father's
house, _id est_, his master's, demonstrates in a striking manner the
veneration a bought slave, under the system of domestic slavery in these
parts, in many cases displays, equalling in every respect that of the
free-born direct descendant.
The tables were now turned with a vengeance, and Ja Ja remained the
master of the position, and for several years kept the Bonny men out of
the Eboe and Qua markets; eventually agreeing to have the differences
between himself and the Manilla Pepple people settled by the arbitration
of the New Calabar and the Okrika chiefs with Commodore Commerell and
Mr. Charles Livingstone, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul for the Bights
of Benin and Biafra, as referees.
Evidently the arbitrators considered that Ja Ja was in no way to blame
for the civil war that had taken place in Bonny, for in the division of
the markets that had been common property when Ja Ja and his people had
formed an integral part of the Bonny nation, the greater part was given
to Ja Ja and his right to remain where he had established himself fully
recognised.
Immediately on this settlement being come to, Her Britannic Majesty's
Consul entered into a commercial treaty with Ja Ja recognising him as
King of Opobo. This treaty was signed January 4th, 1873, the deed of
arbitration having been signed the day previous.
In giving my readers the history of this man up to this point, I have
always had in my mind the question of domestic slavery, being anxious to
give its most favourable side as fair an exposition as its unfavourable.
I have in previous pages mentioned some of the latter, but those remarks
only dealt with the early stages of the slave's condition after capture
in the interior and his risks of arriving alive at his destination. I
have now to deal with him as a chattel of one of the petty chiefs,
chiefs or kings of Western Africa, admitting that his chances of
improving his condition are manifold, his life until he gets his foot on
the first rung of the ladder of advancement is terrible; he never knows
from one moment to another when he may be re-sold, he is badly fed, in
fact, some masters never feed their slaves at all when they are not
actually employed pulling a canoe or doing other labour such as making
farm, cutting sticks for house-building, &c. Failing these employments,
the slave has all his time to himself. His chances of putting this time
to any profit are very few in the Oil Rivers; and should he by chance
get some employment from a white man, his owner takes good care to
receive his pay, the only thing the slave getting out of it being three
full meals a day for a few days, making the starvation fare he is
accustomed to the harder to bear afterwards. Were it not for their
adopted mother, _id est_, the woman they are given to on being bought,
their state would be absolutely unbearable in times of forced idleness;
but these women almost invariably have considerable affection for their
numerous adopted children, and though their means may be very limited,
they generally manage to supply them with at least one meal a day in
return for the many little services they perform for them, such as
fetching water, carrying firewood in from the bush, selling their few
fowls and eggs to the white men, and doing any other little matter of
trade for them.
Even those slaves who have been lucky enough to fall into the hands of a
master who sees that they at least do not starve, have along with their
less lucky brethren to put up with the ungovernable fits of temper which
some of these black slave owners display at times, in many cases
inflicting the most terrible punishment for trivial offences, as often
as not only on suspicion that the slave was guilty. Amongst the numerous
punishments I have known inflicted are the following.
Ear cutting in its various stages, from clipping to total dismemberment;
crucifixion round a large cask; extraction of teeth; suspension by the
thumbs; Chilli peppers pounded and stuffed up the nostrils, and forced
into the eyes and ears; fastening the victim to a post driven into the
beach at low water and leaving him there to be drowned with the rising
tide, or to be eaten by the sharks or crocodiles piecemeal; heavily
ironed and chained to a post in their master's compound, without any
covering over their heads, kept in this state for weeks, with so little
food allowed them that cases have been known where the irons have
dropped off them, but they, poor wretches, were too weak to escape, as
they had been reduced to living skeletons; impaling on stakes; forcing a
long steel ram rod through the body until it appeared through the top of
the skull. The above are a few of the punishments that even to this day
are practised, not only in the Niger Delta, but in the outlying
districts of the West African colonies. It is very rare that the
Government officials get to know anything about them; and when they do,
it is difficult to procure a conviction owing to the fear natives have
to come forward and act as witnesses.
Besides the punishments enumerated above, there are many others, some of
which are too horrible to be described here.
One often hears people who know a little about West Africa talk about
native law, but they forget to mention, if they happen to know it, that
in a powerful chief's house there is only one exponent of the law, and
that is the chief; for him native law only begins to have effect when it
is a matter between himself and some other chief, or a combination of
chiefs, whose power is equal or superior to his own.
As an instance of the form which native justice (?) sometimes takes, I
will relate what took place some years ago in one of the oil rivers. An
old and very powerful chief had a young wife of whom he was immoderately
jealous. Amongst his favourite attendants was a young male slave, a mere
boy, to whom he had given many tokens of his favour; but the demon of
jealousy whispered to him that his young slave boy was looked upon with
too much favour by his young wife--herself little more than a child.
That a slave of his should dare to cast his eyes on his wife was more
than this terrible old chief could stand, so he decided to put an end at
once to the love dreams of his slave, and at the same time point out to
any other enterprising slave of his how dangerous it was to aspire to
the forbidden favours of a chief's wife. So he ordered his young wife to
cook him a specially good palm oil chop, a native dish of great repute,
for his breakfast the following morning. The next morning when he sat
down to his breakfast his favourite slave was behind his chair in
attendance; his young wife was present to see her lord and master was
properly served--the wives do not sit at table with their husbands--when
suddenly the chief turned in his chair and ordered his young slave to
sit at table with him. Naturally the slave hesitated to accept such an
unheard-of honour as to sit at table with his master; quickly scenting
something terrible was going to befall him, he attempted to leave the
apartment, but other slaves quickly barred his way, and he was brought
back trembling with fright, the beads of perspiration rolling down his
face and body in little rivulets, and placed in a chair opposite his
master, who, all this time had not displayed any signs of anger;
gradually the boy began to regain somewhat his scattered senses. Finding
his master displayed no signs of anger, he began to do as he was
ordered, the chief at the same time plied him with repeated doses of
spirits, till at last the boy began to chatter, and attacked the food
with a will. At length, having eaten and drunk till he could scarcely
stand, his master asked him had he enjoyed his young mistress's cooking.
On his replying yes, the chief called for a revolver, and telling him it
was the last thing he ever would enjoy of his young mistress, he emptied
the six chambers of the revolver into the poor lad's head; then having
ordered his body to be thrown into the river, went on with the usual
occupations of the day, never having once mentioned the reason of his
act to his people nor explaining his meaning to his young wife.
To the native mind the chief's actions spoke as plainly as possible; but
not having spoken, his wife's family could not, had they wished, have
made a palaver about his wife's good fame; for though the chief was
originally a bought slave or nigger himself, his young wife was country
free, her family being sufficiently powerful to have made things
uncomfortable for him if he had accused her without proof of guilt. Had
she been a slave, the chances are she would have been slaughtered.
I do not wish to convey to my readers the idea that all chiefs in the
Niger Delta are cruel monsters, but they all have power of life and
death over their slaves; the mildest of them occasionally may find
themselves so placed that they are compelled in conformity with some
Ju-Ju right to sacrifice a slave or two. The ordinary punishments for
theft and insubordination practised amongst these people are often
terribly cruel and unnecessarily severe.
Of course the Government of the Niger Coast Protectorate is steadily
breaking down these savage customs, wherever and whenever they hear of
them being practised within their jurisdiction; but the formation of the
country, the dense forests, and the superstition of the people, all
assist in keeping most cases from coming to their knowledge.
Before taking leave of the Bonny people, I must not omit to mention that
the custom of destroying twin children and children who had the
misfortune to be born with teeth was, and is, a custom still observed
amongst them. Another custom prevalent amongst these people, and common
more or less to all other natives in the Delta, was the destroying of
any woman if she became the mother of more than four children.
ANDONI RIVER AND ITS INHABITANTS.
This river lies a few miles to the east of Bonny River. The inhabitants
of the lower part of the river are called Andoni men, and during the
slave-dealing days these people were as well known to Europeans as the
Bonny men, but, owing in a great measure to the much deeper water at the
entrance to Bonny River than was to be found on the Andoni bar, the
former river offering thus more facilities for deep-draughted ships,
the traders gradually deserted the Andoni altogether, though these
people were, I believe, the original owners of the land now claimed by
the Bonny people as forming the Bonny kingdom. The Andoni men, being
deserted by the European traders, gradually became a race of fishermen
and small farmers. The Bonny men, having become the dominant race, and
not allowing the Andonis any intercourse with the white traders in their
river, the Andoni men protested against this treatment, and waged war
against the Bonny men on many occasions in the early part of this
century. The last war between these two peoples continued for some
years; the Bonny men not always getting the best of these encounters,
were very glad to come to terms with them in 1846, a treaty being then
signed between the two tribes, wherein the Andoni men were secured equal
rights with the Bonny men, but the commercial enterprise of these people
seems to have died out. Yet the King of Doni Town, as their principal
town is called in old maps, was reported by traders, who visited him in
1699, as being a man of some intelligence, speaking the Portuguese
language fluently, and having some knowledge of the Roman Catholic
faith, yet still adhering to all the customs of Ju-Juism, furthermore
describing the people as being such implicit believers in their Ju-Ju
that they would kill any one who touched any of the idols in their Ju-Ju
house.
This may have been true at the time, but about five and twenty years ago
I visited the town of Doni, as also their Ju-Ju house, and handled some
of their idols, and they showed no irritation at my so doing. I had, of
course, asked permission to do so of the Ju-Ju man who was showing me
round. I have no doubt they would resent any one interfering with them
without their permission. When I visited these people they gave me the
idea that they had never seen a white man, or had any communication with
him, for I vainly searched for any evidence that the white man had ever
been established in their river. From all I was able to gather of their
manners and customs I found that they differed little from any of their
neighbours, though they are always described by interested parties as
being inveterate cannibals and dangerous people for strangers to visit.
OPOBO RIVER.
After leaving Andoni, and continuing down the coast some ten or fifteen
miles, the Opobo discharges itself into the sea. This river, marked in
ancient maps as the Rio Conde and Ekomtoro, is the most direct way to
the Ibo palm-oil-producing country.
This river was well known to the Portuguese and Spanish slave traders,
but as Bonny became the great centre for the slave trade, this river was
completely deserted and forgotten to such an extent that, though an
opening in the coast line was shown on the English charts where this
river was supposed to be, it was never thought worth the trouble of
naming, and remained quite unknown to the English traders until it came
suddenly into repute, owing to Ja Ja establishing himself here in 1870.
The people here are the Bonny men and their descendants who followed Ja
Ja's fortunes, therefore their manners and customs are identical with
those of Bonny.
The physical appearance of these people is somewhat better than that of
the Bonny men, owing, I think, to the position of their town, which is
built on a better soil, and raised a few feet higher than that of Bonny
from the level of the river, also their uninterrupted successful trade
since their arrival in this country has doubtless not a little
contributed to their improved condition, while, on the other hand, the
Bonny men suffered severely during the years from 1869 to 1873, owing to
Ja Ja barring their way to the markets, and they seem never to have
recovered themselves.
Trading stations of the white men are at the mouth of the river and at
Eguanga, the latter a station a few miles above Opobo town.
Opobo became, under King Ja Ja's firm rule, one of the largest exporting
centres of palm oil in the Delta, and for years King Ja Ja enjoyed a not
undeserved popularity amongst the white traders who visited his river,
but a time came when the price of palm oil fell to such a low figure in
England that the European firms established in Opobo could not make both
ends meet, so they intimated to King Ja Ja that they were going to
reduce the price paid in the river, to which he replied by shipping
large quantities of his oil to England, allowing his people only to sell
a portion of their produce to the white men. The latter now formulated a
scheme amongst themselves to divide equally whatever produce came into
the river, and thus do away with competition amongst themselves. Ja Ja
found that sending his oil to England was not quite so lucrative as he
could wish, owing to the length of time it took to get his returns back,
namely, about three months at the earliest, whilst by selling in the
river he could turn over his money three or four times during that
period. He therefore tried several means to break the white men's
combination, at last hitting upon the bright idea of offering the whole
of the river's trade to one English house. The mere fact of his being
able to make this offer shows the absolute power to which he had arrived
amongst his own people. His bait took with one of the European traders;
the latter could not resist the golden vision of the yellow grease thus
displayed before him by the astute Ja Ja, who metaphorically dangled
before his eyes hundreds of canoes laden with the coveted palm oil. A
bargain was struck, and one fine morning the other white traders in the
river woke up to the fact that their combination was at an end, for on
taking their morning spy round the river through their binoculars (no
palm oil trader that respects himself being without a pair of these and
a tripod telescope, for more minute observation of his opponents'
doings) they saw a fleet of over a hundred canoes round the renegade's
wharf, and for nearly two years this trader scooped all the trade. The
fat was fairly in the fire now, and the other white traders sent a
notice to Ja Ja that they intended to go to his markets. Ja Ja replied
that he held a treaty, signed in 1873, by Mr. Consul Charles
Livingstone, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul, that empowered him to stop
any white traders from establishing factories anywhere above
Hippopotamus Creek, and under which he was empowered to stop and hold
any vessel for a fine of one hundred puncheons of oil. In June, 1885,
the traders applied to Mr. Consul White, who informed King Ja Ja that
the Protectorate treaty meant freedom of navigation and trade.
So the traders finding their occupation gone, decided amongst themselves
to take a trip to Ja Ja's markets, the only sensible thing they had done
since the trouble commenced. This was a step in the right direction,
namely, by attempting to break down the curse of Western Africa _id
est_, the power of the middle-man.
The names of the four traders who first attempted to trade in the Ibo
markets of King Ja Ja deserve to be recorded, for their action was not
without great risk to themselves. They were:
Mr. S. B. Hall }
Mr. Thomas Wright } English
Mr. Richard Foster }
Mr. A. E. Brunschweiler--Swiss.
To these must be added the name of Mr. F. D. Mitchell, who, though not
in the first trip to the markets, joined in the subsequent attempt to
establish business amongst the interior tribes. Their reception at the
markets was not altogether a success, owing to the reception committee,
or whatever represented it in those parts, being packed with either Ja
Ja's own people or Ibos favourable to him.
This good beginning was continued under great difficulties by these
first traders with little profit or success for about two years, owing
to the great power of Ja Ja amongst the interior tribes and the pressure
he was able to bring to bear on the Ibo and Kwo natives.