Lodgings in a Thibetian House--Appearance of Lha-Ssa--Palace of the
Tale-Lama--Picture of the Thibetians--Monstrous Toilet of the
Women--Industrial and Agricultural productions of Thibet--Gold and Silver
Mines--Foreigners resident at Lha-Ssa--The Pebouns--The Katchis--The
Chinese--Position of the relations between China and Thibet--Various
speculations of the public respecting us--We present ourselves to the
Authorities--Form of the Thibetian Govermnent--Grand Lama of
Djachi-Loumbo--Society of the Kalons--Thibetian Prophecy--Tragical Death
of three Tale-Lamas--Account of Ki-Chan--Condemnation of the
Nomekhan--Revolt of the Lamasery of Sera.
After eighteen months struggle with sufferings and obstacles of infinite
number and variety, we were at length arrived at the termination of our
journey, though not at the close of our miseries. We had no longer, it
is true, to fear death from famine or frost in this inhabited country;
but trials and tribulations of a different character were, no doubt,
about to assail us, amidst the infidel populations, to whom we desired to
preach Christ crucified for the salvation of mankind. Physical troubles
over, we had now to undergo moral sufferings; but we relied, as before,
on the infinite goodness of the Lord to aid us in the fight, trusting
that He who had protected us in the desert against the inclemency of the
seasons, would continue to us His divine assistance against the malice of
man, in the very heart and capital of Buddhism.
The morning after our arrival at Lha-Ssa, we engaged a Thibetian guide,
and visited the various quarters of the city, in search of a lodging.
The houses at Lha-Ssa are for the most part several stories high,
terminating in a terrace slightly sloped, in order to carry off the
water; they are whitewashed all over, except the bordering round the
doors and windows, which are painted red or yellow. The reformed
Buddhists are so fond of these two colours, which are, so to speak,
sacred in their eyes, that they especially name them Lamanesque colours.
The people of Lha-Ssa are in the habit of painting their houses once a
year, so that they are always perfectly clean, and seem, in fact, just
built; but the interior is by no means in harmony with the fine outside.
The rooms are dirty, smoky, stinking, and encumbered with all sorts of
utensils and furniture, thrown about in most disgusting confusion. In a
word, the Thibetian habitations are literally whited sepulchres; a
perfect picture of Buddhism and all other false religions, which
carefully cover, with certain general truths and certain moral
principles, the corruption and falsehood within.
After a long search, we selected two rooms, in a large house, that
contained in all fifty lodgers. Our humble abode was at the top of the
house, and to reach it we had to ascend twenty-six wooden stairs, without
railing, and so steep and narrow that in order to prevent the
disagreeable incident of breaking our necks, we always found it prudent
to use our hands as well as our feet. Our suite of apartments consisted
of one great square room and one small closet, which we honoured with the
appellation of cabinet. The larger room was lighted, north-east, by a
narrow window, provided with three thick wooden bars, and above, by a
small round skylight, which latter aperture served for a variety of
purposes; first it gave entrance to the light, the wind, the rain, and
the snow: and secondly, it gave issue to the smoke from our fire. To
protect themselves from the winter's cold, the Thibetians place in the
centre of their rooms a small vessel of glazed earth, in which they burn
argols. As this combustible is extremely addicted to diffuse
considerably more smoke than heat, those who desire to warm themselves,
find it of infinite advantage to have a hole in the ceiling, which
enables them to light a fire without incurring the risk of being stifled
by the smoke. You do, indeed, undergo the small inconvenience of
receiving, from time to time, a fall of snow, or rain, on your back; but
those who have followed the nomadic life are not deterred by such
trifles. The furniture of our larger apartment consisted of two
goat-skins spread on the floor, right and left of the fire dish; of two
saddles, our travelling tent, some old pairs of boots, two dilapidated
trunks, three ragged robes, hanging from nails in the wall, our night
things rolled together in a bundle, and a supply of argols in the corner.
We were thus placed at once on the full level of Thibetian civilization.
The closet, in which stood a large brick stove, served us for kitchen and
pantry, and there we installed Samdadchiemba, who, having resigned his
office of cameleer, now concentrated the functions of cook, steward, and
groom. Our two white steeds were accommodated in a corner of the court,
where they reposed after their laborious but glorious campaign, until an
opportunity should present itself of securing new masters; at present the
poor beasts were so thoroughly worn down, that we could not think of
offering them for sale, until they had developed some little flesh
between the bone and the skin.
As soon as we were settled in our new abode, we occupied ourselves with
inspecting the capital of Thibet, and its population. Lha-Ssa is not a
large town, its circuit being at the utmost two leagues. It is not
surrounded like the Chinese towns with ramparts; formerly, indeed, we
were told it had walls, but these were entirely destroyed in a war which
the Thibetians had to sustain against the Indians of Boutan. At present
not a trace of wall remains. Around the suburbs, however, are a great
number of gardens, the large trees in which form, for the town, a
magnificent wall of verdure. The principal streets of Lha-Ssa are broad,
well laid out, and tolerably clean, at least when it does not rain: but
the suburbs are revoltingly filthy. The houses, as we have already
stated, are in general large, lofty, and handsome; they are built some
with stone, some with brick, and some with mud, but they are all so
elaborately covered with lime-wash that you can distinguish externally no
difference in the material. In one of the suburban districts there is a
locality where the houses are built with the horns of oxen and sheep.
These singular constructions are of extreme solidity and look very well.
The horns of the oxen being smooth and white, and those of the sheep, on
the contrary, rough and black, these various materials are susceptible of
infinite combinations, and are arranged accordingly, in all sorts of
fantastic designs; the interstices are filled up with mortar. These
houses are the only buildings that are not lime-washed; the Thibetians
having taste enough to leave the materials in their natural aspect,
without seeking to improve upon their wild and fantastic beauty. It is
superfluous to add, that the inhabitants of Lha-Ssa consume an immense
quantity of beef and mutton; their horn-houses incontestably demonstrate
the fact.
The Buddhist temples are the most remarkable edifices in Lha-Ssa. We
need not here describe them, for they all closely resemble those which we
have already had occasion to portray. We will only remark, therefore,
that the temples of Lha-Ssa are larger, richer, and more profusely gilt
than those of other towns.
The palace of the Tale-Lama merits, in every respect, the celebrity which
it enjoys throughout the world. North of the town, at the distance of
about a mile, there rises a rugged mountain, of slight elevation and of
conical form, which, amid the plain, resembles an islet on the bosom of a
lake. This mountain is entitled Buddha-La (mountain of Buddha, divine
mountain), and upon this grand pedestal, the work of nature, the adorers
of the Tale-Lama have raised the magnificent palace wherein their Living
Divinity resides in the flesh. This palace is an aggregation of several
temples, of various size and decoration; that which occupies the centre
is four stories high, and overlooks all the rest; it terminates in a
dome, entirely covered with plates of gold, and surrounded with a
peristyle, the columns of which are, in like manner, all covered with
gold. It is here that the Tale-Lama has set up his abode. From the
summit of this lofty sanctuary he can contemplate, at the great
solemnities, his innumerable adorers advancing along the plain or
prostrate at the foot of the divine mountain. The secondary palaces,
grouped round the great temple, serve as residences for numerous Lamas,
of every order, whose continual occupation it is to serve and do honour
to the Living Buddha. Two fine avenues of magnificent trees lead from
Lha-Ssa to the Buddha-La, and there you always find crowds of foreign
pilgrims, telling the beads of their long Buddhist chaplets, and Lamas of
the court, attired in rich costume, and mounted on horses splendidly
caparisoned. Around the Buddha-La there is constant motion; but there
is, at the same time, almost uninterrupted silence, religious meditations
appearing to occupy all men's minds.
In the town itself the aspect of the population is quite different; there
all is excitement, and noise, and pushing, and competition, every single
soul in the place being ardently occupied in the grand business of buying
and selling. Commerce and devotion incessantly attracting to Lha-Ssa an
infinite number of strangers, render the place a rendezvous of all the
Asiatic peoples; so that the streets, always crowded with pilgrims and
traders, present a marvellous variety of physiognomies, costumes, and
languages. This immense multitude is for the most part transitory; the
fixed population of Lha-Ssa consists of Thibetians, Pebouns, Katchis, and
Chinese.
The Thibetians belong to the great family which we are accustomed to
designate by the term Mongol race; they have black eyes, a thin beard,
small, contracted eyes, high cheek-bones, pug noses, wide mouths, and
thin lips; the ordinary complexion is tawny, though, in the upper class,
you find skins as white as those of Europeans. The Thibetians are of the
middle height; and combine, with the agility and suppleness of the
Chinese, the force and vigour of the Tartars. Gymnastic exercises of all
sorts and dancing are very popular with them, and their movements are
cadenced and easy. As they walk about, they are always humming some
psalm or popular song; generosity and frankness enter largely into their
character; brave in war, they face death fearlessly; they are as
religious as the Tartars, but not so credulous. Cleanliness is of small
estimation among them; but this does not prevent them from being very
fond of display and rich sumptuous clothing.
The Thibetians do not shave the head, but let the hair flow over their
shoulders, contenting themselves with clipping it, every now and then,
with the scissors. The dandies of Lha-Ssa, indeed, have of late years
adopted the custom of braiding their hair in the Chinese fashion,
decorating the tresses with jewellery, precious stones, and coral. The
ordinary head-dress is a blue cap, with a broad border of black velvet
surmounted with a red tuft; on high days and holidays, they wear a great
red hat, in form not unlike the Basquebarret cap, only larger and
decorated at the rim with long, thick fringe. A full robe fastened on
the right side with four hooks, and girded round the waist by a red sash,
red or purple cloth boots, complete the simple, yet graceful costume of
the Thibetian men. Suspended from the sash is a green taffeta bag,
containing their inseparable wooden cups, and two small purses, of an
oval form and richly embroidered, which contain nothing at all, being
designed merely for ornament.
The dress of the Thibetian women closely resembles that of the men; the
main difference is, that over the robe, they add a short many-coloured
tunic, and that they divide their hair into two braids, one hanging down
each shoulder. The women of the humbler classes wear a small yellow cap,
like the cap of liberty that was in fashion in France at the time of our
first republic. The head decoration of the ladies is a graceful crown
composed of pearls. The Thibetian women submit, in their toilet, to a
custom, or rather rule, doubtless quite unique, and altogether incredible
to those who have not actually witnessed its operation: before going out
of doors, they always rub their faces over with a sort of black,
glutinous varnish, not unlike currant jelly; and the object being to
render themselves as ugly and hideous as possible, they daub this
disgusting composition over every feature, in such a manner as no longer
to resemble human creatures. The origin of this monstrous practice was
thus related to us: Nearly 200 years ago, the Nomekhan, a Lama king, who
ruled over Hither Thibet, was a man of rigid and austere manners. At
that period, the Thibetian women had no greater fancy for making
themselves ugly than other women; on the contrary, they were perfectly
mad after all sorts of luxury and finery, whence arose fearful disorders,
and immorality that knew no bounds. The contagion, by degrees, seized
upon the holy family of the Lamas; the Buddhist monasteries relaxed their
ancient and severe discipline, and were a prey to evils which menaced
them with complete and rapid dissolution. In order to stay the progress
of a libertinism which had become almost general, the Nomekhan published
an edict, prohibiting women from appearing in public otherwise than with
their faces bedaubed, in the manner we have described. Lofty, moral, and
religious considerations were adduced in support of this strange law, and
the refractory were menaced with the severest penalties, and above all,
with the wrath of Buddha. There needed, assuredly, more than ordinary
courage to publish such an edict as this; but the most extraordinary
circumstance of all is, that the women were perfectly resigned and
obedient. Tradition has handed down not the least hint of any
insurrection, or the slightest disturbance even, on the subject, and
conformably with the law, the women have blackened themselves furiously
and uglified themselves fearfully, down to the present time. In fact,
the thing has now come to be considered a point of dogma, an article of
devotion; the women who daub themselves most disgustingly being reputed
the most pious. In the country places the edict is observed with
scrupulous exactitude, and to the entire approbation of the censors; but
at Lha-Ssa, it is not unusual to meet in the streets women, who, setting
law and decency at defiance, actually have the impudence to show
themselves in public with their faces unvarnished, and such as nature
made them. Those, however, who permit themselves this license, are in
very ill odour, and always take care to get out of the way of the police.
It is said that the edict of the Nomekhan has been greatly promotive of
the public morality. We are not in a position to affirm the contrary,
with decision, but we can affirm that the Thibetians are far indeed from
being exemplary in the matter of morality. There is lamentable
licentiousness amongst them, and we are disposed to believe that the
blackest and ugliest varnish is powerless to make corrupt people
virtuous. Christianity can alone redeem the pagan nations from the
shameful vices in which they wallow.
At the same time, there is one circumstance which may induce us to
believe that in Thibet there is less corruption than in certain other
pagan countries. The women there enjoy very great liberty. Instead of
vegetating, prisoners in the depths of their houses, they lead an active
and laborious life. Besides fulfilling the various duties of the
household, they concentrate in their own hands all the petty trade of the
country, whether as hawkers, as stall-keepers in the streets, or in
shops. In the rural districts, it is the women who perform most of the
labours of agriculture.
The men, though less laborious and less active than the women, are still
far from passing their lives in idleness. They occupy themselves
especially with spinning and weaving wool. The stuffs they manufacture,
which are called poulou, are of a very close and solid fabric;
astonishingly various in quality, from the coarsest cloths to the finest
possible Merino. By a rule of reformed Buddhism, every Lama must be
attired in red poulou. The consumption of the article in Thibet itself
is very large, and the caravans export considerable quantities of it to
Northern China and Tartary. The coarser poulou is cheap, but the
superior qualities are excessively dear.
The pastile-sticks, so celebrated in China, under the name of Tsan-Hiang
(perfumes of Thibet), are an article of leading commerce with the people
of Lha-Ssa, who manufacture them with the ash of various aromatic trees
mixed with musk and gold dust. Of these various ingredients, they
elaborate a pink paste, which is then moulded into small cylindrical
sticks, three or four feet long. These are burned in the Lamaseries, and
before the idols which are worshipped in private houses. When these
pastile-sticks are once lighted, they burn slowly, without intermission,
until they are completely consumed, diffusing all around a perfume of the
most exquisite sweetness. The Thibetian merchants, who repair every year
to Peking in the train of the embassy, export considerable quantities of
it, which they sell at an exorbitant price. The Northern Chinese
manufacture pastile-sticks of their own, which they sell equally under
the name of Tsan-Hiang; but they will sustain no comparison with those
which come from Thibet.
The Thibetians have no porcelain, but they manufacture pottery of all
sorts in great perfection. As we have already observed, their own
breakfast, dinner, and tea service, consists simply and entirely of a
wooden cup, which each person carries either in his bosom, or suspended
from his girdle in an ornamental purse. These cups are made of the roots
of certain fine trees that grow on the mountains of Thibet. They are
graceful in form, but simple and without any sort of decoration, other
than a slight varnish which conceals neither their natural colour nor the
veins of the wood. Throughout Thibet, every one, from the poorest
mendicant up to the Tale-Lama, takes his meals out of a wooden cup. The
Thibetians, indeed, make a distinction of their own, unintelligible to
Europeans, between these cups, some of which are bought for a few small
coins, while others cost up to a hundred ounces of silver, or nearly 40
pounds. If we were asked what difference we had discerned between these
various qualities of cups, we should reply, most conscientiously, that
they all appeared to us pretty nearly of the same value, and that with
the best disposition in the world to be convinced, we had utterly failed
to perceive any distinction of moment between them. The first-quality
cups, however, according to the Thibetians, have the property of
neutralizing poisons.
Some days after our arrival at Lha-Ssa, desirous of renewing our
meal-service, which had become somewhat worn, we went into a cup-shop. A
Thibetian dame, her face elaborately varnished with black, sat behind the
counter. The lady, judging from our exotic appearance, probably, that we
were personages of distinction, opened a drawer and took out two small
boxes, artistically executed, each of which contained a cup, thrice
enveloped in soft paper. After examining the goods with a certain degree
of suspense, we asked the price: "Tchik-la, gatse resi?" (How much
a-piece?) "Excellency, fifty ounces of silver each." The words came
upon us like a thunder-clap, that filled our ears with a buzzing noise,
and our eyes with a conviction that the shop was turning round. Our
entire fortune would scarcely have purchased four of these wooden cups.
Upon coming somewhat to ourselves, we respectfully restored the two
precious bowls to their respective boxes, and passed in review the
numerous collection that was unceremoniously displayed on the shelves of
the shop. "And these, how much are they each?" "Excellency, two for an
ounce of silver." We forthwith disbursed the ounce of silver, and
carried off, in triumph, the two wooden cups, which appeared to us
precisely the same as those for which we had been asked 20 pounds
a-piece. On our return home, the master of the house, to whom we showed
our purchase, gratified us with the information, that for an ounce of
silver we ought to have had at least four such cups as the two we had
received.
Poulou, pastile-sticks, and wooden-cups, are the three principal branches
of industry which the Thibetians successfully prosecute. Their other
manufactures are so poor and coarse as to be unworthy [Picture: Thibetian
Cup-shop] of any special mention. Their agricultural productions
scarcely merit notice. Thibet, almost entirely covered with mountains,
or cut up with impetuous torrents, affords to its population very little
cultivable space. It is only in the valleys that anything like a harvest
can be expected. The Thibetians cultivate little wheat, and still less
rice. The chief production is Tsing-Kou, or black barley, of which is
made the tsamba, that basis of the aliment of the entire Thibetian
population, rich and poor. The town of Lha-Ssa itself is abundantly
supplied with sheep, horses, and oxen. There is excellent fish, also,
sold there, and pork, of most exquisite flavour; but for the most part so
dear as to be quite out of the reach of the humbler classes. In fact,
the Thibetians, as a rule, live very poorly. Their ordinary repast is
buttered tea and tsamba, mixed coarsely together with the finger. The
richest people observe the same diet; it is quite pitiable to see them
swallowing such miserable provender out of cups, some of which have cost
40 pounds. Meat, when eaten at all, is not eaten with the ordinary
repasts, but apart, as a luxurious specialty, in the same way that
elsewhere people eat costly fruit, or extra fine pastry, on these
occasions. There are usually served up two plates, one with boiled meat,
the other with raw meat, which the Thibetians devour with equal appetite,
unassisted by any seasoning whatever. They have, however, wit enough not
to eat without drinking. From time to time they fill their dear wooden
cups with a sort of acid liquor, made of fermented barley, not at all
disagreeable to the palate.
Thibet, so poor in agricultural and manufacturing products, is rich,
beyond all imagination, in metals. Gold and silver are collected there
so readily, that the common shepherds have become acquainted with the art
of purifying these precious metals. You often see them, in the ravines,
or in the hollows of the mountains, seated round a fire of argols,
amusing themselves with purifying in a rude crucible the gold-dust they
have found while tending their herds. The result of this abundance of
the precious metals is, that specie is of low value, and that,
consequently, goods always maintain a very high price. The monetary
system of the Thibetians consists entirely of silver coins, which are
somewhat larger, but not so thick as our francs. On one side they bear
inscriptions in Thibetian, Parsee, or Indian characters; on the other, a
crown composed of eight small, round flowers. To facilitate commerce,
these coins are cut into pieces, the number of flowers remaining on each
piece determining its value. The entire coin is called Tchan-Ka. A
Tche-Ptche is one-half of the Tchan-Ka; or, in other words, is a piece of
four flowers only. The Cho-Kan has five flowers, the Ka-Gan three. In
the larger commercial operations, they employ silver ingots, which are
weighed in a Roman balance, upon the decimal system. Generally speaking,
the Thibetians reckon up accounts upon their beads; some people, however,
and especially the merchants, use the Chinese Souan-pan, while the
learned employ the numerals which the Europeans call Arabic, and which
appear to have been of very ancient date in Thibet. We have seen several
Lamanesque manuscripts, illustrated with astronomical figures and
diagrams, all of them represented by Arabic numerals, which were also
used in the paging of the volumes. Some of these figures differed
slightly from the Arabic numerals used in Europe; the most marked
difference we noticed was that of the 5, which, in these manuscripts, was
turned upside down, thus: [Picture: Upside-down five]
From the few details we have thus given as to the productions of Thibet,
it may be concluded that this country is perhaps the richest, and, at the
same time, the poorest in the world; rich in gold and silver, poor in all
that constitutes the well-being of the masses. The gold and silver
collected by the people is absorbed by the great people, and especially
by the Lamaseries, those immense reservoirs, into which flow, by a
thousand channels, all the wealth of these vast regions. The Lamas,
invested with the major part of the currency, by the voluntary donations
of the faithful, centruple their fortunes by usury that puts even Chinese
knavery to the blush. The offerings they receive are converted, as it
were, into hooks, with which they catch the purses out of every one's
pocket. Money being thus accumulated in the coffers of the privileged
classes, and, on the other hand, the necessaries of life being only
procurable at a very high price, it results from this capital disorder,
that a great proportion of the population is constantly plunged in the
most frightful destitution. At Lha-Ssa the number of mendicants is very
considerable. They go from door to door, soliciting a handful of tsamba,
and enter any one's house, without the least ceremony. Their manner of
asking charity is to hold out the closed hand, with the thumb raised. We
must add, in commendation of the Thibetians, that they are generally very
kind and compassionate, rarely sending away the poor unassisted.
Among the foreigners settled at Lha-Ssa, the Pebouns are the most
numerous. These are Indians from the vicinity of Boutan, on the other
side of the Himalaya mountains. They are of slight frame, but very
vigorous, active, and animated; their features are rounder than those of
the Thibetians: the complexion very dark, the eyes small, black, and
roguish; the forehead is marked with a dark, cherry-coloured spot, which
they renew every morning. They are all attired in a uniform robe of pink
poulou, with a small felt cap of the same colour, but of somewhat darker
tint. When they go out, they add to their costume a long red scarf,
which twice encircles the neck like a great collar, and the two ends of
which are thrown back over the shoulders.
The Pebouns are the only workers in metals at Lha-Ssa. It is in their
quarter that you must seek the iron-smiths, the braziers, the plumbers,
the tinmen, the founders, the goldsmiths, the jewellers, the machinists,
and even the physicians and chemists. Their workshops and laboratories
are nearly underground. You enter them by a low, narrow opening, down
three or four steps. Over the doors of all their houses, you see a
painting representing a red globe, and below it a white crescent. These
manifestly signify the sun and moon; but the particular allusions
conveyed we omitted to ascertain.
You find, among the Pebouns, artists very distinguished in metallurgy.
They manufacture all sorts of vases, in gold and silver, for the use of
the Lamaseries, and jewellery of every description that certainly would
reflect no discredit upon European artists. It is they who construct for
the Buddhist temples those fine roofs of gilt plates, which resist all
the inclemencies of the seasons, and always retain a marvellous freshness
and glitter. They are so skilful at this class of work, that they are
sent to the very interior of Tartary to decorate the great Lamaseries.
The Pebouns are also the dyers of Lha-Ssa. Their colours are vivid and
enduring; stuffs upon which they have operated may wear out, but they
never lose their colour. They are only permitted, however, to dye the
poulou. All stuffs coming from foreign countries must be worn as they
are, the government absolutely prohibiting the dyers from at all
exercising their industry upon them. The object of this prohibition is
probably the encouragement of the stuffs manufactured at Lha-Ssa.
The Pebouns are in disposition extremely jovial and child-like. In their
hours of relaxation they are full of laughter and frolic; and even while
at work they are constantly singing. Their religion is Indian Buddhism.
Although they have not adopted the reformation of Tsong-Kaba, they
respect the Lamanesque ceremonies and rites. They never fail, on all the
more solemn occasions, to prostrate themselves at the feet of the
Buddha-La, and to offer their adorations to the Tale-Lama.
Next to the Peboun, you remark at Lha-Ssa, the Katchi, or Mussulmen, from
Cashmere--their turban, their large beard, their grave, solemn step,
their physiognomy full of intelligence and majesty, the neatness and
richness of their attire,--everything about them presents an emphatic
contrast with the peoples of inferior race, by whom they are surrounded.
They have at Lha-Ssa a governor, to whom they are immediately subject,
and whose authority is recognised by the Thibetian government. This
officer is, at the same time, the local head of the Mussulman religion;
so that his countrymen consider him, in this foreign land, at once their
pacha and their mufti. The Katchi have been established at Lha-Ssa for
several centuries, having originally abandoned their own country, in
order to escape the persecutions of a certain pacha of Cashmere, whose
despotism had become intolerable to them; and the children of these first
emigrants found themselves so well off in Thibet, that they never thought
of returning to their own country. The descendants still keep up a
correspondence with Cashmere, but the intelligence they receive thence is
little calculated to give them any desire to renounce their adopted
country. The Katchi governor, with whom we got upon very intimate terms,
told us that the Pelings of Calcutta (the English), were now the real
masters of Cashmere. "The Pelings," said he, "are the most cunning
people in the world. Little by little they are acquiring possession of
all the countries of India, but it is always rather by stratagem than by
open force. Instead of overthrowing the authorities, they cleverly
manage to get them on their side, to enlist them in their interest.
Hence it is that, in Cashmere, the saying is: The world is Allah's, the
land the Pacha's; it is the company that rules."
The Katchi are the richest merchants at Lha-Ssa. All the establishments
for the sale of linen, and other goods for personal and other use, belong
to them. They are also money-changers, and traffic in gold and silver:
hence it is that you almost always find Parsee characters on the
Thibetian coinage. Every year, some of their number proceed to Calcutta
for commercial operations, they being the only class who are permitted to
pass the frontiers to visit the English. On these occasions they are
furnished with a passport from the Tale-Lama, and a Thibetian escort
accompanies them to the foot of the Himalaya mountains. The goods,
however, which they bring from Calcutta, are of very limited extent,
consisting merely of ribands, galloons, knives, scissors, and some other
articles of cutlery and ironmongery, and a small assortment of cotton
goods. The silks and linens in their warehouses, and of which they have
a large sale at Lha-Ssa, come from Peking by the medium of the caravans;
the linen goods, being Russian, come to them much cheaper than they buy
them at Calcutta.
The Katchi have a mosque at Lha-Ssa, and are rigid observers of the law
of Mahomet--openly and even ostentatiously expressing their contempt for
all the superstitious practices of the Buddhists. The first Katchi who
arrived at Lha-Ssa married Thibetian wives, whom they compelled to
renounce their own religion, and to embrace Mahometanism. But now, the
rule with them is only to contract marriage alliances amongst themselves;
so that there has imperceptibly become formed, in the heart of Thibet, a
small nation apart, having neither the costume, nor the manners, nor the
language, nor the religion of the natives. As they do not prostrate
themselves before the Tale-Lama, and do not pray in the Lamaseries,
everybody says they are infidels; but as, for the most part, they are
rich and powerful, people stand aside in the streets to let them pass,
and put out their tongues to them in token of respect. In Thibet, when
you desire to salute any one, you take off your hat, put out your tongue,
and scratch the right ear, all three operations being performed
simultaneously.
The Chinese you find at Lha-Ssa are for the most part soldiers or
officers of the tribunals; those who fix their residence in this town are
very few in number. At all times the Chinese and the Thibetians have had
relations more or less important: they frequently have waged war against
each other, and have tried to encroach upon one another's rights. The
Tartar-Mantchou dynasty, as we have already remarked elsewhere, saw from
the commencement of their elevation the great importance of conciliating
the friendship of the Tale-Lama, whose influence is all-powerful over the
Mongol tribes; consequently, they have never failed to retain at the
court of Lha-Ssa two Grand Mandarins invested with the title of
Kin-Tchai, which signifies ambassador, or envoy-extraordinary. The
ostensible mission of these individuals is to present, under certain
fixed circumstances, the homage of the Chinese Emperor to the Tale-Lama,
and to lend him the aid of China in any difficulties he may have with his
neighbours. Such, to all appearance, is the purport of this permanent
embassy; but in reality they are only in attendance to flatter the
religious belief of the Mongols, and to bind them to the reigning
dynasty, by making them believe that the government of Peking has great
veneration for the divinity of the Buddha-La. Another advantage of this
embassy is, that the two Kin-Tchais can easily, at Lha-Ssa, watch the
movements of the people on the confines of the empire, and send
information of them to their government.
In the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Kien-Long, the court of Peking
had at Lha-Ssa two Kin-Tchai, or ambassadors, the one named Lo, the other
Pou; by a combination of the two names, these men were called the
Kin-Tchais (_Lo-Pou_). The word Lo-Pou signifying in Thibetian "radish."
This term was, to a certain extent, an insult, and the people of Lha-Ssa,
who had never regarded with a pleased eye the presence of the Chinese in
the country, were delighted to take up this denomination. Besides, for
some time past, the two Chinese Mandarins had given, by their behaviour,
umbrage to the Thibetians; they interfered every day, more and more, in
the affairs of the state, and openly encroached on the rights of the
Tale-Lama. At last, as a climax of annoyance, they ordered numerous
Chinese troops into Thibet, under the pretext of protecting the Tale-Lama
from certain Nepaulese tribes who were giving him uneasiness. It was
easy to see that China sought to extend its empire and dominion into
Thibet. The opposition of the Thibetian government was, they say,
terrible, and the Nomekhan exerted all his authority to check the
usurpation of the two Kin-Tchai. One day, as he was going to the palace
of the Chinese ambassadors, a young Lama threw a note into his litter, on
which were written the words, _Lo Pou, ma, sa_, which signifies, Do not
eat radishes--abstain from radishes. The Nomekhan clearly saw, that by
this play upon words, some one wished to advise him to be on his guard
against the Kin-Tchais (Lo-Pou); but as the warning was not clear or
precise, he went on. Whilst he was in secret conversation with the two
delegates of the court of Peking, some satellites suddenly entered the
apartment, poinarded the Nomekhan, and cut off his head. A Thibetian
cook, who was in an adjoining room, ran, on hearing the victim's cries,
took possession of the bleeding head, stuck it on a pike, and [Picture:
Insurrection of the Thibetians at Lha-Ssa] ran through the streets of
Lha-Ssa, crying, "Vengeance--death to the Chinese!" The whole town was
raised; all rushed to arms, and went tumultuously to the palace of the
Kin-Tchai, who were cut in pieces. The fury of the people was so great,
that they attacked, indiscriminately, all the Chinese, and hunted them
down like wild beasts--not only at Lha-Ssa, but also at the other places
in Thibet, where they had established military stations, making a
ruthless butchery of them. The Thibetians, it is said, did not lay down
their arms till they had pitilessly pursued and massacred all the Chinese
to the very frontiers of Sse-Tchouen and Yun-Nan.
The news of this frightful catastrophe having reached the court of
Peking, the Emperor Kien-Long immediately ordered large levies of troops
throughout the empire, and had them marched against Thibet. The Chinese,
as in almost all the wars they have waged with their neighbours, were
worsted, but they were successful in negociation. Matters were replaced
on their former footing, and since then, peace has never been seriously
disturbed between the two governments.
The military force which the Chinese keep up in Thibet is inconsiderable.
From Sse-Tchouen to Lha-Ssa, they have, at each stage, miserable
barracks, designed to facilitate the journeys of the imperial couriers.
In the town of Lha-Ssa, their garrison consists of a few hundred
soldiers, whose presence contributes to adorn and protect the position of
the ambassadors. From Lha-Ssa, going towards the south as far as Boutan,
they have also a line of barracks, very badly kept. On the frontiers,
they guard, conjointly with the Thibetian troops, the high mountains
which separate Thibet from the first English stations. In the other
parts of Thibet there are no Chinese, their entrance thither being
strictly forbidden.
The soldiers and the Chinese Mandarins established in Thibet are in the
pay of the government of Peking; they generally remain three years in the
country. When this time has elapsed others are sent to replace them, and
they return to their respective provinces. There are some of them,
however, who, on the termination of their service, obtain leave to settle
at Lha-Ssa, or in the towns on the road to Sse-Tchouen. The Chinese at
Lha-Ssa are very few in number; and it would be rather difficult to say
to what profession they attach themselves to make their living.
Generally speaking, they are jacks-of-all-trades, having a thousand ways
of transferring to their own purses the tchan-kas of the Thibetians.
Many of them take a wife in the country; but the bonds of marriage are
inadequate to fix them for life in their adopted country. After a
certain number of years, when they consider they have accumulated enough,
they return to China, and leave behind them wife and children, excepting
the sons, whom they would scruple to abandon. The Thibetians fear the
Chinese, the Katchi despise them, the Peboun laugh at them.
Of the several classes of strangers sojourning at, or merely visiting
Lha-Ssa, there was no one to which we seemed to belong; we resembled no
one. Accordingly, from the first day of our arrival, we observed that
the strangeness of our physiognomy attracted general attention. When we
passed along the streets the people looked at us with astonishment, and
then advanced, in an under tone, various hypotheses as to our nation. At
one time, they took us for two Muftis lately come from Cashmere; at
another time for two Indian [Picture: Chinese Mandarin and his wife]
Brahmins; some said we were Lamas from the north of Tartary; others
maintained that we were merchants from Peking, and that we had disguised
ourselves in order to accompany the Thibetian embassy. But all these
suppositions soon vanished, for we formally declared to the Katchi that
we were neither Mufti nor Cashmerians; to the Peboun, that we were
neither Indians nor Brahmins; to the Mongols, that we were neither Lamas
nor Tartars; to the Chinese, that we were neither merchants, nor from the
Central Kingdom. When all were fully convinced that we did not belong to
any of these categories they began to call us White Azaras. The
denomination was very picturesque, and rather pleased us; we were not,
however, inclined to adopt it before getting some information on the
point. We therefore asked what they meant by White Azaras. The answer
we got was that the Azaras were the most fervent of all the adorers of
Buddha, that they were a large tribe of Indians, and that out of devotion
they often made a pilgrimage to Lha-Ssa. It was added, that as we were
neither Thibetians, nor Katchi, nor Peboun, nor Tartars, nor Chinese, we
must certainly be Azaras. There was only this little difficulty in the
way, that the Azaras who had previously been at Lha-Ssa, were black; it
had become necessary, therefore, in order to solve the difficulty, to
call us White Azaras. We again rendered homage to the truth, and
declared that we were not Azaras of any kind, white or black. All these
doubts about our origin were at first amusing enough; but they soon
became serious. Some ill-disposed persons went on to consider that we
must be Russians or English, and ultimately almost everybody honoured us
with the latter qualification. It was set forth, without further
hesitation, that we were Pelings from Calcutta, that we had come to
investigate the strength of Thibet, to make maps, and to devise means to
get possession of the country. All national prejudice apart, it was very
annoying to us to be taken for the subjects of her Britannic Majesty.
Such a _quid-pro-quo_ could not but render us very unpopular, and,
perhaps, end in our being cut to pieces; for the Thibetians, why, we know
not, have taken it into their heads that the English are an encroaching
people, who are not to be trusted.
To cut short the various chatter circulated about us, we resolved to
conform to a regulation in force at Lha-Ssa, and which commands all
strangers, who are desirous of staying in the town, to present themselves
to the authorities. We went accordingly to the chief of police, and
declared to him that we belonged to the Western Heaven, to a great
kingdom called France, and that we had come to Thibet to preach the
Christian religion, of which we were the ministers. The person to whom
we made this declaration was cold and impenetrable as became a
bureaucrat. He phlegmatically drew his bamboo quill from behind his ear,
and began to write, without the slightest observation, what we had told
him. He contented himself with repeating twice or thrice, between his
teeth, the words "France," and "Christian religion," like a man who does
not know what you mean. When he had done writing, he wiped his pen,
still wet with ink, in his hair, and replaced it behind his right ear,
saying, "Yak poze" (very well); "Temou chu" (dwell in peace), we replied,
and putting out our tongues at him, we left him, delighted at having
placed ourselves on a proper footing with the police. We then walked
about the streets of Lha-Ssa with a firmer and more assured step, and
regardless of the remarks that continually assailed our ears. The lawful
position we had established raised us in our own eyes, and restored our
courage. What a happiness at length to find ourselves in a hospitable
land, and to be able to breathe a free air, after living so long in
China; always in constraint, always outside the law, always occupied with
plans for tricking the government of his Imperial Majesty.
The sort of indifference with which our declaration was received by the
Thibetian authorities did not surprise us in the least. From the
information we had received of the position of strangers at Lha-Ssa, we
were convinced we should have no difficulty in the matter. The
Thibetians do not profess, in regard to other people, those principles of
exclusion which constitute the distinctive character of the Chinese
nation. Everyone is allowed to enter Lha-Ssa; everyone can go and come,
and engage in commerce and industrial pursuits without the least
restraint. If entrance into Thibet is forbidden to the Chinese, this
prohibition must be attributed to the government of Peking, which, to
show its complete adherence to its narrow and suspicious policy, forbids
its subjects to penetrate among other nations. It is probable that the
English would not be excluded more than any other nation, had not their
invasive march into Hindostan inspired the Tale-Lama with a natural
terror.
We have already mentioned the many and striking analogies between the
Lamanesque worship and the Catholic rites--Rome and Lha-Ssa--the pope and
the Tale-Lama, {155} might furnish further analogies. The Thibetian
government, being purely Lamanesque, seems in some sort framed upon the
ecclesiastical government of the Pontifical states. The Tale-Lama is the
political and religious head of all the Thibetian countries; in his hands
is all the legislative, executive, and administrative power. The common
law and some rules left by Tsong-Kaba, serve to direct him in the
exercise of his immense authority. When the Tale-Lama dies, or, in the
language of the Buddhists, when he transmigrates, a child is selected who
is to continue the imperishable personification of the Living Buddha.
This election is made by the grand assembly of the Houtouktou Lamas,
whose sacerdotal dignity is only inferior to that of the Tale-Lama.
By-and-by we will enter more fully into the form and rules of this
singular election. As the Tale-Lama is not only the religious and
political sovereign of the Thibetians, but also their visible deity, it
is obvious that he cannot, without seriously compromising his divinity,
descend from the height of his sanctuary, to meddle, on all occasions,
with human affairs. He has, therefore, reserved to himself the matters
of primary importance, content to reign much, and to govern very little.
The exercise of his authority wholly depends on his will and pleasure.
There is no charter or constitution to regulate his conduct.
After the Tale-Lama, whom the Thibetians also call Kian-Ngan-Remboutchi
(sovereign treasure), comes the Nomekhan, or Spiritual Emperor. The
Chinese give him the name of Tsan-Wang, king of Thibet. This personage
is nominated by the Tale-Lama, and must be selected from the class of
Chaberon Lamas. He retains office for life, and can only be overthrown
by some state stroke. All the affairs of the government are managed by
the Nomekhan, and four ministers called Kalons. The Kalons are chosen by
the Tale-Lama, from a list of candidates made out by the Nomekhan; they
do not belong to the sacerdotal tribe, and may marry; the duration of
their power is unlimited. When they render themselves unworthy of their
office, the Nomekhan sends a report to the Tale-Lama, who dismisses them,
if he thinks proper. The subaltern functionaries are selected by the
Kalons, and most frequently belong to the class of Lamas.
The provinces are divided into several principalities, which are governed
by Houtouktou Lamas. These petty ecclesiastical sovereigns receive their
investiture from the Tale-Lama, and recognise his sovereign authority.
Generally they are of a warlike turn, and frequently engage with their
neighbours, in hostile skirmishes, which are always accompanied by
pillage and conflagration.
The most potent of these Lama sovereigns is the Bandchan-Remboutchi. He
resides at Djachi-Loumbo (mountain of oracles), capital of Further
Thibet. This town is situated south of Lha-Ssa, and is only eight days
journey from it. The celebrity of the present Bandchan is prodigious;
his partisans assert that his spiritual power is as great as that of the
Tale-Lama, and that the sanctuary of Djachi-Loumbo does not yield in
sanctity to that of the Buddha-La. It is generally, however, admitted,
that the temporal power of the Tale-Lama is superior to that of the
Bandchan-Remboutchi. Great rivalry will not fail to manifest itself,
sooner or later, between Lha-Ssa and Djachi-Loumbo, and occasion dismal
dissensions among the Thibetians.
The present Bandchan-Remboutchi is sixty years of age; he is, they say,
of a fine and majestic frame, and astonishingly vigorous for his advanced
age. This singular personage states himself to be of Indian origin, and
that it is already some thousands of years since his first incarnation
took place in the celebrated country of the Azaras. The physiognomists
who, at our first coming to Lha-Ssa, took us for white Azaras, failed not
to urge us to go and offer our devotions to the Djachi-Loumbo, assuring
us, that in our quality of countrymen of the Bandchan-Remboutchi, we
should have a very good reception. The learned Lamas, who occupy
themselves with Buddhic genealogies, explain how the Bandchan, after
numerous and marvellous incarnations in Hindostan, ended by appearing in
Further Thibet, and fixing his residence at Djachi-Loumbo. Whatever may
be his biography, which, fortunately we are not bound to believe in, it
is certain that this able Lama has managed to establish an astonishing
reputation. The Thibetians, the Tartars, and the other Buddhists call
him by no other name than the Great Saint, and never pronounce his name
without clasping their hands and raising their eyes to heaven. They
pretend that his knowledge is universal. He knows how to speak, they
say, all the languages of the universe without having ever studied them,
and can converse with pilgrims from all parts of the world. The Tartars
have so strong a faith in his power, that they invoke him continually.
In dangers, in afflictions, in all matters of difficulty, they have in
their mouths the magic word bokte (saint).
The pilgrims who come to Thibet never fail to visit the Djachi-Loumbo, to
prostrate themselves at the feet of the saint of saints, and to present
to him their offerings. No one can form a notion of the enormous sums
which the Tartar caravans bring him every year. In return for the ingots
of gold and silver which he shuts up in his coffers, the Bandchan
distributes among his adorers shreds of his old clothes, bits of paper
printed with Mongol or Thibetian sentences, earthen statuettes, and red
pills of infallible efficaciousness against all sorts of maladies. The
pilgrims receive with veneration these trifles, and deposit them
religiously in a bag which they always have hanging from their necks.
Those who make the pilgrimage to Djachi-Loumbo, seculars or Lamas, men or
women, all enrol themselves in the society of Kalons, instituted by the
Bandchan-Remboutchi. Almost all the Buddhists aspire to the happiness of
becoming members of this association, which will give rise, some day, to
some important event in Upper Asia. All minds, even now, are vividly
occupied with the presentiment of a grand catastrophe. Here are some of
the strange prophecies that are current on this subject.
When the saint of Djachi-Loumbo, when the Bandchan-Remboutchi dies, he
will not transmigrate as heretofore, in Further Thibet. His new
incarnation will take place to the north of Lha-Ssa, in the steppes
inhabited by the Ourianghai, in the country called Thien-Chan-Pe-Lou,
between the Celestial Mountains and the chains of the Altai. While he
remains there, a few years incognito, preparing himself by retirement,
prayer, and good works, for the great events of the future, the religion
of Buddha will continue to grow weaker and weaker in all men's hearts; it
will only exist in the bosoms of the brotherhood of the Kalons. At this
disastrous epoch the Chinese will gain influence in Thibet; they will
spread themselves over the mountains and through the valleys, and will
seek to possess themselves of the empire of the Tale-Lama. But this
state of things will soon pass away; there will he a general rise of the
people; the Thibetians will take up arms, and will massacre in one day
all the Chinese, young and old, and not one of them shall repass the
frontiers.
A year after this sanguinary day, the Chinese Emperor will raise
innumerable battalions, and will lead them against the Thibetians. There
will be a terrible reaction; blood will flow in torrents, the streams
will be red with gore, and the Chinese will gain possession of Thibet.
But this triumph will not be of long duration. Then it will be that the
Bandchan-Remboutchi will manifest his power. He will summon all the
Kalons of the holy society. Those who shall have already died will
return to life, and they will all assemble in a vast plain of
Thien-Chan-Pe-Lou. There the Bandchan will distribute arrows and fusils
to all of them, and will form of this multitude a formidable army of
which he himself will take the command. The society of Kalons will march
with the Saint of Saints, and will throw themselves on the Chinese, who
will be cut to pieces. Thibet will be conquered, then China, then
Tartary, and finally, the vast empire of the Oros. The Bandchan will be
proclaimed universal sovereign, and under his holy influence Lamanism
will be soon restored to its pristine vigour, superb Lamaseries will rise
everywhere, and the whole world will recognise the infinite power of
Buddhic prayers.
These predictions, of which we content ourselves with giving a mere
summary, are related by every one in most minute detail; but what is most
surprising is, that no one seems to entertain the least doubt of the full
accomplishment of the events they foretell. Every one speaks of them as
of things certain and infallible. The Chinese residing at Lha-Ssa seem
likewise to attach credit to the prediction, but they take good care not
to trouble their heads much about it; they hope that the crisis will not
come for a long while, that by that time they may be dead, or at least be
able to anticipate it. As for the Bandchan-Remboutchi, they say he is
preparing himself vigorously for the grand revolution of which he is
destined to be the soul. Although already advanced in years he often
practices military exercises: every moment which is not absorbed by his
high functions as Living Buddha he employs in making himself familiar
with his future position of generalissimo of the Kalons. They affirm
that he shoots an arrow very skilfully, and that he handles with great
dexterity the lance and the matchlock. He breeds large herds of horses
for his future cavalry, and packs of enormous dogs, which, combining
prodigious strength with superior intelligence, are destined to play an
important part in the grand army of the Kalons.
These absurd and extravagant ideas have so made their way with the
masses, and particularly with those who belong to the society of the
Kalons, that they are very likely, at some future day, to cause a
revolution in Thibet. It is never without result that people thus
preoccupy their minds with the future. After the death of the Grand Lama
of Djachi-Loumbo, a reckless adventurer will only have to proceed to
Thien-Chan-Pe-Lou, boldly proclaim himself Bandchan-Remboutchi, and
summon the Kalons together--nothing more will, probably, be required to
raise these fanatical people.
An actual and immediate result of this society of the Kalons is to give
the Bandchan-Remboutchi an importance which seems by slow degrees to be
compromising the supremacy of the Tale-Lama. This result is the more
feasible, that the sovereign of Lha-Ssa is a child of nine years old, and
that his three predecessors have fallen victims to a violent death before
attaining their majority, which is fixed by the laws at twenty years of
age. The Bandchan-Remboutchi, who seems to be an able and ambitious man,
will not have failed to take advantage of these four minorities to
confiscate to his own advantage a portion of the spiritual and temporal
power of the Tale-Lama.
The violent death of the three Tale-Lamas, the immediate predecessors of
the reigning sovereign, gave rise, in the year 1844, to an event which
occupied the attention of all Thibet, Tartary, and even China, and which,
on account of its importance, deserves, perhaps, a brief notice here.
The unprecedented phenomenon of three Tale-Lamas dying successively in
the flower of their age, had plunged the inhabitants of Lha-Ssa into a
state of mournful consternation. Gradually, dark rumours began to
circulate, and soon the words "crime," "assassination," were heard. The
thing went so far that they related in the streets of the town and the
Lamaseries all the circumstances of these dismal events. It was said
that the first Tale-Lama had been strangled, the second crushed by the
roof of his sleeping apartment, and the third poisoned with his numerous
relations, who had come to settle at Lha-Ssa. The superior Lama of the
Grand Lamasery of Kaldan, who was very much attached to the Tale-Lama,
had suffered the same fate. The public voice denounced the Nomekhan as
the author of all these crimes. The four ministers had no doubt about
the matter, knowing the whole truth; but they found themselves unable to
avenge the death of their sovereign; they were too weak to struggle with
the Nomekhan, who was supported by numerous and powerful friends.
This Nomekhan was a Si-Fan, a native of the principality of Yang-Tou-Sse,
in the province of Kan-Sou. The supreme dignity of Tou-Sse was
hereditary in his family, and a great number of his relations, settled at
Lha-Ssa for several generations, exercised great influence over the
affairs of Thibet. The Nomekhan of Yang-Tou-Sse was still very young
when he was invested with an authority inferior only to that of the
Tale-Lama. They say that a few years after his elevation to power, he
manifested his ambitious sentiments and a boundless desire for
domination. He used his own great wealth and the influence of his
relations, to surround himself with dependents wholly devoted to his
interest. He took particular care to secure partisans among the Lamas;
and, to this end, he took under his immediate protection the famous
Lamasery of Sera, situated half a league from Lha-Ssa, and containing
upwards of 15,000 Buddhist monks. He loaded it with presents, granted it
infinite privileges and revenues, and placed, in its different
departments, a great number of his creatures. The Lamas of Sera failed
not to acquire great enthusiasm for the Nomekhan; they regarded him as a
saint of the first degree, and compiled an enumeration of his perfections
as extensive and pompous as that of the perfections of Buddha. Supported
by the powerful party he had got together, the Nomekhan withdrew all
bounds from his projects of usurpation. It was then that he caused the
three young Lamas to be murdered in succession, in order to keep for
himself the position of Regent. Such was the Nomekhan of Yang-Tou-Sse,
or rather, such was he represented to us during our stay at Lha-Ssa.
It was not easy, as may be seen, to overthrow a personage whose power was
so solidly based. The Kalon ministers, unequal to an open struggle with
the Nomekhan, resolved to dissimulate, and to work, meanwhile, in secret,
at the downfall of this execrable man. The assembly of the Houtouktou
elected a new Tale-Lama, or rather indicated the child into whose body
the soul of the Living Buddha had transmigrated. He was enthroned at the
summit of the Buddha-La. The Nomekhan, like the other dignitaries,
proceeded to throw himself at his feet, worshipped him with all devotion,
but with the full resolution, doubtless, to make him undergo a fourth
transmigration, when he should think proper.
The Kalons secretly adopted measures to prevent a new catastrophe. They
consulted with the Bandchan-Remboutchi of Djachi-Loumbo, and it was
determined that, to check the infamous projects of the Nomekhan, they
should call to their aid the irresistible power of the Emperor of China.
A request was accordingly drawn up and signed by the Bandchan and the
four Kalons, and privately sent to Peking by the embassy of 1844. For
three special reasons the government of Peking could not dispense with
granting to the Thibetians the protection they demanded under these grave
circumstances. In the first place the Tartaro-Mantchou dynasty had
solemnly declared itself protector of the Tale-Lama; in the second place,
the Nomekhan, as being a native of Yang-Tou-Sse, in the province of
Kan-Sou, was in some degree amenable to the Chinese Emperor; finally,
politically speaking, it was an excellent opportunity for the court of
Peking to establish its influence in Thibet, with a view to the
realisation of its protects of usurpation.
The request sent to Peking by the Bandchan-Remboutchi and the four
Kalons, was received with all the favour that could be desired, and the
government there determined to send to Lha-Ssa an ambassador of energy
and prudence, capable of overthrowing the power of the Nomekhan. The
Emperor thought of the Mandarin Ki-Chan, and charged him with this
difficult mission.
Before proceeding further, it will not, perhaps, be superfluous to give a
sketch of this Ki-Chan, a very celebrated personage in China, who has
played an important part in the affair of the English at Canton. Ki-Chan
is of Tartaro-Mantchou origin; he commenced his career as a scrivener in
one of the six grand tribunals of Peking. His rare capacity was soon
remarked, and although he was still very young, he rapidly mounted all
the steps of the magistracy. At the age of twenty-two he was governor of
the province of Ho-Nan; at the age of twenty-five he was its viceroy, but
he was dismissed from this charge for not having been able to foresee an
overflow of the Yellow River, which caused great disasters in the
province that was entrusted to him. His disgrace did not last long; he
was reinstated in his former dignity, and sent, successively, in quality
of viceroy, to the provinces of Chan-Tong-Sse Tchouen, and Pe-Tche-Ly.
He was decorated with the red button, the peacock's feather, and the
yellow tunic, with the title of Heou-Ye (imperial prince). At length, he
was nominated Tchoung-Tang, the highest dignity to which a Mandarin can
ever aspire. They have only eight Tchoung-Tangs in the empire; four
Mantchous and four Chinese; these compose the privy council of the
Emperor, and have the right of direct correspondence with him.
Towards the close of the year 1839, Ki-Chan was sent to Canton, as
viceroy of the province, and with the title of imperial commissioner he
had full powers to treat, in the name of his government, with the
English, and to re-establish the peace which had been disturbed by the
foolish and violent proceedings of his predecessor Lin. That which most
emphatically proves the capacity of Ki-Chan is, that on his arrival at
Canton he recognised the infinite superiority of the Europeans over the
Chinese, and saw that war was impossible. He, accordingly, forthwith
commenced negociations with Mr. Elliott, the English plenipotentiary, and
peace was concluded, on the consideration of the cession of the small
island of Hong-Kong. To cement the good understanding that had been
established between the Emperor Tao-Kouang and Queen Victoria, Ki-Chan
gave the English authorities a magnificent banquet, at which was present
M. de Rosamel, the commander of the corvette _Danaide_, which had arrived
a few days before in the roads of Macao. Every one was enchanted with
the graceful and affable manners of the commissioner-general.
A few days only elapsed before the intrigues worked at Peking by the
former imperial commissioner, Lin, occasioned the disallowance by the
Emperor of the treaty that had just been concluded at Canton. Ki-Chan
was accused of having allowed himself to be corrupted by English gold,
and of having sold to the "sea devils" the territory of the Celestial
Empire. The Emperor sent him a furious letter, declaring him worthy of
death, and ordering him to repair to Peking forthwith. The poor imperial
commissioner had not his head cut off, as every one expected. The
Emperor, in his paternal mildness, gave him his life, and merely degraded
him from all his titles, withdrew all his decorations, confiscated his
property, razed his house, sold his wives by public auction, and banished
him to the depths of Tartary. The numerous and influential friends whom
Ki-Chan had at court, did not desert him in his reverses; they laboured
with courage and perseverance to reinstate him in the good graces of the
Emperor. In 1841, he was, at length, recalled, and sent to Lha-Ssa as
envoy-extraordinary in the matter of the Nomekhan. He departed,
decorated with the blue button, instead of the red one, which he wore
before his fall; they restored to him the peacock's feather, but the
privilege of wearing the yellow tunic was still withheld. His friends at
Peking clubbed together and built for him a magnificent house. The post
of Kin-Tchai, amid the mountains of Thibet, was still considered
banishment; but it was a step towards a glorious and complete
reinstatement. Immediately upon his arrival at Lha-Ssa, Ki-Chan
concerted with the Bandchan-Remboutchi, and had the Nomekhan arrested.
He then proceeded to examine all the persons attached to the service of
the accused, and, in order to facilitate their declaration of the truth,
he had long bamboo needles thrust under their nails; by this means, as
the Chinese phrase it, "truth was separated from falsehood," and the
conduct of the Nomekhan was brought to light. The wretched man avowed
his crimes voluntarily, in order to avoid the torture. He acknowledged
himself guilty of taking away three lives from the Tale-Lama; of having
used violent means to make him transmigrate, the first time by
strangulation, the second time by suffocation, and the third by poison.
A confession was drawn up in the Tartar, Chinese, and Thibetian
languages; the Nomekhan and his accomplices signed it; the
Bandchan-Remboutchi, the four Kalons, and the Chinese ambassador set
their seals to it; and it was immediately forwarded to Peking by a
courier-extraordinary. All this was done in secret. Three months
afterwards, the capital of Thibet was thrown into a state of the greatest
agitation; there was seen placarded on the great gate of the Nomekhan's
palace, and in the principal streets of the town, an imperial edict, in
three languages, on yellow paper, and with borders representing winged
dragons. After a long flourish about the duties of kings, and of
sovereigns, great and small, and an exhortation to the potentates,
monarchs, princes, magistrates, and people of the four seas, to walk in
the paths of justice and virtue, under pain of incurring the wrath of
heaven and the indignation of the Grand Khan, the Emperor recounted the
crimes of the Nomekhan, and condemned him to perpetual banishment on the
banks of the Sakhalien-Oula, in the depths of Mantchouria. At the end
was the usual formula: "Tremble and obey."
The inhabitants of Lha-Ssa collected round these strange placards, which
they were unused to see on the walls of their town. The report of the
condemnation of the Nomekhan spread rapidly among the people. Numerous
groups began to form, who discussed the point with vehemence, but in
whispers. All faces were animated, and from every quarter there rose a
deep murmur. This agitation among the Thibetian people arose not so much
from the merited downfall of the Nomekhan, as from the interference of
the Chinese authorities, an interference which every one felt to be very
humiliating.
At the Lamasery of Sera, opposition manifested itself with an altogether
different sort of energy. As soon as they had notice there of the
imperial edict, the insurrection was spontaneous and general. Those
15,000 Lamas, who were all devoted to the cause of the Nomekhan, armed
themselves hastily with lances, fusils, sticks, whatever came first to
hand, and threw themselves into Lha-Ssa, which was only half a league
distant. The thick clouds of dust which they raised in their disorderly
course, and the terrible shouts they sent forth, announced their arrival
to the inhabitants of Lha-Ssa--"The Lamas of Sera! Here are the Lamas of
Sera!" Such was the cry which resounded through the town, and inspired
all hearts with fear. The Lamas burst like an avalanche upon the house
of the Chinese ambassador, and dashed in the door with shouts of "Death
to Ki-Chan! death to the Chinese!" But they found no one upon whom they
could vent their rage. The ambassador, forewarned in time of their
arrival, had run and concealed himself in the house of a Kalon, and the
people of his train were dispersed over the town. The multitude of Lamas
then divided itself into several bands, some took their way to the palace
of the Nomekhan, and others besieged the dwellings of the Kalons,
demanding loudly that they should give up to them the Chinese ambassador.
There was, on this point, a long and fierce contest, in which one of the
four Thibetian ministers was torn to pieces, and the others received
wounds more or less dangerous.
Whilst they were contending with the Kalons for possession of the person
of Ki-Chan, the most numerous party of the Lamas had broken into the
prison where the Nomekhan was confined, and wanted to bear him in triumph
to the Lamasery of Sera. The Nomekhan, however, strongly opposed this
intention, and exerted all his influence to calm the excitement of the
Lamas. He told them that their inconsiderate revolt aggravated his
position instead of ameliorating it. "I am," said he, "the victim of a
conspiracy. I will go to Peking; I will explain the whole affair to the
Emperor, and will return in triumph amongst you. At present we have only
to obey the imperial decree. I will depart, as I have been commanded.
Do you go back quietly to your Lamasery." These words did not shake the
resolution of the Lamas, but, night falling, they returned tumultuously
to Sera, promising themselves a better plan for the morrow. When day
broke, the Lamas began to move about in their vast monastery, and to
prepare themselves for a fresh invasion of the town of Lha-Ssa, but, to
their great astonishment, they perceived in the plain, round about the
Lamasery, numerous tents and a multitude of Chinese and Thibetian
soldiers, armed to the teeth, and prepared to bar their passage. At this
sight, all their valour evaporated: the marine conch was sounded, and
these extempore soldiers, throwing aside their arms, re-entered their
cells, took their books under their arms, and quietly proceeded to the
choir, to recite, as usual, their matins.
A few days afterwards, the Nomekhan, accompanied by a strong escort, took
the road to Sse-Tchouen, and proceeded like a sheep, to the place of
exile that had been assigned him. They could never understand at Lha-Ssa
how the man, who had not hesitated to murder three Tale-Lamas, had not
chosen to take advantage of the insurrection of the Lamas of Sera.
Certain it is, that, with a single word, he might have annihilated all
the Chinese at Lha-Ssa, and most probably set all Thibet in a blaze; but
the Nomekhan was not formed to play such a part; he had the cowardly
energy of an assassin, but not the audacity of a revolutionist.
Ki-Chan, encouraged by his triumph, wanted to extend his power to the
Thibetian accomplices of the Nomekhan. This claim, however, did not suit
the Kalons, who told him that to them alone belonged the right of judging
men who in no wise were subject to China, and against whom they had not
asked for the protection of the Emperor. The Kin-Tchai did not press the
point; but, not to appear to yield to the Thibetian authorities, he
replied to them officially, "that he left to them these inferior
assassins, who were below the notice of the representative of the
Emperor."
A new Nomekhan was elected in the place of the exile. The person
selected for this important charge was the Chaberon of the Lamasery of
Ran-Tchan, a young man of eighteen years of age. The Tale-Lama and the
new Nomekhan being minors, at the time that we arrived at Lha-Ssa, the
regency was entrusted to the first Kalon. All the solicitude of the
Regent was applied to the erection of barriers against the encroachments
and usurpation of the Chinese ambassador, who sought, by all possible
means, to avail himself of the present feebleness of the Thibetian
government.
[Picture: Chapter Endpiece]
[Picture: The Spies]