THE WASUNGER WAR. (1747.)
The great century of enlightenment began with blood and the thunder of
cannon. The Spanish war of succession raged on the western frontier,
within the distracted realm. Bavaria and Cologne fought under the ban of
the Empire, in alliance with Louis XIV. against the house of Hapsburg.
The constitution of the Empire had become weak. In the east the
Hohenzollerns already held a powerful position by the side of the
Hapsburgers; from the beginning of the century they had become kings
independent of the Empire, and the Electoral house of Saxony, had
shortly before obtained the insecure possession of the Polish Electoral
throne.
Condemned witches were still burnt on the funeral pile; the
ecclesiastics of three persuasions still carried on a wearisome strife;
the intolerance of the Church, the pressure of poverty, want of great
political interests, and the pitifulness of the small sovereigns and
their courts, still weighed upon the masses.
Ever wider became the separation of classes. Etiquette only permitted
the princes to have intercourse with the citizens in particular cases,
and under prescribed forms. It therefore occurred sometimes that a good
paternal ruler disguised himself as a private man, withdrew into a
chamber apart, put on his old dressing-gown, and took a pipe in his
mouth, in order to be enabled to have direct intercourse with his
citizens, and thus learn their wishes from themselves. During such hours
his princely dignity was, to a certain degree, suspended, but instantly
he quitted the room he was again within courtly interdict.
Yet it was just at this period that numerous mesalliances took place.
Among many of the higher nobility, wild nature broke through the
restraint of court usage, and more than once a city maiden had the
doubtful advantage of becoming the persecuted wife of a Prince of old
family. Seldom did the wife obtain from the Emperor the rights of equal
birth; the marriages were generally morganatic, and the children refused
the succession.
Among the German princes, the course of whose life was changed by a
union of this kind, was Anthony Ulrich, Duke of Saxe Meiningen; born in
1687, the youngest of three brothers, he became, according to the custom
of his house, joint ruler of the country, that is to say, the elder
brother exercised the rights of sovereignty, but the younger ones
received a portion of the revenues of the country. In his youth, this
prince had travelled; in the war of succession he had served through
some campaigns as an Imperial officer; and at the peace of Rastatt, he
quitted the army with the rank of Major-general. A fiery youth,
courteous and accomplished, affable as becomes young princes, not
without an interest in intellectual pursuits, he had, following the
prevailing fashion, zealously collected objects of art and natural
curiosities; with a lively disposition and chivalrous demeanour, he was
the favourite of the country which he only nominally ruled. Whatever
entered into his head, he carried on wilfully and recklessly, with an
iron perseverance which might have led him to great things. Then it
became his lot to fall in love with Philippine Cesar, the daughter of a
Hessian captain, lady of the bedchamber to his sister, the Abbess of
Gandersheim; he took her to Holland and married her.
For many years he did not avow his marriage. His life became unsettled;
he kept his wife concealed in Amsterdam, and strictly commanded his
servants to keep secret his place of residence; he received letters from
home in roundabout ways, and was always moving to and fro in the land of
his fathers. But when his wife became more precious to him, and sons
were born, the stubbornness of his nature was brought forth, he revealed
his marriage, and required of his family the recognition of it, and the
right of succession for his children.
The displeasure of his proud house now broke out. The recognition was
denied. Such a marriage was considered by the Court altogether
monstrous, but it was always doubtful whether the decisions of feudal
law were competent to declare this marriage invalid. Therefore the Dukes
of Saxony met together in 1717, and decided that all unequal unions in
their house were to be considered as only morganatic, and the children
were never to be allowed the rights of succession.[48]
Anthony Ulrich remained firm. He solicited the Imperial court, and
strove unweariedly against the council of the country, who took
advantage of this quarrel to diminish the revenues of the Duke. But his
nature was not easily bent. When in 1722, the last feudal tenant of
Altenstein, one Hund von Wenckheim lay dying, and the commissaries of
the government were standing by the death-bed to take possession of the
vacant fief, Anthony Ulrich rode suddenly into the court of the castle,
and in spite of the protest of the councillors, who were also his
servants, entered the chamber of the dying man, sang with him the
evening song and the penitential hymn, and passed the night, armed with
pistols and other weapons, in the castle. As soon as the vassal had
closed his eyes, he entered the room, and according to the old usage
took possession of the vacant fief, and seating himself in a red velvet
arm-chair, said: "I hereby take possession of my third share, without
prejudice to the two-thirds of my brothers." He then called in his
attendants as witnesses, and according to the prescribed usage, struck
his hand forcibly on the table, so that a jug upset, symbolical of the
movable property, and caused a chip to be cut out of the door of the
chamber of death, and of the dining-room. After this he swore into his
service all who had not fled; he then rode out, cut splinters from the
oak wood, and bits of turf from the meadows, as further tokens of having
taken possession, and went back to Meiningen. But when he returned to
the castle, he found the gates closed and guarded by grenadiers, and all
his threats and protestations were of no avail.
He afterwards wished to take his wife and children to one of his own
possessions, and lead a peaceable life at home. But such was not his
happy lot. His brothers obtained a decision from the Imperial high court
of judicature, according to which he was not to take his wife and
children into the country of his fathers, and if he should venture to do
so, he was never to usurp for them the title of princes. He now however
went himself to Vienna and so worked there, with the help of large sums
of money, and through the medium of his military acquaintances--the
Spanish minister, the Marquis of Perlas was his supporter--that the
Emperor Charles VI. raised his wife Philippine to the dignity of
Princess of the holy Roman Empire, and her sons and daughters to be
dukes and duchesses of Saxony, with all the privileges and rights,
_i.e._ those of the succession.
Against this, the whole house of Saxony, and those of Hohenzollern and
Hesse, who were interested by the settlement of succession, rose in
opposition. At first, however, Anthony Ulrich was victor. His eldest
brother died, and the second was a weak man. So he became in 1729, the
real ruler of the country. Then he brought his wife and eldest son under
the ducal roof at Meiningen. For eleven years the stubborn prince
rejoiced in having established his own will. But the struggle with his
house had embittered him; and added to restlessness and violence, a
litigious spirit had come over him. Peevish and endless were the
disputes about the government, and the discord with his brothers and his
favourites; the little country was divided into two parties; ministers
and officials threw themselves on the one or the other side, and
sometimes the machine of government stood still. The Duke lived
generally with his wife and children out of the country, at Vienna. The
legal proceedings with the agnates about the equality of birth, which
still continued, and vexatious quarrels with neighbours, gave him but a
gloomy satisfaction. He had gained no trifling knowledge of the forms of
public law, and conducted all his suits himself. They seem to have taken
up the greater part of his time.
But the victory was to be followed by a sad reverse. The new Emperor of
the house of Wittelsbacher, Charles VII., was with very evident
reference to Anthony Ulrich's affair, bound on oath not to legitimatize
any notorious mesalliances, and to declare the right of inheritance of
such children null and void. Therefore the rank given to the Duchess of
Meiningen and her children was repealed. Anthony Ulrich had recourse to
the Diet. But in vain. This also declared that his application must be
refused, and the Emperor Francis I. of Lorraine confirmed this decision.
It was a cruel stroke of destiny. The wife of the Duke had the good
fortune not to outlive the last Imperial decision; she died a few weeks
previous to it; whilst her husband was fruitlessly setting heaven and
earth in motion at Frankfort to ward off this fate. But the two parties
quarrelled even over her coffin. The brother, and co-ruler with the
Duke, refused to allow the corpse to be buried in the royal hereditary
vault, nay even denied her the usual tolling of the bells for royal
personages. Anthony Ulrich rushed furiously from Frankfort and commanded
the tolling and the burial in the royal vault. Orders and counter orders
crossed each other during several weeks; now the tolling began and now
it was stopped. As Anthony Ulrich, who had again hastened to Frankfort,
had commanded that the coffin should not be deposited anywhere but in
the royal burial place, it was kept in a room in the castle covered over
with sand; there it remained a year and a half, till in 1746, Anthony
Ulrich's last brother died. Then the Duke in order to give satisfaction
to his wife even in death, caused his brother's corpse after lying in
state, to be placed in the same room next his wife's coffin and like
hers to be covered over with sand. There the two coffins remained for a
year, when they were both quietly deposited at the same time in the
royal burial place.
Now Anthony Ulrich, once the youngest of his family, remained sole ruler
and the eldest of his race, but Meiningen was a source of annoyance to
him. He could not take his dear children home as Dukes, therefore he
went to them at Frankfort. His agnates could scarcely conceal the
impatience with which they awaited for his death in order to take
possession of the inheritance of the last of the Meiningens. He had
passed the greater part of his life in struggle with them; now he would
be revenged. Out of spite to them he married at the age of sixty-three a
Princess of Hesse-Philippsthal. He had ten children by his first wife
and eight by his second. He announced every fresh birth to the agnates
on a sheet of the largest royal folio.
He died at Frankfort-on-the-Main in 1763. Even in his last testament the
stubborn determination breaks forth, of bringing the two sons of his
first marriage into the country as co-heirs. All the children of the
first marriage died unmarried.
His was an unprofitable life, but it well deserves the sympathy of a
later generation. A strong passion disturbed his days up to his last
hours. Mixed with a great love, a stream of gall penetrated into his
heart, flowing unceasingly; his time, his money and all his talents were
spent in the most sorrowful of all struggles--in family disputes. His
brilliant youth gave great promise, yet how profitless to others, nay to
himself, was his whole manhood. In his old age he dwelt in a foreign
city, divided between his past and his new domestic life, to which he
could never get thoroughly accustomed. His spirit, once so lively and
active, and his unbending will, were so engrossed with his personal
affairs, that when he became the real ruler of his country he no longer
took an interest in doing his duty.
It was not unnatural that Anthony Ulrich should, from his own
experience, entertain a repugnance to the pretensions of the lower
nobility at court, and it was quite in accordance with his character, to
display his hatred when opportunities offered. This he did shortly after
the death of his first wife, to the bereaved court at Meiningen.
In the royal palace at Meiningen the _Frau Landjägermeisterin_, (wife of
the Grand Master of the chase), Christiane Auguste von Gleichen held the
highest rank. Among the other ladies who had a right to be there, was a
Fran von Pfaffenrath, born Countess Solms, but yet only the wife of a
councillor, who had only just been ennobled, and to whom she had been
married in a not very regular way, for her husband had been tutor in her
parents' house: she had eloped with him, and had after many troubles
accomplished a reconciliation with her mother, and obtained a diploma of
nobility for her husband. Now Duke Anthony Ulrich, who was residing at
Frankfort, protected her, because, as the court whispered, her sister
had the advantage of being in the good graces of the old gentleman.
Naturally, she ought only to have ranked according to the patent of her
husband, but alas! she raised pretensions because she was of high
nobility. When therefore in October 1746, the doors of the dining-room
were to be opened, and the page was standing ready to repeat grace, the
Master-of-the-Horse entered and said to the _Frau Landjägermeisterin_:
"His most Serene Highness has commanded that the Frau von Pfaffenrath
shall take rank before all other ladies." Frau von Gleichen answered
that she would never consent to that, but the Frau von Pfaffenrath had
placed herself favourably and took the precedence of the _Frau
Landjägermeisterin_ before she could prevent it. Yet this determined
lady was far from submitting tamely. She hastened round the table to the
Duke's cabinet minister, and declared to him, as became a lady of
character after such an insult: "If _Frau von_ Pfaffenrath again goes
before me to table, I will pull her back even to the sacrifice of her
hooped gown, and will say a few words which will be very disagreeable to
her." The cabinet minister was in a great embarrassment, for he knew the
resolute character of _Frau von_ Gleichen. At last he advised her to
rise from the table before grace, then she would at all events go out
first and so get the precedence. Thus the _Landjägermeisterin_
maintained her place, but she was much offended, and so was the whole
court, which split into two parties. This quarrel of the ladies made a
commotion in the whole of the holy Roman Empire, occasioned a campaign
between Gotha and Meiningen, and was only ended by Frederick the Great,
in a manner which reminds one of the fable of the lion which took the
royal share for himself.
_Frau von_ Gleichen appealed to the absent Duke for reparation. She only
received a strong and ungracious answer. Irritated at this, she made
inquiries into the former life of her enemy, and propagated an anonymous
writing, in which the love affairs of the Countess were described with
more energy than delicacy. The _Frau von_ Pfaffenrath complained of this
lampoon to the sovereign at Frankfort, and afterwards began a course of
proceedings against the _Frau Landjägermeisterin_ which even then was
considered harsh and cruel. She was called upon to crave pardon of the
_Frau von_ Pfaffenrath, on her knees entreating her most penitently for
forgiveness; and when she refused with these words: "I would die first,"
she was taken in arrest to the council-house and there guarded by two
musketeers; her husband also was put in an unhealthy prison. Unshaken by
such great sufferings the _Frau Landjägermeisterin_, in a beautiful
letter full of self-reliance and noble sentiments, petitioned the Duke
for her husband's freedom, her own dismission from the service of the
court, and permission to institute a legal defence against the
Pfaffenrath. All this was denied her. She was on the contrary carried by
two musketeers into the room of the Pfaffenrath in order to beg pardon,
and when she again refused, she was taken into the market-place of
Meiningen surrounded by a circle of soldiers, and the sheriff read aloud
a decree, in which it was proclaimed to the people, that the lampoon was
to be burnt before the eyes of the _Landjägermeisterin_ by the hangman,
and every one was forbidden, on pain of six weeks' imprisonment and a
fine of a hundred thalers, ever to speak again on the subject. The
letter was burnt by the hangman and _Frau von_ Gleichen again taken back
to prison.
But now the friends of the Gleichen brought a complaint before the
Imperial chamber. But the repeated mandates of the Chamber to Duke
Anthony Ulrich and his government, to give freedom to the Gleichens and
to proceed according to law, were not obeyed. After that Duke Friedrich
III. of Gotha, received a commission from the same tribunal to defend
_Frau von_ Gleichen and her husband from farther violence, and to
deliver them from imprisonment in Meiningen, yet keep them in honourable
custody. Duke Friedrich demanded the delivery of the prisoners from
Meiningen, but his commissioners were not admitted into the city, nor
his letter accepted; but it was signified to him, that if Gotha should
attempt to free them by force, there was plenty of powder and shot at
Meiningen. Betwixt Meiningen and Gotha there were endless quarrels and
great bitterness.
Thereupon Duke Friedrich of Gotha prepared himself for armed
intervention. He was a warlike Prince, who maintained a subsidiary force
of six thousand infantry and fifteen hundred horse in the Dutch and
Imperial service. He had, besides a large number of guns, a strong corps
of officers and several Generals. On the other hand the military
strength of Meiningen was small; it consisted almost entirely of the old
fortifications and unskilled militia. These were assembled, and
Meiningen was fortified as well as was possible in such haste. But it
was not destined that Meiningen itself should become the scene of
action, for the fury of war raged only about the town of Wasungen. It
was indeed a remarkable coincidence that this place should become the
theatre of war, for scandal says that it was considered the shield or
place of refuge of Meiningen; and in the country there is a lying story
about its councillors and a large gourd. The councillors mistook the
gourd for the egg of a foreign horse which was to be hatched for the
good of the town by the united powers of the councillors.
The struggle which then took place in the centre of Germany, between the
Thuringian states of Gotha and Meiningen, is known by the name of the
Wasunger war. In a military point of view it is of no importance, but is
characteristic of the period. All the misery in the German Empire, the
decaying state of the burgher life, the coarse immorality of the
politics of that time, the meannesses, pedantry, and helplessness of the
Imperial army, are shown to such an extent, that they might be a source
of amusement, if they did not give rise to a more serious and better
feeling, bringing to light the helplessness of the German Empire.
The narrative is here given by Lieutenant Rauch of Gotha, who took part
in the war. He speaks in his diary as follows:--
"Early on the 15th of February, precisely at one o'clock, our whole
division broke up from Tambach, and marched with burning torches through
the wood beyond the so-called Rosengarten, in order that we might enter
at break of day the Hessian village Flohe; we knew not whither we were
going. We continued our march through the city of Smalkalden up to
Middle Smalkalden.
"When the cavalry came to the Meiningen village Niederschmalkalden, a
Lieutenant, with about four-and-twenty militia men, stood right across
the road, and would not let us pass. Here all three corps were obliged
to halt. Major von Benkendorf, together with the Lieutenant-Colonel,
rode up to the Lieutenant who was commanding there; and the Major asked
him what he meant by not letting us pass, and whether this was not a
public road? The Lieutenant answered: 'Yes! it was a high road, but he
had orders not to let us pass. Major Benkendorf might say what he liked,
the Lieutenant would not listen to him.' The Major then took a letter
out of his pocket which he wished to show him; but neither would he take
that. Whereupon the Major said to the Lieutenant: if he would not let
him pass with his people he would force his way.
"The Lieutenant answered shortly, that we might do so, as he had not
sufficient force to prevent him. The Major rode immediately to the
guards, drew his sword, and approached the Lieutenant to see whether he
would consent to treat; but he would not stir from the spot. The Major
asked him once more, whether he would yield up the ground? But he
remained firm. Thereupon the Major gave his orders to the guard: March!
March! and broke through.
"While they were passing, it happened that one of the horses pushed
against the Meiningen Lieutenant and threw him down. But he soon
recovered himself, seized his weapon, and shot the serjeant-major of the
guards, Starke, and then took to flight. A horseman however, whose name
was Stähm, pursued him forthwith, and would have cut his head in two,
but the Lieutenant held his weapon obliquely over his head, so that the
horseman Stähm cut in half the powder sack on the barrel. But my good
old Lieutenant thought he would run further, and sprang over a ditch,
where the horseman might not be able to follow him, and thought he was
now safe. But the grenadier Hellbich fired and shot my old Lieutenant
Zimmermann behind the right ear as he ran, so that he fell suddenly to
the ground, and not a muscle quivered. The militia still standing there
looked on at the game; but the grenadiers fired some grenades among
them, and they then took to their heels and ran away.
"Meanwhile all the streets of the village had been barricaded with carts
and wagons; but the Mayor and the peasants seeing their old Lieutenant
lying dead, whom they had at all times considered as their bulwark, and
observing that some grenades had fallen into their gardens, were in
great terror, and began to ring the alarm bells that all the peasants
might speedily assemble.
"In a moment all the wagons and carts were moved out of the way so that
we might march. The militia had fled to the village of Schwallungen,
through which also we had to pass, and where again there was an officer
in command of thirty militia, to whom they reported what had taken place
in the village of Niederschmalkalden. So the officer, who was a
shoemaker by profession, when he heard this report from the fugitives,
took such of his men as would go with him and tore off to Wasungen
before he had even caught sight of us.
"When we came to the afore-mentioned village, we formed ourselves in
column, fixed our bayonets, and thought what will now take place? We
marched on, and when we came to the gate the officer and all the troops
had fled, and there to not a single man to make resistance. We marched
straight through with fixed bayonets; then we saw the portion that had
remained of the runaway shoemaker-Ensign's troop in their uniform, with
their cartridge boxes, peeping out of the windows.
"My good shoemaker-Ensign was off, and had posted himself and the men
who thus went out with him at the gate of Wasungen, where again a
Lieutenant, who was a good barber--as I knew by experience, having
myself been shaved by him--had posted himself, and was awaiting us. The
gate of Wasungen was firmly closed with strong double doors, but a
sentinel stood without; so Major von Benkendorf called to him that the
gate must be opened. But the sentinel excused himself, saying he could
not. The said Major asked him, 'Who is there besides?' He answered: 'The
Lieutenant.' The Major said he must call his Lieutenant; whereupon he
ran hastily and fetched him out. Then came up my good barber-Lieutenant;
the man was already well nigh dead of fright, and his face was whiter
than his shirt. The Major accosted him sharply, asking how it was that
the gates were fastened, and whether a public high road did not pass
through there? He answered, Yes! So Major von Benkendorf said he must
that instant open the gates, or we would do it ourselves. When he heard
this, being half dead with fright, he begged for pardon, saying it was
not he that could open the gates, but the councillors who had closed
them. The answer was, that he must forthwith produce the councillors.
Good gracious! was there ever any one more glad than the good barber,
who ran as if his head was burning; but meanwhile there was nothing seen
or heard of the shoemaker-Ensign.
"At last the councillors came.
"When I saw these men creeping out of the little gate, I thought, 'What
the devil! are these councillors? they are a fine lot!' The councillors
looked a little respectable, but the burgomaster was up to the knees
in cow-dung, and must have been fetched from clearing away the dung in
the stable. Hereupon, Major von Benkendorf asked whether they were the
councillors? They answered: 'Yes, and what did we desire?' The Major
asked whether this was not the highroad to Nuremberg? They said, 'Yes.'
'Why then were the gates closed and barricaded, and we not allowed to
pass through?' Then the president of the council answered: 'They were
commanded by their government not to let any troops pass through,
therefore they must keep the gates closed; they must do what their
master commanded them.' But Major von Benkendorf repeated his former
words, and said to them: 'They must open to us, and that quickly, for
that we must march further; and if they did not open, we would do it
ourselves.' The president of the council answered this, and said: 'We
might do as we liked, but he could not open the gates to us.' But the
dung-bespattered burgomaster then began: 'Nay! if you wish to march
further, you can do so by the back road.' I thought to myself, 'If thou
couldst but kill that cursed dirty fellow!' The Major then forthwith
called to me, and desired that all the carpenters of the whole division
should be summoned; which was done in a moment. Hereupon he asked once
more whether they would amicably open the gate? if not, he would have
them immediately hewn open. They might now see that we ourselves would
open the gates if they did not prefer preserving them whole.
"The Major thought they would resolve to open them, but they said they
would not, and we might do what we liked. Hereupon the Major called out:
'Proceed carpenters! hew the gates down!' Thereupon the carpenters set
to work. When the knocking and cracking began, it was well worth seeing
how the councillors, among whom was the Burgomaster, and the
frightened barber-Lieutenant, began to ran, as if carried off by the
devil. In a moment both gates were hewn down, and the whole detachment
marched with trumpets, drums, and fifes, into the city.
"As we marched in through the gates, the good barber-Lieutenant, and the
shoemaker-Ensign, with their men, presented arms, and saluted both the
officers of our detachment.
"Here we stopped, just as we were; everyone was hungry and thirsty. We
officers made the citizens fetch us something to drink, and stood
looking at and questioning one another. The snow was lying on the
ground, and our men began to be impatient. I went to the inn where the
Lieutenant-Colonel was in consultation with his officers; they were
deliberating, and I could not speak with them. The citizens were already
beginning to kindle their lights, and it did not appear how the affair
was to end.
"At last the Lieutenant-Colonel came and sent forthwith to the
councillors, who were already assembled in their council-room,
deliberating what report they should make to Meiningen concerning the
hewing down of their gates. But the president of the council had got
scent of it, so he kept apart, and left the others to themselves, for
all men could see that we could not go any further, as it was night. Now
as the president was away, no one would go to the Lieutenant-Colonel,
and each kept calling upon the other to go. At last one consented, and
said: 'Some one must go, let what will happen.' When therefore he came
to the Lieutenant-Colonel, it was represented to him that the town must
provide us with accommodation for the night, whether they liked or not.
The Lieutenant-Colonel also added, that we should march very early on
the morrow; that the citizens were not bound to give the smallest thing
to the soldiers, who had to live on their pay; therefore he need not
deliberate any more about it. The councillor begged to be excused, but
said he could do nothing himself, he must lay the matter before his
colleagues, and see what they were disposed to do.
"Hereupon I marched forth again with the good councillor to the
Schlundhouse, where the other councillors were sitting. When I entered
the room with the plenipotentiary, he delivered the Lieutenant-Colonel's
message to them, in his own words: 'That the Commander desired to have
night-quarters for his men, and that on the morrow at sunrise, they
would again march; that he could not help the citizens; they must do so
whether they chose or not; if they would not do it, they must tell
Lieutenant Rauch; in which case, he would quarter the soldiers in houses
according to the custom with troops; they would get what they wanted,
for soldiers must live on their pay. No citizen was bound to give them
anything but a warm room and a place of rest.'
"Now every one shall hear what passed amongst these councillors. The
first who began, said: 'I do not assent to this. Who asked them to wait
so long here? they might long ere now have marched away, if they had
chosen.' Another said: 'You are right, cousin Kurtz; I would rather tear
myself in pieces than consent.' The third then said: 'So, ho! first they
hew down our gates, and then, forsooth, they cannot go further, and
expect us to give them quarters: most decidedly not!' The fourth now
spoke: 'The honourable Commander seems to be an honest man, but let him
say what he will, there is no doubt that we must provide food for them,
for truly they bring nothing with them.' The fifth then began: 'That is
right, cousin Hopf: do you not remember how it fared with us when the
Imperial cavalry came? they behaved in like manner; and afterwards we
could not get rid of them, but were obliged to keep them with a good
grace.' The sixth said: 'This will never do; we cannot provide them with
quarters till we have received orders from our government, otherwise we
shall be punished.' The seventh spoke thus: 'Did I not tell you,
gentlemen, what would happen, by keeping these people so long outside?
Truly the President, Herr Läufer, has made off, and slips his head out
of the noose, leaving us to bear the brunt. Take heed; they say they
will be off to-morrow, but they have been marching yesterday and to-day,
and to-morrow they will make a day of rest, as they will need repose.
Rest assured that I am right; what think you, gentlemen? suppose we were
to send a messenger on horseback to Meiningen?'
"I had listened to all the discussions of the councillors, and now I
began, and said: 'Gentlemen, you come to no conclusion; I will inform my
Commander of it, let it fare with you as it may.' But he who had gone
with me to the Lieutenant-Colonel, begged me to wait but a little, and
they would just send to the treasurer and city clerk to confer with
them. Here the strife began again, none would go thither. At last one of
them allowed himself to be persuaded, but soon returned again, saying
they had both ridden off when we hewed down the gates. Then I said,
'Now, gentlemen, do what you like; I will not wait a moment longer.'
"Thereupon the eighth and last began to speak, he who had accompanied me
to the Lieutenant: 'Gentlemen, what shall we do; here they are, and you
have heard what the Commander says: if we will allot them no quarters,
he will let his soldiers go into whatsoever houses they please; if they
fill your houses it is no fault of mine. I go home to close mine. As
many as come to my share I will take; the others I will show to your
houses. You have heard of to-day's misfortunes. At Smalkalden, friend
Böhler's brother-in-law, Lieutenant Zimmermann, is dead; our gates have
been hewn down; below are the soldiers thundering out curses. Gentlemen,
let us billet them. The soldiers in the market-place say they only wish
they had shot the peasants who were with the Lieutenant. What a calamity
that would have been! They say also that more shall be shot; that one
shall not be the last. Thus you see that the same misfortune might come
upon us also. Ah! gentlemen, if we had but such a prince as he of Gotha
is! but ours troubles himself not about us; he lives comfortably at
Frankfort, and let what will come to us, he cares not. And who knows
wherefore this has begun? These soldiers assuredly have not come for a
pastime. One can learn nothing from them. And how soon one night will
pass, or even two! They are our border neighbours too; why should we not
give them a night's lodging?'
"They all agreed to this and sought for their old rate of tax; whereupon
I had to tell them the whole strength of our division.
"After that, I received an order to enjoin upon the soldiers, when they
received their billets, that they were not to undress themselves, but
were each of them to place his weapon by his bedside, and soon as a call
was heard, every soldier was instantly to join his commanding officer
fully armed, and if any one was found in a state of drunkenness, he was
to be punished by running the gauntlet of the whole division; therefore
an order was to be given directly to the assistant executioner, to cut
this very evening six hundred rods.
"None of the officers undressed themselves; for the most part they
remained in company together, in order to be alert on the morrow. When
morning approached, the citizens as well as the officers were listening
for the beating of the drum. They also had probably passed an unquiet
night; wherefore? because they were badly provided with beds, and had
given them up perhaps to the soldiers for a douceur. This one might
conclude, as in all the houses lights were to be seen throughout the
night. In the morning, instead of the call from the staff of the
grenadier guards, the reveille was beaten. Now, every soldier knows
well, that beating the reveille signifies remaining quiet, or a day of
rest; so we put our heads together to guess what this might mean. The
citizens, also, when they saw that the soldiers did not break up, and
prepare to march, laid their heads together likewise, and there was a
great amount of whispering among them. My host, himself a councillor,
came and asked me what was the meaning of our not marching further? I
could give him no information.
"Now the misery began; there was only food for him who had brought
bread. The citizens quarrelled with the soldiers, and asked why they had
not marched away yesterday or early to-day, and whither we had intended
to go? They told them the truth. It was such an uproar as is impossible
to describe. The poor citizens who possessed no goods or houses, fled,
and their dwellings were broken open by the soldiers, and one excess was
committed after another.
"Meanwhile, all the councillors and burgomasters were called to
Meiningen, where they were charged by their government, on pain of
punishment, to signify to the citizens that they were not to provide
anything for the Saxe-Gotha soldiers. The bakers were not to bake, nor
the butchers to slaughter the beasts; the innkeepers were not to prepare
any food, nor the brewers to brew. This the councillors actually
proclaimed to the citizens. And truly I was not able to get even
three-pennyworth of cheese. The citizens who were prudent people, begged
of us not to take it amiss of them; as we must accept good words instead
of what they would have given us. If I wanted bread I had to send to
Smalkalden for it, and give more pay to the messenger than for the
bread.
"Thus we remained there, expecting the Meiningens, who never came.
Meanwhile we found provisions; we got most of them from Smalkalden; the
beer was bought in the Hessian village of Tambach, and the Jews brought
us meat. At last the Wasungers became disloyal, turned round on their
magistrates and said: 'We have all the troubles, and the other states
the enjoyment; this does not suit us; we have promised to obey our
government, but then they should protect us. If they cannot rid us of
these people, we will bake, brew, and cook.' And from that hour they
began to do all. For many years the citizens had not brewed nor sold so
much beer as after this; every week three and four brews; bakers began
to bake, who had long shut up shop; the butchers did the like. Then the
wise councillors went off again to Meiningen and reported everything;
whereupon the citizens were again cited to the town house, on a penalty
of twenty gulden. But they were refractory and would not go, but sent
thither their barefooted children, and heeded no more commands. When
these wise councillors found this, they themselves began to brew.
"On the 22nd of May, on Whit Monday, 1747, an order must probably have
come from Major S---- of which we officers learnt nothing. Hereupon
there was a running and scampering to the Privy Councillor Flörcke at
the 'Bear,' which was quite astounding; now they ran in and now out. I
thought: 'What the devil is the matter?' yet I thought, if something is
passing, I shall hear of it. The citizens also began to inquire:
'Wherefore is all this running to the commander at the "Bear?"' But I
could give no answer.
"Whilst all this running hither and thither was going on, I went with
Ensign Köhler to inspect the sentinels, and when we arrived at the upper
gate, Majors von S---- and von B---- and Captain von W---- met us. Major
von S---- came straight up to me and asked me secretly, whether I had
heard any news? I answered, No; whereupon he inquired of me, whether I
knew that the Meiningens meant to attack us that night? I replied: 'Well
and good; if they come they must knock pretty loud, we will be ready for
them.' He then said, would I wish to send my wife away? 'No,' said I,
'she only came on holy Whitsun eve, and will not go away till the day
following Whit Sunday.' 'Indeed,' he continued; 'but if the Meiningens
come?' 'I shall gird a sword round her,' was my answer, 'and she may
defend herself.'
"Then Major S---- continued, saying, 'I was to make my dispositions
here, and see that all the gates and posts were defended.' This is truly
being deceived with one's eyes open; to make dispositions before the
eyes of men and not to keep them!
"When I came down I called out to the soldiers: 'Attention! cease that
chattering.' Then I began to arrange the right wing, but had hardly
placed four or five files, when Captain W---- came running, and asked
me, whether I had not heard that I was to come with him directly. Here
came out the first result of their council of war. I did not delay long,
but ran directly to the Major, and asked what commands he had to give
me; whereunto he answered, that I was to take thirty dragoons and march
them to the 'Bear,' and there report myself to the Privy Councillor
Flörcke, in order to bring him in safety to Schwallungen. I forthwith
replied: 'I beg your pardon, Major, but that is not befitting me, and I
shall not do it; there are other officers there who may be ordered to do
this, but not I.' Now, in short, I heard that the Privy Councillor
wished to have me. Who would have dreamt of such a trick? As if I would
have escorted the Privy Councillor from Wasungen! I would sooner have
taken him into the Werra. But no remonstrances would serve; they said I
must and should go. This was the first trick! Hereupon I replied to the
Major: 'So I must consider it an honour, that the Privy Councillor
places such confidence in me, when there are so many officers in the
division;' hereupon I received an order, to tell the officer at the
lower gate that he should give information as soon as I had passed
through with the Privy Councillor; this was the second trick. Who could
have imagined such a trick? I will not write what I think of it. When I
found it out I wished that all the horses of the carriages had died,
that I might not be taken away from Wasungen by such cunning.
"Now I went forth, taking with me a corporal named Görnlein, and
nine-and-twenty dragoons, and marched to the 'Bear,' where I found a
carriage at the door, but saw the servant sitting within in the doorway.
I called to him to inform his master I was there; whereupon the Privy
Councillor called out to me from the carriage, 'I am already here.'
Whereupon, I detached the corporal with fourteen men to go behind the
carriage, while I went in advance with the others.
"Now when I came to the lower gate, I called to the serjeant, and bade
him tell the major that I and the privy councillor had passed out.
Meanwhile the soldiers were in great confusion at the rendezvous; but
when the corporal announced that I had passed out with the Privy
Councillor, the major immediately gave orders that all the soldiers
should pile their arms, and go to their quarters to fetch their baggage;
when they had dispersed, he sent to the guard to desire them to go
forthwith and assemble at his quarters, which was done. Thus all the
outposts were forgotten. At last the noise and bawling was so great, it
reached the ears of the outposts, who went off without orders. Now when
the soldiers from the guards came to the market-place, they saw some of
the soldiers coming back from their quarters with their baggage, so they
piled their arms and went off for theirs.
"But this was not enough. Either the time appeared to him too long
before the soldiers were again assembled, or the fear of death had
already come upon him, or he was incited to it by his comrades; but in
short, he determined at once to leave, and going down to the soldiers he
called out, 'Allons! March!' although the men had not nearly all
assembled. Then Captain Brandis, who had not consented to this at their
council of war, asked what this meant? whereto the Major von S----
answered, they were to march into the district of Britungen. The good
man who was standing in front of the Meiningen gate, then ran quickly to
his house, collected his things together, and threw them into his
portmanteau. He had well nigh been left behind.
"Now when Captain Brandis, and the musketeer who had packed up his
things, returned to the place of rendezvous, all were gone, and there
were only a few weapons remaining there. So he sent on his servant, and
waited for the remainder of the men. Now every one should know, in the
first place, that Major von S----, had not waited till all the soldiers
were collected together, still less had he thought of the artillery; he
had thought of nothing but calling out 'March! march!' and the sick
officers (Captain Rupert among them), and sick soldiers were forgotten;
besides this, he never set the troops in order, but marched them out as
a shepherd drives his cattle through the gate; and such a shameful sight
was never seen, nor can it be described.
"Captain Brandis now came marching through the town with the soldiers he
had collected; whereupon the citizens began to call out after him:
'There they run like vagabonds; they entered in the daylight and run
away at night, like thieves and rogues; the good Major von S---- is up
and away.' Captain Brandis swallowed all this patiently, and continued
marching slowly with his troops. When he had come to a height in front
of the town, some Wasungers, who were lying in ambush, fired at him; and
when he had marched a short distance further, he found our artillery
lying in a defile, without a single man to guard it, and it lay now with
the wheels, now with the wagons uppermost, and hardly a piece was
standing; for as there was a deficiency of chains, the gunners had
fastened the guns with tow to the powder wagons, and these were breaking
every moment. Captain Brandis with his men, remained with the artillery.
"Now I had to make my arrangements carefully. When I arrived at
Schwallungen, I stopped my soldiers and the carriage, and went up to the
Privy Councillor to inquire where I should convey him; whereto he, half
dead with fear, answered, 'To the upper Inn.' Where the devil that was I
did not know, till I found a dragoon, who having been there formerly,
conducted us to the place; for I knew nothing about the village, nor
where the inn lay; it was dark as pitch, and rained as if the water was
poured from heaven in buckets. When I arrived at the inn he had
designated, I caused the gates to be opened, and the carriage to drive
into the court; the Privy Councillor alighted with his clerk who
accompanied him, and retired into an upper room, for he knew the place
better than I. I put a sentry on each side of the carriage, because the
chancery papers lay therein. I desired the rest of the soldiers to place
their arms in the house that they might be safe from the rain, and
placed a sentry to guard both the arms and the Privy Councillor. I did
not care any more about the said Privy Councillor, for I had, according
to the orders of Major von S----, brought him to a place of security;
where he would probably be about as safe as a cake among rats, for it
was a Meiningen village; and according to all accounts there were no
worse rogues in the whole country, than the inhabitants of Schwallungen.
"Having therefore executed my orders, I sent my sergeant to Lieutenant
Griesheim, who was stationed with forty or fifty dragoons in the said
village, to inform him that I had brought the Privy Councillor hither,
and that he should come and release me from my charge. A short time
after, the Lieutenant made his appearance, and was much amazed that I,
being adjutant, should have come hither with a detachment, and could not
help remarking on it.
"I said, it appeared to me more serious. However, this was now nothing
to the purpose. I begged of him to set to work, and send for his
soldiers, that I might march back to Wasungen with my detachment;
whereupon he took the trouble of going himself for them. When he had
collected about fifteen men, I told him he must take charge of the
posts, as I wished at once to resume my march; the which he did, and so
released me. Now it was right to pay my respects to the Privy
Councillor, and ask him whether he had any commands for Wasungen?
whereupon the man addressed me as if I were a thrasher, and asked me
whether I had no orders to remain here? but I was prepared and answered
him with the most perfect indifference, 'No, the devil has given me no
orders to remain here; and it was no part of my duty to bring you here.'
That he said I might settle with Major von S----. Whereunto I replied,
'I will most certainly do so.' After that he inquired of me more kindly
what I wished to do at Wasungen, as the whole division were on the
march, and would speedily be here. Then I said, 'Is that the way the
cards are shuffled? that is good, truly.' Now whilst I was still
standing in the room with the Privy Councillor, I heard the tramping of
horses; I rushed down stairs and asked who it was. I received for
answer, 'We are all here.' Then I was so horrified that I almost lost my
senses; there were the two majors, who forthwith dismounted, hastened up
stairs into the councillor's room, and I after them.
"Now they were beginning to relate to each other how fortunately they
had escaped from the besieged Wasungen, but I would not let Major von
S---- say a word, but asked him: 'Herr Major, what manner of conduct is
this, to send me so cunningly away from Wasungen, without telling me
that you were going to march out, and I have left there my wife and
child, and all my property? Is this the custom of war? I know not
whether you have received money for acting thus, or what I am to think
of it. Are these your secret projects which are brought to light to-day?
In the devil's name, I am not so young, nor have only become a soldier
to-day; perhaps I know as well or better than you, what is the way to do
things.' I was in such a rage, I would have staked my life against him.
"Now my dear reader, you must observe, that up to this moment I had
neither seen nor heard a single man of the whole division, and did not
know how matters stood. Major von S---- tried to comfort me, saying I
need not be unhappy about my things; he would be surety for them; but I
answered him quickly: 'Herr Major, how can you answer for my things? Why
did you not tell me the truth instead of sending me out of Wasungen by
such deceit? that is not allowable.' Then the Privy Councillor would
have his say, and truly to this effect, that the Major was right in
sending me away; that was his opinion. But I replied: 'By ---- I require
no clerks to give me orders; if I were a commander, I would tell those
who were under me, what was going to take place, and what they were to
do; but to act in such a way as this, is not honourable.'
"Thereupon I left the room, and when I came to the guard in the court,
one Pleissner, a citizen of Gotha, a tinman, who had been at that time
on a visit at Wasungen, entered the court, and said to me of his own
accord; 'God help us, Herr Lieutenant, what a sight that was at
Wasungen! it filled me with sorrow and vexation when our people marched
out in that way, for I am a citizen of Gotha. When our soldiers marched
out through the lower gate, the militia of the country entered in
through the upper gate, and visited every house; and sent off to
Meiningen, Christian, Ensign of Captain Brandis's company, who had been
forgotten on guard, and was going to his quarters to fetch his baggage.
The devil is in the militia; they visited every house, and said they
would carry off all to Meiningen.'
"I will ask anyone to think what kind of temper I was in then; Captain
Ruprecht and many soldiers had been left ill at Wasungen; my wife and
child and my small chattels were also there; and now I heard that the
musketeer Huthmann had already been carried off to Meiningen, so
everything wore a black aspect. I asked the citizen where our soldiers
were? 'Ah,' said he, 'they lie without, all in troops under the trees,
and Captain Brandis is still at Wasungen; the field-pieces lie all on
the road upside down; they cannot get on, as they have no chains to
couple them together, but they have made use of the tow for that
purpose, which breaks every minute. I remained near them some time, but
the Wasungers began to fire at us from behind; it was the devil to pay,
and as it also rained heavily, I thought I would get under cover. Our
people are lying so dispersed about the roads, that it would take two
hours to collect them, and I saw no officer but Captain Brandis: the
soldiers were swearing enough to bring down heaven upon them; I was
frightened out of my wits and hastened away.'
"After hearing this I stood there, not knowing what to do; there was not
a man of the whole detachment to be heard or seen, and it rained
terribly. At last the old grenadier corporal came into the village with
about ten grenadiers, wading through the mud; I knew his voice from
afar, and his soldiers were swearing astoundingly; so I called out to
them, 'What is the use of swearing? it cannot be helped now.' 'Aye,
zounds,' said the corporal, 'I have gone through two campaigns, but
never had such a business as this. Is this to be allowed? There is our
captain lying ill at Wasungen, and our major, who ought to take charge
of us, is gone with Major S---- to the devil; we are poor forsaken
soldiers, but, the devil take me, I will march to Gotha with the few men
I have here.' I asked him where the other grenadiers were; but he did
not know whether they were in advance or behind. 'We have not an
officer,' he said, 'and no one took charge of us,' so each one went
where he chose. He did not know that the two majors were at the inn; but
if the old corporal was foul-mouthed, his grenadiers were still worse.
"I had enough to do to mollify the grenadiers, and thus things went on;
every quarter or half-hour a small troop came in, and if the first had
made a clamour, the others were still worse; finally, the artillery
came, though it is usual, under whatever circumstances one may march, to
place the artillery either in front or in the middle, and guard them as
one would guard one's soul. It might plainly be seen that this commander
had never seen a corps or army marching with artillery, which must,
according to the usages of war, always be protected.
"The soldiery became more and more disorderly, and I had to admonish
them to be on their good behaviour before the peasants, who were looking
at and listening to us from their windows, and making their jests upon
us.
"At last, thank God, the rain ceased; a dragoon had led us to a meadow
which lay hard by the road, along which I stationed the right wing, and
taking command, told the force off into divisions and half-divisions.
Whilst I was doing this I heard some horses in the distance coming at a
great pace, so I thought, here comes the enemy; I forthwith called out
to the right wing to send out some men and challenge the new-comers; at
the same time I ran up to one of the grenadiers, and taking his musket
from his hand, as during the process of dividing the men I had given up
mine, I placed myself with some grenadiers in the middle of the road,
and called out, 'Who goes there?' I was answered by a well-known voice,
which I immediately recognized as that of Major von Benkendorf, as he
did mine likewise. When I challenged him, he called to me, 'Do you not
know me?' 'Yes, thank God!' I knew him by his voice, but could not do so
before he spoke, on account of the darkness. Thus did God send to the
children of Israel in the wilderness; here was the word fulfilled: God
forsakes none who trust in him always.
"The first words of the major were: 'Children, what are you doing here?'
I answered, Herr Major, God only knows, not I; we have been brought away
in such a fashion, that we hardly know how we have come here.' He asked
further: 'Did you all march?' 'Yes, there is no longer any one there
except the sick, and those they have taken prisoners.' '_Oh, mon Dieu!_'
exclaimed he, 'we must return thither, even were we to sit down before
the gates; where are your majors?' 'At the Schwallungen inn.' Then he
called out, 'Allons, children! march away;' and galloped in all haste to
the inn, where he may have found them at a good bottle of wine, but what
kind of greeting he gave them, or compliments, I have not heard."
Thus far we have the valiant Rauch. In the farther part of his diary he
relates how the Gotha troops regained courage, returned to Wasungen and
there drove out the Meiningens, who were equally eager to run away, as
they had done, and again established themselves there.
Immediately after the first capture of Wasungen, the government at
Meiningen, in great consternation, had sent Frau von Gleichen with her
husband there in a carriage, attended by Gotha troops. But it was no
great pleasure to them to see that the cause of the quarrel was done
away with; so the poor court dignitaries met with a cold reception; the
health of both was broken by sorrow, vexation, and long imprisonment.
In 1748, Herr von Gleichen died, and his wife soon after. Meanwhile,
flying-sheets and memorials, mandates of the Imperial chamber, and
ministerial missives concerning this affair, flew all over Germany; the
Gotha troops kept possession of Wasungen. Anthony Ulrich obstinately
refused to acknowledge the claims of Gotha to indemnification, and the
voices of numerous princes were loud in condemning the sentence of the
Imperial chamber, and the execution of it by Gotha, as a violation of
the sovereign rights of a German ruler. Frederick the Great did so
likewise.
Just then, when the Duke of Saxe-Gotha was in a desperate position, a
new prospect and a new subject of quarrel presented themselves to him.
The Duke of Weimar had died, and had settled that his cousin of Gotha
was to be guardian to his only son during his minority. The Duke of
Gotha speedily entered upon the guardianship, and caused homage to be
sworn to him: upon this, a violent altercation again sprang up between
him, and the Duke of Coburg and Anthony Ulrich, who both contested the
right of the Gotha prince to the guardianship. Then Frederick II. of
Prussia offered his services to the Duke of Gotha, who was reduced to
great extremities, on condition that he should obligingly offer him the
small gift of two hundred picked men from the guards of Weimar. This was
done; thus the Duke of Gotha purchased the administration of this
country, and the settlement of the Wasunger strife, with two hundred men
of the Weimar guards. Two hundred children of the soil of Weimar, to
whom the quarrel mattered not in the least, were arbitrarily given away
like a herd of sheep. Contrary to all justice, they were chaffered away
by a foreign prince.
The two hundred followed King Frederick in the seven Years' war.
CONCLUSION.
This work ends with the name of the great king. The social condition of
the country in his time, although very different from the present, is
well known to us; and even minute particulars, have become, through its
history and literature, the common property of the people. Frederick
became the hero of the nation. The Germans have exalted him even more
than Gustavus Adolphus. He ruled the minds of men far beyond the
boundaries of his limited dominions. In the distant Alpine valleys,
among men speaking another tongue, and holding another faith, he was
reverenced as a saint both in pictures and writings. He was a powerful
ruler, a genial commander, and what was more valued by the Germans, a
great man in the highest of earthly positions. It was his personal
appearance and manners which made foreigners and even enemies admire
him. He inspired the people again with enthusiasm for German greatness,
zeal for the highest earthly interests, and sympathy in a German state.
In the course of three centuries, he was the third man round whom the
national love and veneration had entwined itself; the second to whom it
was granted to elevate and improve the character of the nation. For the
Germans became better, richer, and happier, when they were carried
beyond the narrow interests of their private life, and beyond their
petty literary quarrels, by the appearance of a great character daringly
aspiring to the highest objects, struggling, suffering, persevering, and
firm. He was of their own blood, and in spite of his passion for what
was French, he was a thorough child of Germany, reared in a hard time,
and belonging to them. Under him, the grandsons of those citizens who
had passed through the great war, began for the first time after a
century to feel their own powers. We delight to see, how the poor poet
sings the praises of him, who would so little appreciate the odes of the
German Sappho, or the outpouring of elevated poetry; still more do we
rejoice in seeing the whole people, even in Austria, contending on his
behalf, his image penetrating into every family, and his name exciting
everywhere party spirit, new interests, and political passions. This has
been the greatest blessing of his whole life. He forced the private
individual to take part in political life; he created a state for the
German, which whether loved or hated, must become a continual object of
care and watchfulness.
But though enthusiasm for a hero perhaps gives a capacity for the
development of powers, it does not give stability. The Germans had yet
to go through severe trials after the death of the great king. He had
bequeathed to them the first beginning of a German State, but the ruins
of the Empire of the middle ages lay defenceless against the western
enemy. The curse which since the time of Charles V. had rested on the
German Empire had not yet changed into a blessing. Once more was Germany
overrun by a great army, once more did a league of German princes unite
with a foreign conqueror, even the state of the great Frederick was
shattered, the last hope seemed to have vanished, the German people were
crushed.
But in the rooms of the German peasants, the picture of the old king, in
his three-cornered hat and small pigtail, did not turn his earnest look
in vain on the life he had revived; nor in vain had the mothers of the
present generation run to the churches to pray for a blessing on his
arms. Now it was that the full blessing of his energetic life truly
manifested itself. The spirit of that great man lived again in the
German people. Fifty years after the return of the king from the seven
years' war, three hundred years after Luther strove earnestly to find
his God, the German nation roused itself for the greatest struggle it
had ever yet successfully carried on. The fathers now sent out their
sons, and the wives their husbands to the war; the Germans encountered
death with a song on their lips, to seek a body for the German soul, a
state for the fatherland.
In the year 1813, we find the conclusion of that great struggle which
began in 1517. From the time of the contest of the Wittenburger
Augustine against indulgences, to the march of the German volunteers
against Napoleon, the German spirit carried on a great defensive war
against a foreign influence, which issuing from Rome well nigh
overwhelmed those who had once been the conquerors of the Roman Empire.
From this life-and-death struggle of three hundred years, Germany passed
from the bondage of the middle ages into freedom. But though the spirit
of the people became free, the reality of a German state was lost to
them. The nation was almost annihilated by this unnatural condition.
After a death-like exhaustion it recovered itself slowly; the
resuscitated spirit was helpless, its form weak and sickly; it was
seeking unity of government. By a powerful development of strength, the
foundation of it was laid in the beginning of this century.
Henceforth German Protestantism became a living, sound, and manly
acquisition, a great national principle, the expression of the German
popular mind, the peculiar German characteristic in every domain of
ideal and practical life.
We all still feel how deficient and unfinished is the development of
this, the highest principle of life in the German nation. But it is this
feeling which gives us courage and leads us to struggle onwards.
What are here given from the old records are narratives of individuals
of past generations. They are some of them unimportant passages from the
lives of insignificant persons. But, as the outward appearance of any
stranger we meet, his mode of greeting, and his first words, give us an
impression of his individuality, an imperfect, an unfinished impression,
but still a whole; so, if we are not mistaken, does each record, in
which the impulses of individuals and their peculiar working are
portrayed, give us with rapid distinctness a vivid picture of the life
of the people; a very imperfect and unfinished picture, but yet, also a
whole, round which a large portion of our knowledge and intuitive
perceptions rapidly concentrate, like the radii round the centre of a
crystal.
If every such picture gives us an impression, that in the soul of each
man a miniature picture may be found of the characteristics of his
nation; something will be learnt from a succession of these narratives,
arranged according to their periods, however much there may be in them
that is incidental and arbitrary. We shall discover the stirring and
gradual development of a higher intellectual unity, which likewise meets
us here in the shape of a distinct individuality; and therefore, these
little sketches will perhaps help us to a more lively comprehension, of
what we call the life of a nation.
Everywhere man appears to us, by his customs and laws, by language and
the whole genial tendencies of his nature, as a small portion of a
greater whole. It is true also that this greater whole, appears to us as
an intellectual unity, which like an individual, is earthly and
perishable, a thing which accomplishes its earthly existence in a
century, as a man does his in a certain number of years. Like an
individual, a people developes its intellectual capacities in the course
of time, but more powerfully and on a grander scale. And further, a
people consists of millions of individuals the tide of human life flows
in millions of souls, but the conscious and unconscious working together
of these millions, produces an intellectual whole, in which the share of
individuals often vanishes from our eyes, so that the soul of a whole
people seems to us, a self-creative living unity. Who was the man who
created languages? who devised the most ancient law of nations? who
first thought of giving poetical expression to an elevated tone of mind?
It was not individuals who invented these for practical purposes, but a
universal intellectual life, which burst forth among thousands who lived
together. All the great productions of national power, law, customs, and
the constitution of states, are not the work of individual men, but
organic creations of a higher life, which in every period shine forth in
individuals, yet in all periods seem to unite the intellectual
capacities of individuals, in one mighty whole. Each man bears and
cultivates within his soul, part of the intellect of the nation; each
one possesses its language, a certain amount of knowledge, and a sense
of justice and propriety; but in each, this general nationality is
coloured, concentrated, and limited by his individuality. Individuals do
not represent the language or the moral feelings of the whole; they only
are, as it were, the single notes, which joined together produce a
harmonious chord as part of the collective nation. One may therefore
fairly, and without mysticism, speak of a national soul.
And if one examines more narrowly, one perceives with astonishment, that
this law of development of a higher intellectual unity, differs
remarkably from that which binds or makes an individual free. A man
chooses freely for himself, between what will injure or be beneficial to
him and his interests; judiciously does he shape his life, and prudently
does he judge the conceptions which reach his soul from the great world.
But less conscious, less full of purpose and judgment than the
determination of man's will, is the working of the life of the nation.
In history, man represents freedom and judgment, but national energy,
works incessantly with the mysterious instinctive impulse of a primitive
power, and its intellectual conceptions correspond sometimes in a
remarkable way, with the process of formation of the silently productive
powers of nature, which bring forth from the seed, the stalk, leaves,
and flowers of the plant. From this point of view, the life of a nation
passes in unceasing alternations from the whole body to the individual,
and from the man to the whole body. The life of each man, even the most
insignificant, gives a portion of its substance to the nation, and a
portion of the collective powers of the nation lives in each man; he
transmits soul and body from one generation to another; he adds to the
language, and preserves the consciousness of right; all the results of
his labours are beneficial to the nation as well as to himself. The
course of life of millions runs smoothly and imperceptibly along with
the stream. But important personalities develop themselves from the
multitude in all directions, gaining a great influence on the whole
body. Sometimes a powerful character arises, which in some wide field of
action, long rules the spiritual life of the people, and stamps the
impress of its individual mind on the age. Then the life of the whole
nation, which also flows through our heads and hearts, becomes as
familiar to us as is possible for the soul of any individual man; then
the whole powers of the people seem for some years working for the one
individual, and obeying him as a master. These are the great periods in
the formation of a people. Such was Luther to the Germans.
But no nation develops its life independent of others. As the life of
one individual works on that of another, so does it happen with nations.
Each nation communicates some of its intellectuality to another. Even
the practical forms of national existence, its state and its Church, are
either advanced, or checked and destroyed by foreign powers. Close is
the union of the minds of the nations of Europe, though manifold the
contradiction of their interests. How constantly does one nationality
derive strength, or experience trouble and disturbance from another!
Sometimes the energetic development of some particular national
characteristic, exercises for centuries a preponderating influence on
another. Thus once did the Jews, the Greeks, and the Romans. The German
nation has experienced this foreign influence, both for good and for
evil. From the ancient world came the holy faith of the Crucified One,
to the wild sons of our forefather Tuisco: at the same time this warlike
race received countless traditions from the Roman Empire, transforming
their whole life. Through the whole of the middle ages, the nation was
earnestly endeavouring to make these new acquisitions their own. Again,
at the end of this period, after a thousand years had passed, began a
new influence of the ancient world. From it came the ideal of the
Humanitarians, the forerunners of Luther, and the ideal of the German
poets, the forerunners of the war of freedom. On the other hand, from
the Romish world, came upon Germany, with the highest claims, the
pressure of the despotism of Gregory VII., and Innocent III., the
devotion of the restored Church, and the lust of conquest of France.
Then did Germany become depopulated, and the national life was
endangered; but the foreigners who had penetrated into it with such
overpowering force, aided its recovery. All that Italians, French, and
English had attained to in science and arts, was introduced into
Germany, and to these foreign acquisitions did German culture cling,
from the Thirty years' war up to the time of Lessing.
It is the task of science to investigate the productive life of nations.
To her the souls of nations are the highest fields of investigation that
man is capable of knowing. Searching out every individuality, tracing
every received impression, observing even the broken splinters, uniting
all discernible knowledge, more guessing at truths and pointing out the
way, than apprehending them, she seeks, as her highest aim, to prove the
intellectual unity of the whole human race upon earth. Whilst pious
faith with undoubting certainty places before man the idea of a personal
God, the man of science reverently seeks to discover the Divine, in the
great conceptions, which however they may surpass the understanding of
the individual, yet are all attached to the life of the world. But
however little he may consider their importance, in comparison with that
which is incomprehensible in time and eternity, yet in his limited
circle lies all the greatness that we are capable of understanding, all
the beautiful which we ever enjoy, and all the good which has ennobled
our life. But in those spheres which we do not yet know, and are
anxiously investigating, there remains a boundless work. And this work
is to seek the development of the Divine power in history.
FOOTNOTES:
Footnote 1: Even the great Imperial army that assembled before the
battle of Nördlingen, in 1634, was a combination of several armies; that
of Wallenstein, an Italian army, Spanish auxiliaries, and troops of
Maximilian of Bavaria, altogether perhaps sixty thousand men, they only
remained together a short time.
Footnote 2: This machine consisted of a number of short barrels, which,
bound in parallel rows, formed a nearly cubic mass, the front of which
showed from six to ten rows of as many mouths arranged in a square. This
system of barrels rested on a carriage, and was fired in rows. Every
single barrel was loaded with three or more balls, and could be fired
separately or together. Fronsperg boasts that after one loading there
could be a thousand shots from the hundred barrels of the gun.
Footnote 3: Wallhausen, 'Archiley Art of War,' 1617. For the
corresponding French system of this time, a good description is to be
found in the 'Etude sur le passé et l'avenir de l'artillerie par le
Prince Napoléon Louis Bonaparte.' T. I.
Footnote 4: In the battle of Breitenfeld the metal guns of Sweden were
overheated; there the leather cannon did their last great service
against the Croats.
Footnote 5: Thus generated the ingenious comparison of guns with birds
of prey; the thirty-six pounders were called eagles, the twenty-four
pounders falcons, twelve pounders vultures, six pounders hawks, three
pounders sparrowhawks, and the sixty-pound mortars owls.
Footnote 6: Yet he himself had a brigade which was called red.
Footnote 7: The lieutenants carried partisans, the non-commissioned
officers halberds.
Footnote 8: About 1600 one gulden of the coin of the Empire was equal
to forty silver groschen of our money; thus sixteen of these was equal
to forty-two of our thalers.
Footnote 9: Wallhausen 'On the Art of War.'
Footnote 10: A name given to bands that went about pillaging the
fields, orchards, and gardens.
Footnote 11: Because they slide and skate.
Footnote 12: A mocking allusion to the mountainous country of Bavaria.
Footnote 13: It was especially John the Baptist, who, according to the
third chapter of St. Luke, was the merciful protector of soldiers; but
at the beginning of the Reformation the difference between the Baptist
and Evangelist was little understood by Landsknechte, nor indeed by all
ecclesiastics.
Footnote 14: Bilwiz-kind, same as child of the devil. Bilwiz is an old
name for magician or hobgoblin.
Footnote 15: One is tempted to change this passage to an old heathenish
form: "Whoever falls by honourable weapons on the field of battle, will
be carried to Walhalla by the virgins of battle; those who contend with
the sorcery of the gods of death, Helja takes to herself." We find the
name of Black Kaspar for the devil even in the sixteenth century.
Footnote 16: Königl. schwedischer Victorischlüssel a. a. O.
Footnote 17: Zimmermann, Goth. Msc. a. a. O.
Footnote 18: Grimmelshausen speaks of the art of rendering invulnerable
as credible, but as a thing long known. He was more interested in the
superstition which was prevalent in 1660--the art of becoming invisible
and of witchcraft. At the end of the century magic rods were common, and
familiar spirits powerful. Wunderbares Vogelnest. ii. Th. Satyrischer
Pilgram ii. Th.
Footnote 19: Müllenhof, Sagen. S. 231.--Femme, Pommesache Sagen. Nr.
244.
Footnote 20: Philander von Sittewald, "Gesicht von Soldatenleben."
Footnote 21: Grimmelshausen, "Seltsamer Springinsfeld."
Footnote 22: _Dionys Klein. Kriegsinstitution_, 1598, 8. _S_. 288.
Footnote 23: Simplicissimus i. 3, 9, and Philander von Sittewald,
'Soldatenleben.'
Footnote 24: Grimmelshausen, 'Springinsfeld.'
Footnote 25: Lump, German for ragamuffin.
Footnote 26: Philander von Sittewald, 'Soldatenleben.'
Footnote 27: Moscherosoh und Grimmelshausen, a. v. O.
Footnote 28: At the beginning of the war it was customary for people to
conceal their treasures in the dung-heaps.
Footnote 29: The parish receiver, Johann Martin at Heldburg, writes,
for example, on the 13th September, 1640, on behalf of the helpless
pastor, and proposes his removal, because in this village there remained
only a widow and another woman, and he himself could not obtain a
groschen from the annual fees of his district, which formerly amounted
to some hundred thalers.
Footnote 30: This was the time in the Thirty years' war when the German
princes and dukes coined base money. When one prince had obtained
possession of the coinage of another he melted it, and made it into new
money by alloying it with copper and other metals.
Footnote 31: Bötzinger gives this account to his children.
Footnote 32: In a sheet of this kind, entitled, 'A Noteworthy Hungarian
and the Netherlands New Newspaper,' 1599, has already the form and
contents of a modern newspaper. It contains a short correspondence with
different cities, in the form of eleven letters; amongst them reports of
four vessels which had come to Amsterdam with spices, and of a new toll
which the court at Brussels had levied on merchants' goods, of ten
stivers on each pound of silk.
Footnote 33: The sources of the following description were taken from
the flying-sheets and brochures, first of the year 1620-24, and also
from the later writings of the sixteenth century upon coinage, a rich
literature.
Footnote 34: The new money was almost pure copper boiled and blanched;
this lasted a week, and then it became glowing red. The bottles,
kettles, pipes, gutters, and whatever else was of copper, were taken
away to the mint, and made into money. An honest man could not venture
to lodge any one, as he could not but fear that his guest might wrench
away his copper in the night, and carry it off. Wherever there was an
old copper font in a church, it was taken to the mint; its sanctity did
not save it; those sold it who had been baptized in it. Müller,
'Chronika von Sangerhausen.'
Footnote 35: A batz was four kreuzer.
Footnote 36: In the decrees of the Diet the words do not occur before
the Thirty years' war; they appear to be new in 1621.
Footnote 37: In 1770 the population was only 2126; but in 1845 it had
increased again to 4500.
Footnote 38: The Emperor was sovereign of Silesia, as King of Bohemia.
Footnote 39: The bunch of keys in the middle ages was not only an
important symbol of right, but also the popular weapon of women.
Footnote 40: We have to thank Professor Brückner of Meiningen, for the
communication of the following summary: it is printed in 'Memorials of
Franconian and Thuringian History and Statistics,' 1852.
In nineteen villages of the former domain of Henneberg there were in the
years--
1634 1649 1849
Families 1773 316 1916
Houses 1717 627 1558
In 17 villages--Cattle 1402 244 1994
13 " Horses 485 73 107
12 " Sheep 4616 -- 4596
4 " Goats 158 26 286
Footnote 41: Brazier here means tinker and scythe-sharpener. The oldest
accounts of them are in a free paraphrase of the 1st Book of Moses, in
rude verses, which were at all events written before 1122; printed in
'Hoffmann's Fundgrubben,' 2. There they are represented as foreign Jew
traders. These remarkable verses are as follows:--
"From Ishmael come the Ishmaelitish people;
They go peddling throughout the wide world;
We call them braziers.
Oh! what a life and habits are theirs!
On all they have for sale
There is a blot, and it is unsound.
If he, the brazier, buys anything,
Good or bad, one must give him somewhat over;
And if he sells his wares
He never replaces the damaged ones.
They have neither house nor home--
Every place is alike to them;
They rove through the country,
And cheat the people with their tricks:
Thus they deceive mankind.
They rob, but not openly."
Footnote 42: Here, and further on, he gives the fixed characters of the
old Italian comedy.
Footnote 43: Some tedious passages are shortened, and it is necessary
in one place to soften the angry expressions for the reader of this
book.
Footnote 44: They did not fail to make an engraving of the mysterious
doves, which appeared shortly after with an interpretation.
Footnote 45: A copper coin in the south of Germany.
Footnote 46: A Swiss farthing.
Footnote 47: The Diet was then held at Baden, because the foreign
diplomatist could best be entertained there.
Footnote 48: It was particularly offensive to them, as an elder sister
of Anton Ulrich's wife had just married the master of the Ducal Chapel,
Schurmann, at Meiningen.
THE END.
LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET.