POLITICS.

The chief interest of Australian politics lies in their relation to those

of the Mother Country. Having imported their whole constitution and law

books holus-bolus from England, each colony has been engaged ever since

its foundation in fitting them to its circumstances. The legislative

equipment of the young Australias corresponded pretty nearly to the tall

hats and patent-leather boots which fond mothers provided for the

aspiring colonists. An exogenous growth has prevented originality of

ideas, which for the most part have been supplied by English thinkers,

but the adaptability and less complicated social machinery of a young

colony have permitted the carrying into execution of many valuable

measures long before they emerged from the region of theory in their

native land. It would not be hard to multiply instances where important

reforms have been hastened and made practicable in England by their

adoption and favourable operation out here, or avoided on account of

their failure here. Australia is the _corpus vile_ on which England

makes her legislative experiments. In this direction there is a great

deal of useful information in the study of our politics to an outsider;

but to go into the question at large would take up a three-volume

publication instead of a short letter, and my present purpose is merely

to give an outline of the existing situation in each colony, only

touching upon so much of their past history as is necessary for the

understanding of their present position.

The most interesting, history is that of Victoria, the youngest colony of

the three, which up to the time of the gold discoveries formed a district

of New South Wales, not inaptly named by its first explorer 'Australia

Felix.' Practically, its history may be said to date from these gold

discoveries in 1851. For the next five years adventurers of all nations

and classes flocked to the diggings, and quiet settlers from other

colonies left their sheep to look after themselves while they hastened to

reap a share of the golden harvest. Fortunately the diggings only gave

place to mines which are still a staple of wealth. But during the period

of the American war the gold tide ebbed too swiftly, leaving high and dry

not only diggers, but the thousand-and-one classes who were indirectly

dependent upon the gold supply. The better portion of these found

occupation on the land--the richest in Australia, though neglected during

the gold mania. But there remained a large number without any visible

means of support, and not particularly inclined to go out of their way to

find any. What to do with this large class of 'electors' became the

question of the day, until in 1865 Sir James M'Culloch introduced a

scheme for making work for them. By turning the tariff into an industrial

incubator he forced manufactures into existence, and gave employment to

those who had nothing better to do. It was in this manner, to meet a

temporary crisis, and with no deliberate economical purpose, that the

thin edge of the protectionist wedge was introduced. When once the

purpose for which the duties had been imposed was served, the originators

of protection in Victoria thought they could be quietly dropped. Needless

to say, it was easier to call in the spirit of Protection than to lay it

again. The gold produce continued to decrease, and the cry was for more

duties and heavier duties, until a please-the-people Ministry extended

the list to every possible article of manufacture, and raised the duty to

a prohibitive amount-for many articles as high as 27½ _ad valorem_. The

colony has now committed itself to an almost irrevocable extent. Even the

relative idea of imposing duties temporarily for the sake of giving new

industries a start, which marked the second stage of public opinion, is

giving way to the absolute one that Protection means more work and higher

wages whenever and wherever introduced. It may in course of time be

possible gradually to take 5 per cent off the duties at a time. But any

reduction of the tariff would instantly put hundreds of electors--and

very noisy hundreds too--out of employment, and reduce the earnings of

thousands, while the general effect upon prices would take a long time to

become perceptible. At the present time, come Conservative, come Liberal

into office, neither's tenure would be worth twenty-four hours' purchase

if he made any attempt in that direction. The whole subject of Free Trade

and Protection has for the present completely passed out of the region of

practical politics.

A distinguishing feature of Victorian public life is the existence of an

approach to definite political parties bearing the same names and

starting originally from the same bases as in England, though their

principles by no means correspond to those of English Liberals and

Conservatives. The main factor which led up to these divisions was class

dislike, embittered by the remembrance that both plutocracy and democracy

started in life on an equal footing. The diggings caused a general

shaking up of the social bag, and the people who came out uppermost were

mostly those who had been lowest before. In matters political they

grabbed the public lands wholesale; socially they flaunted their wealth

more openly than was wise. _Du haut en bas_ came badly from those who

had only a few years ago been hail-fellows-well-met. On the other side

was jealousy, embittered often by a feeling that it was a man's own fault

that he had not got on better in the world. The change had been brought

about too suddenly to allow of people shaking down into their new

positions. In this state of public feeling demagogues were not slow to

see their advantage. They fanned the flames of discontent and jealousy

till they broke out in Mr. Berry's 'platform,' the bursting-up of the

landed estates, reform amounting to revolution, protection _ad absurdum_,

and so forth.

For a short time feeling ran so high over the Reform Bill, as almost to

threaten civil war. One minister talked of settling the question with

'broken heads and flaming houses.' Another boasted at a public meeting

that he had 'got his hand upon the throat of capital'--all bombast, of

course, but dangerous bombast at a time of great public excitement.

Happily a vent was found for these angry passions in the ridiculous

incident of Mr. Berry's 'embassy' to the Colonial Office, which set both

parties laughing, and after three years of turmoil which had led to

considerable commercial distress, everybody got tired of agitation.

The Berry Ministry died of ridicule. A Conservative Government then

enjoyed a short tenure of office, but committed suicide by bringing in an

impracticable Reform Bill. A second Berry Ministry came into office, but

not into power. It also lived a few months, but with its dying kick it

passed a measure which, though it placed the Upper Chamber on a more

liberal basis than any other in Australia, and effected most important

changes in its constitution, was conservative in comparison with Mr.

Berry's first proposals. Hitherto members of the Upper House had been

elected for ten years, the qualification for the electorate being the

possession of property of the rateable value of £50 a year. Now the

electoral qualification has been reduced to £10 house and £20

leaseholders, and the tenure is for six years. The Lower House, or

Assembly, has for years been elected by manhood suffrage throughout

Victoria, New South Wales, and South Australia.

Land reform has not yet advanced equally far, and will probably be

reserved for the next burst of democratic energy. The view of 'the party'

is that land should be made to pay a tax proportionate to the increase

which the State has, directly and indirectly, effected in its value by

railways and otherwise. The more advanced section point out that the

greater part of the land was sold at ridiculously and dishonestly low

prices to friends of the powers that were. For this reason, and because

the wealth of the colony would, they contend, be increased in the gross,

as well as more equally distributed by the partition of the large

freeholds, the tax should be progressive, i.e. increasing in percentage

according to the value of the property, so as to compel the large owners

to sell, and establish something answering to a peasant proprietary, or,

more strictly speaking, a yeomanry tilling its own soil. The

Conservatives look upon such a tax as nothing better than legalized

robbery, and hold the most pronounced views on the sacred rights of

property. A _juste milieu_ will probably be found between the two

courses, and the existing land-tax be increased; but unless recent

legislation for Ireland inspire new views of property, I do not think a

progressive tax is to be feared. As regards the existing land laws, I

shall say something further on upon this point in connection with those

of New South Wales.

After a bout of rabid Radicalism, Victoria now owns, or is owned by, a

half-and-half Ministry made up of the weakest members of both parties.

Its views are Liberal-Conservative, and wishy-washy; its principal

concern to remain in office. It serves as a sort of Aunt Sally for both

parties to shy at. But there is no coalition strong enough to replace it.

For nearly two years now it has pursued the even tenour of its way,

harmless and unharmed, confessing where it has blundered, and dancing a

sword-dance among small matters of administration. So long as it occupies

itself with nothing of importance, it seems likely to remain in office

till the next General Election. In view of this event, Sir Bryan

O'Loghlen has introduced a four-million loan to provide fifty-nine

railways, which should conciliate the hardest hearts of his opponents in

every district; for these railways are to be distributed most

impartially, and if any districts have more than a fair share, it is

those where opposition is most likely to be met. Unfortunately for the

Government, a series of accidents on the suburban railway lines have

recently called public attention to the fact that political influence is

more useful than competence in the obtaining of employment in the railway

department. The O'Loghlen Government have not been greater sinners than

their neighbours in this respect; but unless they take the bull by the

horns, and speedily bring in a measure to hand over the management of the

railways to a non-political board, they are likely to be sacrificed to

public indignation. The failure of the loan will also be laid to their

door and if either Liberals or Conservatives can only organize themselves

sufficiently, the General Election will probably prove fatal to them.

Of all the Australian provinces, there is none with the immediate

resources and future prospects of the Mother Colony. On her varied soils

and amidst her different climates, wool, wheat, wine, and sugar all find

a roomy and congenial home. Gold, copper, and tin are not wanting; and

close to the seaboard she has an unbounded supply of coal, which must

eventually be of more service in raising up manufacturing industries than

all the protective tariffs of Victoria. The early circumstances of New

South Wales were against its rapid growth. Founded as a receptacle for

convicts, a system akin to slavery soon took root. Such of the early

settlers as were neither gentlemen nor convicts belonged to the lowest

class, or joined it soon after they landed. The colony was more than half

a century old before it got any backbone; and although the descendants of

convicts have in most cases proved excellent colonists, it took some time

before 'trust in the people' could get the upper hand of fear. Even now,

when but few of the last convicts remain above ground, and the masses of

the population consist of immigrants in every way equal to the other

colonies, the spirit of Conservatism is still ingrained in New South

Wales. The shadow of the past still lingers behind in its comparative

social and political stagnation, in an indolence and want of enterprise

which is past all understanding to the Victorian, and a cherishing of

prejudices long after they have been rooted out in the Sister Colonies.

Even that arch-Democrat Sir Henry Parkes can only govern the colony by

setting himself up as the reverse of Mr. Berry.

New South Wales is constantly claiming credit for its adoption of a Free

Trade policy, but even this was brought about more by good luck than good

management. The circumstances which gave birth to Protection in Victoria

never occurred in Sydney. No one ever thought of such a thing. A light

tariff, founded on no particular principle, had been levied for many

years for revenue purposes; when, on the eve of a General Election, Sir

Henry Parkes, on the look-out for a good safe, cry, brought forward,

under the seductive form of 'remission of taxation,' the existing tariff,

which, though it manages to bring in as large a revenue as the Victorian

Protectionist one, limits considerably the number of articles taxed. This

was the first strike-out in the direction of Free Trade. The subsequent

buoyancy of the circumstances of the colony, and the applause with which

nearly the whole Australian press greeted the plunge, have confirmed the

policy, and made it a safe political watchword. But a great deal remains

to be done before New South Wales adopts Free Trade as it is understood

in England. From the outward and visible sign to the inward and spiritual

grace, is often a far cry.

In New South Wales, as in Victoria, large tracts of land have been bought

up at very low prices to form single estates. But the province is much

larger than Victoria, and thus feels the loss less. It was here that the

squattocracy was first successfully attacked. In 1861 Sir John Robertson

passed an Act by which any person can select as much as 320 acres of

Crown land in any part of the colony at the rate of £1 per acre, only 25

per cent. of which is payable on the spot, provided he subscribes to

certain conditions of cultivation and of residence on his 'selection.'

This Act was subsequently copied in Victoria, and is now being altered

there so as to enlarge the area selectable to 640 acres. Although often

leading to great injustice, this has certainly afforded a healthy outlet

for democratic passion. The plutocracy of New South Wales have risen to

wealth less rapidly than in Victoria, and have lived much more quietly

and with little display. And thus it comes about that there is very

little class feeling in the colony, and politics are carried on without

any more dangerous outbursts than the personal conflicts of excitable

members of Parliament.

Not only does party government not exist in New South Wales, but burning

questions are few and far between. Since 1878 the lion has been lying

down with the lamb, and the Parkes-Robertson Coalition Government has had

to raise a powerless opposition to keep itself from death by inanition.

Personal politics are always more or less the order of the day, and

Ministers are well content that as much superfluous energy as possible

should be spent on petty squabbles between private members, and on such

local questions as the taking of railways through certain districts, or

the building of police-courts in certain townships. Of course, when the

General Election comes, they are bound to have something to swear by, and

as they are not particularly troubled with either memory or conscience,

they generally have no difficulty in sailing before the wind, even if

they have to 'bout ship.

The late Premier, Sir Henry Parkes, has a special aptitude for

discovering which way the wind is going to blow, which places him first

on the list of living Australian politicians. Whilst colonists have

appreciated the compliment paid to them in the flattering reception which

he has recently met with in London, no one who has lived in Sydney can

forbear a smile at the idea of Sir ''Enery' passing as a representative

of the respectable portion of the Australian community, to whom, for the

most part, he is only less obnoxious than Mr. Berry.

The ink with which I wrote the last paragraph had not been dry a

fortnight, when the unexpected news came of the defeat of the

Parkes-Robertson Government on their Land Consolidation Bill. Although

the Parliament was still young, and there was no reason to believe that

it did not fairly represent the views of the country upon the question at

issue, Sir Henry obtained a dissolution from Lord Augustus Loftus, who is

credited with having had no opinion independent of his Premier since his

arrival at Government House.

The General Elections have resulted in an enormous majority for the

Opposition, and Sir Henry has resigned with the worst possible grace,

having forfeited any regret that might have been felt for his overthrow

by the abuse which he lavished on his opponents when he saw that the

elections were going against him, and the ridiculous pomposity with which

he has told the electors that they were not educated up to appreciating

him. As to the cause of his fall, it may partly be attributed to the

opposition of the Roman Catholics or denominational-education party, and

of the publicans; but it is chiefly due to a strong feeling throughout

the colony, that the land policy inaugurated by Sir John Robertson, just

twenty-one years ago, has proved a failure, and that it has raised up a

warfare between the pastoral tenants and the agriculturists, without any

adequate advantage to the latter.

It is passing strange that the colony, which was the first to introduce

the democratic land system of 'free selection before survey' into

Australia, should be the first to abandon it; and that the same Minister,

Sir John Robertson, who came into note through its introduction, should

practically end his political career with its downfall. The faults of

selection before survey were obvious from the first. The 'selector,'

being allowed to purchase in any part of the colony, used often to pick

out the heart of the squatter's leasehold run. It became, of course, the

squatter's interest to starve him out, and the selections, being isolated

instead of contiguous, were ill able to battle against this opposition.

The Bill on which the Coalition Ministry was defeated was merely a digest

of preceding Acts on the subject; and what contributed no little to the

fate of the Ministry, both in the House and in the country, was the

circumstance that not one of them, except Sir John Robertson, took any

interest in the Land Reform question, and that, until his recent

coalition with Sir John, Sir Henry Parkes had been one of the most bitter

opponents of the measures, on the consolidation of which he staked the

life of his Government. Sir John had undoubtedly taken a back seat in the

Coalition Government, and it was partly to revive his failing prestige

that Sir Henry Parkes brought in a measure which was notoriously

indifferent to himself. His brilliant reception in Europe and on his

return to Australia had turned his head, and he believed he could make

the House and country swallow whatever he chose. But his vaulting

ambition o'erleaped itself, and in his chagrin and mortification he has

unveiled the mask of respectability which he has worn for the last few

years, and given vent to language and sentiments which have seriously

injured the position he was achieving and the prospects of a return to

office. These should have been excellent, since the new Ministry is weak

in _personnel_, and has before it the duty of framing a new land

policy, which is much more difficult than that of picking holes in the

existing system. For the present they have shelved the question by

appointing a Royal Commission to inquire into the working of the land

laws. The programme for the session, revealed in the Speech from the

Throne, contains nothing more startling than amendments of the Licensing

Act and Criminal Laws, and measures for the establishment of secondary

schools throughout the colony, and to abate the rabbit pest.

The leading measures introduced by the Coalition Ministry during their

four years' tenure of office were, if we except a Licensed Victuallers'

Amendment Act, an Educational Act on the basis of that existing in the

other colonies, which served as a trump-card at the 1881 general

elections, and a measure for constitutional reform, in which they were

checked by the Upper House in 1879. Sir Henry's object, like Mr. Berry's,

was to strengthen the hands of the Assembly, but unfortunately for his

scheme he had a very different class of electors at his back. As happened

over the Land Act, his weathercock failed to point in the right

direction. When the Council rejected his Bill, he indulged in threats and

fulminations which would have done credit to a Berryite of the Berryites.

But the country utterly refused to back him up. It would not be roused

into indignation on one side or the other, and was utterly indifferent as

to whether the Council was reformed or continued as of old.. So after a

few days fuming and fretting, Sir Henry thought it wiser to let the

matter drop. The Legislative Council still remains nominated by the

Crown, the tenure of office being for life. On the Education Act, Sir

Henry's platform was the consolidation of a system of secular education

and the withdrawal of all grants in aid of denominational schools. Here,

as on the Land Act, he had held other views in other times; but in this

instance he caught the direction of the wind correctly and sailed before

it triumphantly.

In the new Ministry there is plenty of promise but little of past

performance, and withal a good many discordant elements. The Premier, Mr.

Stuart, is a good business man, of education and manners, but that is all

that can possibly be said for him. The Minister for Education, Mr. Reid,

is decidedly able, but very young. The Attorney-General, Mr. Dalley, is a

man of great literary ability and a leader of the bar, but he has

wretched health. The rest of the Ministry are nonentities, and by

omitting one or two men whose respectability is hardly equal to their

ability, Mr. Stuart has raised himself up an Opposition out of his old

following. These will probably combine with Sir Henry Parkes, and _qui

vivra verra_.

The colony, of South Australia has, to my thinking, been peculiarly

favoured. Conceived by political economy and born of religious

nonconformity, it has ever been the most sober and respectable province

of Australia. Thanks to Mr. Gibbon Wakefield's principles, on which the

colony was founded, but little of the land fund has been squandered to

fill the coffers of influential squatters, and by a system of credit to

small freeholders in districts proclaimed suitable for agriculture--i.e.,

free selection _after_ and not before survey-a large class of yeomanry

have been established on their own farms. The stamp of the lower middle

class (chiefly Dissenters) who formed the bulk of the early settlers has

not yet been erased from social and political life. Never making giant

strides, nor stumbling into pits of gold, like her nearest neighbour,

South Australia has yet progressed year by year at an even jog-trot along

the road of material prosperity. Although copper-mining has contributed

no insignificant quota to the national wealth, the foundations have been

laid in pasture, and the main structure is built up in wheat-growing.

Owing to a combination of these circumstances, the division of wealth

approaches much nearer to equality than in any of the other provinces.

There are fewer rich and fewer poor. The standard of wealth is lower. The

condition of the working-class is better and healthier; their chances of

becoming proprietors and employers are greater. The middle class

preponderates, but its very size, the diversity of interests it

represents, and the stake it has in the general welfare of the country,

prevent it from abusing its political power to any serious extent. Except

with its aid, neither the squatters nor the working-class can gain undue

advantages; and as this aid has rarely been lent without good reason

there is an almost total absence of class antagonism and an excellent

public spirit throughout the community, all classes working well together

for the common weal.

Definite political parties there are none, except on the few occasions

when a stirring question has temporarily divided the community. The

spirit of the colony is thoroughly liberal, without being democratic in

the narrow sense. In most important reforms--such as the withdrawal of

State aid to religion; the registration of landed property; the acquiring

of Constitutional Government, and the placing of the Constitution on a

liberal basis; the introduction of the credit system for the purchase of

small farms, and refusal to sell large tracts of country; and the

adoption of State Education--South Australia has either led the way or

been amongst the first. Thanks to the more advanced views of the earliest

settlers, the abuses to be done away with have never been so flagrant as

in the other provinces. Hence the work of reform has in every case been

carried out in a more just and moderate spirit. The chief fault to be

found in the political temper of the people lies in their apathy. When

they do go to the poll, not a few of the electors prefer to vote for the

candidate whom they believe to have the most honesty and public spirit,

even if they do not happen to agree altogether with his political views.

But the preference of men to measures is by no means an unmixed evil

under the circumstances. A new country not only offers great facilities

for political adventure, but rarely sins by going too slow, and when any

policy of real import comes to the front, the evil corrects itself in

proportion to the importance of the occasion. To this preference, also,

it is due that, although South Australian politics are for the most part

personal, yet the evils of personality are less prominent than in the

sister colonies. Political consistency is rated higher, and the tone of

the debates is infinitely better, than in New South Wales, where there is

the same absence of important questions. Indeed, the Legislature is famed

throughout Australia as being the most hard-working and best behaved.

With regard to Free Trade, a compromise has been adopted, and there are

not wanting signs of a disposition to follow the example of New South

Wales; but I fear this is rather out of dislike to Victoria than from any

abstract recognition of the advantages of a Free Trade policy.

Warned by the troubles to which the question of Upper House reform gave

rise in Victoria, the South Australians tackled it last session, when

both Chambers were on the best of terms with each other, and an Act was

passed by which the franchise was reduced from £50 freeholders and £20

leaseholders, to £20 leaseholders and £10 freeholders; the tenure of a

seat shortened from twelve to nine years; the colony divided into

electoral districts instead of voting in block; and a scheme introduced

for finally dissolving the Council in the event of the occurrence of

certain circumstances tending to produce a deadlock. All parties were

agreed as to the general principles of the Act, and beyond a little

skirmishing over matters of detail, it passed through both Houses with as

little excitement as any petty measure. Public opinion has also declared

itself in favour of imposing a tax either on income or on property, which

is felt not to be paying its fair share towards the Government of the

country. A land-tax was talked of, but in view of the re-action on the

land question, which has extended in a modified shape from New South

Wales, and of the present distress of the landed interest, such a tax is

not likely to be imposed. Certain it is that additional revenue to meet

the interest on the money borrowed for public works must be raised from

some source. The land revenue, which had been used for ordinary revenue

purposes, is now beginning to drop; and since the colony is but slightly

taxed, in comparison with its neighbours, it has no reason to grumble at

an increase of taxation. Amongst the more important measures passed last

session, was one for providing compensation for improvements to selectors

surrendering their agreements, and for remission of interest to those who

have reaped under a specified average during the last three seasons.

Another sets apart a million of money for making a railway to the

Victorian border to place Adelaide in communication with Melbourne. The

distressed condition of the selectors, who have taken up land in country

which all experts pronounced unfit for agricultural purposes, except in

exceptional seasons, will necessitate a measure next session to give

special advantages for improved cultivation. Here also, as in New South

Wales, the antagonism between the squatter and the selector, though less

pronounced, is beginning to be found artificial. Owing to the clause in

nearly all pastoral leases which provides for the resumption of all lands

leased for pastoral purposes at three years' notice, and the want of

inducements to capitalists to open up the interior, local capital is

travelling over to Queensland. The probability is that the impossibility

of selection beyond a certain area will be recognised, and special

inducements will be offered to persons wishing to depasture unused land

in the centre of the continent. There is some talk of a trans-continental

railway between Adelaide and Port Darwin, which a syndicate has offered

to construct on the land-grant system. But it looks as if the Government,

which will never for years be able to construct the line itself, were

unwilling to allow anybody else to do it.

The present Ministry, like its predecessor, which lasted four years, is

eminently respectable. The Premier, Mr. Bray, has shown himself to be one

of the best leaders of the House ever known in Adelaide. The Minister of

Education, Mr. Parsons, is distinctly able. The Treasurer, Mr. Glyde,

represents caution, and the Minister of Public works, Mr. Ramsay,

shrewdness and enterprise. Altogether it is a strong combination of

administrative ability, and in Messrs. Bray and Parsons it has two good

speakers. It cannot be said that the Ministry has any particular policy,

though it represents the farmers and working-classes rather than the

propertied section of the community. It will probably make use of the

recess to find out what proposals are likely to meet with least

opposition, and the Opposition will pronounce no definite opinions till

the Ministry have made up their minds. And this is the chronic state of

affairs. On minor differences Governments go in and out, but the broad

lines of policy are laid down by the country, and remain the same whoever

may be at the head of affairs. Nowhere is the theory of government by the

people more fully and fairly illustrated.

To write with any comprehension on the politics of a country, one should

have lived in it and be acquainted with the principal actors on its

political stage. A mere visitor's impressions must necessarily be

superficial, however much they may be backed up by reading. Hence, I

shall only say as much about Queensland as is absolutely necessary to the

rest of my subject. Originally Moreton Bay was a branch penal settlement

of New South Wales, and as only the worst and most troublesome characters

were sent there, the history of the district up to the cessation of

convict immigration in 1839, was none of the brightest. The discovery of

the Darling Downs led to a certain amount of pastoral settlement, but it

was not till its separation from New South Wales, in 1859, that,

Queensland really began to flourish. Ever since, with the exception of

two short periods of depression in 1866 and 1877-78, the youngest of the

Australian provinces has been catching up its elder sisters with

rapidity. The northern half of the colony offers unlimited opportunities

for growing sugar, cotton and other semi-tropical products; and the area

is so vast that there are not wanting prophets who say that Queensland

will, twenty years hence, be the leading colony of the group. It is more

than probable that, long before that period, she will have split up into

two provinces--the older and southern settlement resembling New South

Wales in character, and the more recently occupied northern district,

with its semi-tropical industries, forming a half-way house between

Australia and India. A country of squatters and planters is naturally

Conservative in its politics. This is the only colony where manhood

suffrage does not obtain, the qualification for the franchise being £100

freehold or £1 leasehold. The members of the Upper House are nominated by

the Crown for life.

The political parties of the day may be said to represent the interest of

Northern and Southern Queensland respectively. The Ministry, at the head

of which is Sir Thomas McIlwraith, represents the Northern portion. Hence

they have recently signed a contract with an English syndicate for the

construction, on the land-grant system, of a trans-continental railway to

join Townsville and other north-east coast settlements with the Gulf of

Carpentaria. Reproductive works and free immigration form a principal

item in their policy; but that which has attracted much opposition is a

proposal for the introduction of regular supplies of Cingalese. The

Opposition, led by Mr. Griffiths, represents the cooler climes, where

coolie labour is little wanted, and which cannot be benefited by the

railway. These contend that it would be impossible to confine the coolies

to the sugar plantations, and that they will interfere with the

legitimate labour of Europeans. They look for the support of the

working-classes. The Northern interests are those of planters and

capitalists.

Although Western Australia occupies a third of the total area of the

continent, it has so little connection with the sister colonies that it

can hardly claim to be considered as a factor in Australian politics. The

colony was founded in 1829, under the name of the Swan River Settlement,

by a number of gentlemen, many of them retired officers, to whom the

Imperial Government gave far larger land grants than they had capital to

manage. For twenty years both settlement and settlers had to struggle for

bare existence, until in 1851 they persuaded the Home authorities to

establish a convict station there. This supplied much-needed labour for

public works and a market for the stock and produce of the settlers,

while the maintenance of the convicts necessitated the expenditure of

£80,000 to £90,000 a year of Imperial money in the colony. With these

aids, the settlers kept their heads above water, till, owing to the

Victorian outcry against what was termed 'a blot' on the already rather

shady 'escutcheon 'of Australia, the immigration was stopped in 1868.

Since then the convicts have dwindled down from 5,000 to 500. Happily the

discovery of new pastoral lands occurred almost simultaneously with the

cessation of convict immigration, and the colony has slowly but gradually

progressed, until now it has a population of 30,000 inhabitants. During

the past year exploration has been vigorously prosecuted. Large tracts of

country have been taken up for pastoral purposes by capitalists in the

other colonies, and several projects for the construction of railways, to

be paid for by grants of land, are now under consideration by the

Government. At the present moment nothing but capital and population of a

more energetic kind than the old settlers seems to be wanting for Western

Australia to become a prosperous colony; and provided he is not afraid to

rough it, there is no part of Australia in which a capitalist--whether

large or small--can more remuneratively settle than in this out of the

way part of the world; and this I say after having myself temporarily

lost heavily there. Capital is the great need of Western Australia. At

present, you feel yourself more out of the world in Perth than in

Siberia. The people are poor, old-fashioned, warm-hearted, and

slow-going, with no belief in the resources of their own country.

Whatever wealth is made there, is made by outsiders--mostly

Victorians--who are gradually galvanizing the place into life. But that

Western Australia is destined to become a great country, no one who has

lived there long enough to know something of it, and not long enough to

become impregnated with the prevailing indifferentism, can doubt.

The province is still under Crown Government, although there is a

Legislative Council, two-thirds of the members of which are elected by

£10 householders, which is yearly gaining power. The advent of

Constitutional Government will depend entirely upon the progress of the

colony; but at present it is far from being desirable, the elected

members of the Council being distinctly the obstructive party, while the

Governor and the Imperially appointed officials are the only persons who

look beyond the squatting interest to that of the colony as a whole.

The politics of the country consist of discussions as to whether settlers

should be bound to pay half the value of the fences a neighbour has

erected or wishes to erect between them; whether the railway should be

allowed to go through a certain square in the township of Guildford;

whether police protection, at the expense of the whole colony, should be

afforded to settlers in the outlying districts, who are exposed to

attacks of natives. People living within hearing of St. Stephen's can

hardly imagine the virulence with which these petty questions are gone

into, still less that for months they have formed the only topics of

conversation. Liliput must, I feel sure, have been a far noisier place

than Brobdingnag, and with the kindest feeling towards the most

hospitable people in the world, I cannot forbear a smile at the

recollections of the boredom I underwent on the subject of the Fencing

Bill.

Reviewing Australian politics as a whole, one notices that whilst all the

colonies are distinctly 'Liberal' in their ideas, the shades of colour

vary from Whiggism in New South Wales and Queensland, to extreme

Radicalism in Victoria, with South Australia as the exponent of the more

sober Radicals. The two more important provinces have diverged

considerably from each other, partly from sheer opposition, but chiefly

from diversity of circumstances and constituents. Until recently, South

Australia was content quietly to beat out its own little track; but the

_rapprochement_ between all the colonies, which increased facilities of

communication have brought about, is yearly tending to lessen its

individuality and to make it a mere copy of one or the other of its big

neighbours.

In discussing constitutional questions it is well to remember that,

although all the Australian constitutions are founded on analogy with the

British, that analogy can easily be carried too far. To begin, the main

functions of the Colonial Legislature, and the relations of the two

Chambers towards each other, are for the most part written down in black

and white, their constitutions allowing no room for the 'broadening down

from precedent to precedent,' which has enabled the British constitution

to work comparatively so smoothly. The latter grew up naturally, the

former were made to order. All parties in Australia are agreed to follow

British precedent where none is provided in the Constitution Act; but

there is a considerable party who actually hold that the colonial

constitutions being modelled on the British, the spirit of the British

constitution should be followed, even when it does not altogether agree

with the letter of their own; and this, although it is obvious that an

Upper House on such a broad electoral basis as that of Victoria or South

Australia, affords almost as many points of comparison with the House of

Commons as with the Lords. A peculiar instance of this feeling was shown

in 1861 in New South Wales, where, the Upper Chamber being nominated by

the Government, Sir John Robertson took advantage of the precedent

established by Earl Grey's threat, to swamp the Legislative Council with

nominees in order to pass a Land Act. Another difference besides the mode

of appointment lies in the different education and social status of the

members, about which I shall have something to say further on.

Happily there has so far rarely been any strain in the relations with the

mother country. It may be true that the colonists are gradually getting

less patient when the Queen's assent is refused to an Act, but the

Colonial Office is also becoming more wary in refusing such assent. This

leads on to the general question of the probabilities of a separation.

Certainly there is no sign of any intention deliberately to cut the

painter; but by a rash act on the part of the mother country, or if

Australia were to suffer severely in a war in which she had no concern,

it might suddenly and unexpectedly snap. Such I believe to be the true

state of the case, unalterable either by Imperialistic demonstrations at

home, or ultra-Royalistic effusions out here; although in the ordinary

run of affairs neither of these are without their use in keeping up a

cordial feeling. Even in semi-communistic Victoria there is at present an

unlimited fund of British patriotism, and, superficially, the colonists

are more loyal than Englishmen living in the land. But present it has to

be remembered that a majority of the inhabitants are still English born

and bred, and that the circumstances of colonial life do not encourage

the indulgence of sentiment at the expense of material advantages. Where

the treasure is, there will the heart be also. When the purely Australian

element gets the upper hand, the keeping of the British connection will

become merely a question of advantage and opportunity. In time of peace

the advantage is decidedly on the side of the present state of things.

The events of war might reverse the position.

No unimportant tie is the disunion between the colonies themselves. So

far all attempts at Federation, whether proceeding from England or from

public feeling in Australia itself, have completely failed. The subject

was actually discussed at a recent Intercolonial Conference, and again

last session in the Victorian House of Assembly. But I very much doubt

whether all the talk that is going on upon the subject will overcome the

practical difficulties within the present generation, unless there come

some period of common danger. Certain it is that if Federation is to be

brought about, the movement must be endogenous. At present the way is

blocked by the opposite commercial policies of Victoria and Now South

Wales. That practical experience will point out the true solution of the

Free Trade and Protection controversy in Australia is hardly likely, when

one notices the present Protectionist movements in England; but in the

course of years, one may reasonably expect that a purely Australian

feeling will overcome this stumbling-block, and give us one tariff for

the whole of Australia. Such a feeling can hardly become sufficiently

strong to effect this object without encroaching considerably on the

ground now occupied by Imperial patriotism. How true this is, is

exemplified by the fact that the first, and so far the only subject upon

which there has been any Australian, as opposed to provincial feeling, is

Australian cricket, or more properly the Australian Eleven. And in

connection with this I note that the matches against England are

invariably called International, which is not strictly correct. The two

questions of Federation and Separation are almost inseparably bound

together, though in time of war a federation would be possible which

would only bind Australia more closely to England. Then will be the

opportunity, not only for Federation, but for Consolidation, or for

Separation. Which it will be, must depend largely on the course events

take. As I pointed out above, if Australia were to suffer severely, it

might cause Separation; but if, on the other hand, she felt that her

liberties and well-being were preserved by direct force of British arms,

it is quite probable that an irresistible feeling in favour of

Consolidation might arise, and Lord Carnarvon's dreams might be realized,

provided the British Government struck the iron while it was hot.

When Federation takes place, I think there can be little doubt that it

will take a shape similar to that of the United States; and that in due

course of years Federation, in this shape, will become a fact, seems to

me more than likely. Sir Henry Parkes's idea of fusion seems applicable

enough to Victoria and New South Wales, if they could overcome their

economical enmities; but that South Australia or any part of Queensland

should join is impracticable. A year in New Zealand has been sufficient

to convince me that the abolition of the Provincial system there has been

far from an unmixed benefit. For most purposes, the colony of New Zealand

is merely a geographical expression. If the distances between Dunedin,

Christchurch, Auckland, and Wellington are sufficient to mar the fusion

of the New Zealand Provinces, how infinitely more impracticable would a

central Government at Albury be so far as Adelaide and Brisbane are

concerned.

The character and behaviour of the members of Australian legislatures

have to be considered in forming any just estimate of colonial politics.

Unfortunately, the little that is known on the subject at home has

revealed neither in a favourable light. The rowdy members and rowdy

scenes have _ipso facto_ attained prominence; but after carefully

watching for myself, and taking the opinions of those best qualified to

form them, I cannot but think that the generally-received opinion even in

Australia is incorrect, and that, taking all the circumstances into

consideration, both character and behaviour are far better than one has

reason to expect. Here, as in many other respects, Victoria is the most

pronounced example of what may be called Australianism as opposed to

Englishism. Up to the present moment, she is the only Australian colony

(I do not count New Zealand) which pays her legislators, and consequently

she has at once the cleverest and the worst-behaved set. There are very

few members of her parliament who can claim to possess any real political

talent. But the general average of native as apart from trained ability,

and of clearness in expressing what they wish to say, will--if we except

the dozen leading men on each side of the House of Commons--compare with

that of the more august assemblage. Nine-tenths of the Victorian members

possess at least the gift of the gab. In the excitement of the moment,

grammar goes to the winds, and _h_ 's fall thick as leaves in

Vallombrosa, but they neither hesitate nor falter in their speech, and

are nearly all possessed of a good deal of useful practical information.

Their behaviour is certainly open to exception, but so is that of the

House of Commons. The only difference is, that in Melbourne bad behaviour

is almost the rule, while at St. Stephen's it may be considered the

exception. Ministers and leaders of the Opposition give each other the

lie direct and think nothing of it, and unparliamentary epithets are

freely bandied about. At times there have been scenes unsurpassed only in

the French Assembly, and one or two members have kept up a continued fire

of uncomplimentary interjections. But it is only fair to remember that

the great majority of the House belong to the lower middle class, and are

found wanting, even if judged by the not very elevated social and

educational standard of the colonies. Many of them have risen to their

present not very high estate from the lowest class. Amongst people of

that kind you cannot expect to find the tone of the House of Commons. The

unfortunate members cannot leave the manners and customs of their class

in the cloakroom of the House. Besides this, the questions under

discussion in Melbourne of late years have been particularly

inflammatory. When the appeal has been made from reason to passions on

the one side, and to pockets on the other, the debates can hardly be

anything but stormy; and if one recollects that most of these encounters

take place between the present and the past lower orders, is it

astonishing if irony and sarcasm give place to Billingsgate?

The recent exposure of grave political scandals in Sydney has attracted

attention to the seamy side of the political life of the colonies. But

such scandals, I would fain believe, are exceptional. The tone of the

Sydney House is little, if at all, better than that of the Melbourne one,

in spite of the members being unpaid. Political adventurers--the curse of

communities like these--are perhaps not so numerous, for the £300 a year

paid to every Victorian M.P. offers special facilities for the

professional politician, but some light has recently been thrown on their

misdeeds. The questions under discussion in Sydney are also less

important. But the very unimportance of New South Wales politics leaves

open a wide door for strong language. I have a vivid recollection of

hearing one member talk about the 'effluvium which rises from that dung

heap opposite,' alluding to another member, who fortunately was well able

to return the compliment in kind. Both, however, are amongst the most

useful men in the House. Such amenities are mere matters of everyday

occurrence, ripples without which the debates would stagnate. The pity of

them is that they discourage men of education and position from

descending into the political arena, and even corrupt the manners of

those who do. Still, one must bear in mind that, however much a low tone

is in itself regrettable, it is no criterion of the work of which the

House is capable and which it actually gets through.

In South Australia the tone of the House is much higher than in any of

the other colonies. The general standard of ability is not so high as in

Victoria, but the social status and general respectability of the members

are considerably higher. The House seems to be impressed with the idea

that it is considered the most respectable in Australia, and to strive to

maintain its reputation in that respect. So mild is the general tenour of

the debates, that an old House of Commons reporter assures me that the

South Australian Assembly is a more orderly body and far more obedient to

the Chair than St. Stephen's. Personalities of the warmer kind are

considered bad form, and one of the ablest men in the House has

completely lost all political influence from the shadiness of sundry

transactions which, in the sister colonies, would most assuredly have

been forgiven long before they were forgotten. Of course the House is hot

free from adventurers, but they are of the better type, and have to

conform to a fairly high standard of political morality, if they wish to

obtain office and influence. As I stated before, the absence of burning

political questions, and the peculiar temperament of the colonists, has

led to a reputation for respectability being the chief recommendation for

a seat in the House. There is occasionally a little 'log-rolling' to

obtain the construction of public works in particular districts, but like

everything else in South Australian politics, this is very 'mild,' and

the struggle between the districts is never sufficiently strong to

interfere seriously with the common weal.

In Queensland, in spite of a Conservative constitution, the debates, if

we may believe the fortnightly letters published in the leading papers of

Sydney and Melbourne, rival those of Victoria in rowdyism. Personal

animosity between members runs to an unpardonable height, and the leaders

of the two parties are constantly making accusations against each other's

integrity. Political scandals are more numerous, if less important, than

in Sydney. Altogether, the impression that I have gathered is

unfavourable to the Brisbane Legislature.

The most prominent politicians in Australia are Sir Henry Parkes and Mr.

Berry. Of these, Sir Henry Parkes is unquestionably the abler. He is a

fair administrator, a good debater and leader of the House, has

statesmanlike ideas, and but for his overweening conceit might have risen

to the rank of a statesman. Mr. Berry's talent lies in a fluency of

specious but forcible speech appealing to the mob, rather than in

debating power. His vision is limited, and he is a poor administrator.

After these two I would place Mr. J. G. Francis, now the leader of the

Victorian Conservatives, who is decidedly able, and Sir John O'Shannassy,

whose adherence to the Catholic claims alone keeps him out of a

commanding position. Sir John Robertson may perhaps claim to be placed

before either of these two, but it must be upon the ground of past

performances rather than of present action; he is emphatically a light of

other days. Sir Bryan O'Loghlen will never do anything remarkable; and

the same may be said of Mr. Stuart. South Australia has two good

administrators in Messrs. Morgan and Bray. The latter has developed

during his Premiership abilities for which no one had given him credit.

As a leader of the House, he has raised tact to the dignity of a fine

art. Mr. Patterson seems to me the ablest of the Victorian Radicals. Mr.

Parsons, of Adelaide, should also make his mark. In Mr. Ward, South

Australia possesses the most brilliant speaker in the colonies but he has

not sufficient application or steadiness to become powerful. Mr. D.

Buchanan, of Sydney, is also clever, but his tongue runs away with his

discretion. Sir T. McIlwraith, Sir T. Palmer, and Mr. Griffith, in

Queensland, should of course be included in any list of prominent

politicians of the day, but unfortunately I do not know enough about them

to pronounce any opinion upon their abilities which would be worth

having. Amongst living politicians who are not now taking part in

politics, but whose names deserve to be mentioned, are Mr. Service, Mr.

Murray Smith, and Sir Charles Sladen, who throughout the Reform agitation

were the pillars of the Conservative party in Victoria, and Mr. Douglas

in Queensland.

Amongst the younger band of politicians, it is not difficult to discern

three Premiers _in petto_. Mr. Reid, of Sydney, only wants more

parliamentary and administrative experience, and the more thorough

understanding of the proportions of affairs which a couple of years'

residence in England would give, to become the nearest approach to a

statesman which Australia has ever seen. In South Australia, Mr. Dixon

shows a great deal of promise. In Melbourne, Mr. Deakin's fluency of

speech impressed me considerably. Upon him will probably fall Mr. Berry's

mantle. All three of these rising politicians are young and enthusiastic,

but while Mr. Reid and Mr. Dixon are Australians in the widest sense, Mr.

Deakin's ideas seem to be unable to reach beyond the colony in which he

was born.

The Land question, the Constitutional question, the

Transcontinental-Railway question, the Coastal-Trunk Railway question,

the Education question, the Immigration question, will be seen to be

common to all the Australian colonies.

In Victoria and South Australia the constitutional question is at rest

for another decade; but though it is not at present on the _tapis_,

there is every probability that within the next five years New South

Wales will abandon the nominated Upper House for one elected by a

propertied constituency, such as that of the South Australian and

Victorian Legislative Councils. Within the same period Queensland, or at

any rate the southern part of it, if it splits into two over the

question, will adopt universal suffrage. Very possibly the opportunity

will also be taken to make the Legislative Council elective, but probably

on a much less liberal basis than in the other colonies. Five years more

of progress such as she has made last year, and Western Australia will

become fitted for and obtain constitutional government. The liberalizing

of the Australian constitutions is entirely a matter of time, but the

direction is pretty well indicated. The length of each step depends

mainly upon whether it is made with the goodwill of both Houses at a time

when there is no urgent demand for reform; or whether it is affected by

obstruction on the part of the Upper House; or whether, as seems likely

to be the case in New Zealand, it is brought about by the apathy of the

Second Chamber. I doubt, however, whether even Victoria has reached

finality in its Constitution, and it is difficult to prophesy what form

the Colonial Legislative Council of the future is to take. Probably

before Reform can take a new direction, there will be Federation, with an

Australian Senate.

Many people think that the solution of the Education question remains to

be found. A Royal Commission was appointed last session in South

Australia to consider the bearings of the existing system, and in

Victoria there is already a strong political party opposed to it. After

such a complete reversal of a policy which was supposed to be so firmly

established as Sir John Robertson's land system, no system in Australia

can be said to be finally established if there is any considerable number

of sufferers by it. Most sensible people--though they are certainly not

numerous--admit that the Catholics are really aggrieved by being obliged

to contribute towards a system of education of which they cannot avail

themselves, and many others regret the omission from our educational

system of so important an element as religion. But the advantage of an

uniform system of State education is widely and generally appreciated.

The present system may be modified so as to give ministers of religion

greater opportunities for doctrinal teaching out of hours, and to allow

of broad Christian morality being taught as part of the educational

course. But I cannot think that a return to State aid to denominational

schools is at all probable; and if the next half-dozen years pass over

without such a change, the number of electors educated under the existing

system will make it impossible. The Church of England was the only

Protestant body which originally objected to the secular system, because

none of the other Protestant denominations had schools of their own. Now

these are beginning to awake to the fact that the secular schools are

thinning their flocks, and producing a large number of freethinkers in

fact, if not in profession. They are therefore openly becoming more

inclined to joint action with the Anglicans, not for the establishment of

denominational schools, but for the introduction of broad Christian

teaching into the existing schools. The Catholics, of course, hold that

just as the existing schools negatively produce Free-thinkers by the

absence of any Christian teaching, so broad Christianity would be mere

Protestantism; i.e., the negation of Roman Catholic doctrine.

On the Land question we seem as far as ever from finality. The reaction

against the selection system will probably not extend to Victoria because

the quantity of land there is limited, and its character for the most

part superior. In South Australia the solution will probably be in

superior facilities for opening up the interior or unoccupied lands,

greater fixity of tenure to the leaseholders, restriction of the land

open to the operation of the system of selection, easier terms to the

selector, and greater encouragement to both selector and leaseholder to

improve their holdings. In New South Wales the change must be more

radical, because, in the absence of the South Australian clause which

made survey precede selection, the evil which has arisen is much greater.

But the direction of the change will probably be similar, though the

selector will be less considered, and there is not much totally unused

land needing pastoral occupation. In Victoria the selections are now

being increased in size to one square mile, and I think changes will

gradually be made which will make the large freeholders find it to their

advantage to sell. In Victoria and New South Wales there is a quantity of

freehold property used for pasture which is well fitted for agriculture.

South Australia, on the contrary, has pretty well reached the margin of

cultivation, and must seek to improve her wheat-yield, not so much by

enlargement of the area cultivated, as by improvement in the cultivation

of the area already under crop.

Victoria has completely abandoned Government immigration, but New South

Wales, South Australia, and Queensland each grant free or assisted

passages to immigrants of a certain class. For the last three or four

years the immigration policy has been slackened, but there is every sign

that another push is going o be made in this direction by South

Australia, which had almost entirely stopped free passages, and by

Queensland. Beyond question, one of the chief needs of Australia at the

present moment is a steady stream of immigration, and this can only be

obtained by more strenuous efforts on the part of the Colonial

Governments to make the position and prospects of the country better

known at home. Immigration raises the revenue and helps to pay off the

interest on our debt. It reduces the expenditure proportionately to the

population. It gives more employment, since the new-comers must be housed

and clothed and live; and it supplies more labour, enabling fresh country

and new industries to be opened up. Population is the chief element of

wealth and progress in a young country like this.

The contract which the Queensland Government has just signed for the

construction of a railway from Charleville and Point Parker marks the

beginning of an era of transcontinental railways constructed by English

companies upon the land-grant system. The next will probably join Albany

(King George's Sound) to Perth, and the third will traverse the continent

from north to south, i.e. from Port Darwin to Port Augusta, and

practically to Adelaide. The advantages of the land-grant system are yet

insufficiently appreciated in Australia, but in this system I believe

there lies an enormous source of wealth. The Colonial Governments cannot

possibly afford to construct these lines themselves; but if the contracts

are made with discretion, the advantages which the companies will reap,

though sufficient, will be as nothing compared with the enormous increase

in the value of the remaining land, and the addition to the productive

power of the colony. The railways from capital to capital will, of

course, be constructed by the Governments of each colony. Sydney is

already united to Melbourne, and in four years' time Adelaide will also

be connected. Brisbane, Maryborough, Rockhampton, Mackay, and Townsville

will all be joined in due course of time, and by the land-grant system

Point Parker, on the northern coast, will be included. The next step must

undoubtedly be the connection of Albany with Port Augusta on the

land-grant system, and of Perth--or rather Geraldton--with the new

settlements in the Kimberley district. All this, I think, we may

reasonably expect to be done in the next quarter of a century. After that

a line will probably be constructed across the centre of the continent

from east to west, and the coastal trunk line completed along the

north-west from the Kimberley district to Port Darwin, and thence to

Point Parker.

Just before the last mail left with this letter, the Parkes Government in

New South Wales exploded like a bomb-shell. A fortnight after it was

posted, Sir Bryan O'Loghlen wrought a _coup d'état_. On the last day of

January, Victoria was amazed by the altogether unexpected news that the

Ministry had advised, and the Governor granted, a dissolution. The

morning papers had not contained even a hint of such a catastrophe, and

the publication of the Government _Gazette_ containing the proclamation

was the first intimation of it which anybody outside the Cabinet

received. The grounds upon which the request of the Ministry was granted

were, that the House was so divided into sections of parties that it was

impossible to carry on the public business; that the Parliament was

moribund, having only six months to live; and that the Government, which

asked for the dissolution, was undefeated. Both the Conservatives and

Liberals, and their leaders the _Argus_ and _Age_, alike blame the

Governor for granting the dissolution, on the grounds that the House was

just as incompetent to transact business six months ago as now, and that

the Government would never have applied for a dissolution but for the

certain defeat which awaited them directly the House met, on account of

the failure of the loan. To me, however, it seems that the Governor was

perfectly right. Admitting the undeniable truth of the objections I have

just quoted, it remains to be said that if the Government had waited to

be defeated in the House, no Government capable of carrying on business

could have been formed in such a House. As it is the Government are

absolutely certain to be defeated in the country, and in a new House

there is every chance of a strong Government being formed. Mr. Service,

the ablest of Australian politicians, who led the Conservative Opposition

to Mr. Berry's Government throughout the constitutional struggle, and who

has been on a holiday in England during the present Minister's tenure of

office, has resolved to re-enter into politics. Although a resolute

opponent of the excesses of Berryism, Mr. Service is more of a Liberal

than of a Conservative, and I confidently expect that the general

elections will result in a Coalition Government formed of the ablest men

of either side, under Mr. Service's leadership. Even Mr. Berry, in his

election speech, has announced 'moderation' as his watchword, and a

longing for the loaves and fishes of office will probably induce him to

serve under Mr. Service. Mr. Patterson, the ablest of the Radicals, may

be pronounced a certainty for the Ministry of Public Works. Mr. Francis,

the leader of the Conservatives whilst Mr. Service was away, will be a

fourth. For the remaining offices, Messrs. Pearson and Deakin of the

Radicals, and Gillies of the Conservatives, are the most likely men. Such

a Government of all the talents, with Civil Service Reform as the first

plank in its platform, should rival the length and strength of the

Parkes-Robertson Coalition, which lasted four years, and would be

infinitely superior to it in ability. As for poor Sir Bryan O'Loghlen,

the services he has rendered to the country are little likely to be

appreciated at the poll, and all he will be able to do is to rally into

opposition the men who think Mr. Service ought to have offered them

portfolios.