LADY DANVERS

1561-1627

MR. MATTHEW ARNOLD somewhere devotes a grateful sentence to the women

who have left a fragrance in literary history, and whose loss of long

ago can yet inspire men of to-day with indescribable regret. Lady

Danvers is surely one of these. As John Donne’s dear friend, and George

Herbert’s mother, she has a double poetic claim, like her unforgotten

contemporary, Mary Sidney, for whom was made an everlasting epitaph.

If Dr. Donne’s fraternal fame have not quite the old lustre of the

incomparable Sir Philip’s, it is, at least, a greater honor to own

Herbert for son than to have perpetuated the race of Pembroke. Nor is

it an inharmonious thing to remember, in thus calling up, in order to

rival it, the sweet memory of “Sidney’s sister,” that Herbert and

Pembroke have long been, and are yet, married names.

Magdalen, the youngest child of Sir Richard Newport, and of Margaret

Bromley, his wife, herself daughter of that Bromley who was

Privy-Councillor, Lord Chief-Justice, and executor to Henry VIII., was

born in High Ercall, Salop; the loss or destruction of parish registers

leaves us but 1561-62 as the probable date. Of princely stock, with

three sisters and an only brother, and heir to virtue and affluence,

she could look with the right pride of unfallen blood upon “the many

fair coats the Newports bear” over their graves at Wroxeter. It was

the day of learned and thoughtful girls; and this girl seems to have

been at home with book and pen, with lute and viol. She married, in

the flower of her youth, Richard Herbert, Esquire, of Blache Hall,

Montgomery, black-haired and black-bearded, as were all his line; a man

of some intellectual training, and of noted courage, descended from

a distinguished brother of the yet more distinguished Sir Richard

Herbert of Edward IV.’s time, and from the most ancient rank of Wales

and England. At Eyton in Salop, in 1581, was born their eldest child,

Edward, afterwards Lord Herbert of Cherbury, a writer who is still the

puzzle and delight of Continental critics. He is said to have been a

beautiful boy, and not very robust; his first speculation with his

infant tongue was the piercing query: “How came I into this world?” But

his next brother, Richard, was of another stamp; and went his frank,

flashing, fighting way through Europe, “with scars of four-and-twenty

wounds upon him, to his grave” at Bergen-op-Zoom, with William, the

third son, following in his soldierly footsteps. Charles grew up

reserved and studious, and died, like his paternal uncle, a dutiful

Fellow of New College, Oxford. The fifth of these Herberts, “a soul

composed of harmonies,” as Cotton said of him, and destined to make the

name beloved among all readers of English, was George, the poet, the

saintly “parson of Fuggleston and Bemerton.” Henry, his junior, with

whom George had a sympathy peculiarly warm and long, became in his

manhood Master of the Revels, and held the office for over fifty years.

“You and I are alone left to brother it,” Lord Herbert of Cherbury once

wrote him, in a mood more tender than his wont, when all else of that

radiant family had gone into dust. The youngest of Magdalen Newport’s

sons was Thomas, “a posthumous,” traveller, sailor, and master of a

ship in the war against Algiers. Elizabeth, Margaret, and Frances

were the daughters, of whom Izaak Walton says, with satisfaction,

that they lived to be examples of virtue, and to do good to their

generation. None of them made an illustrious match. Margaret married

a Vaughan. Frances secured unto herself the patronymic Brown, and was

happily seconded by Elizabeth, George Herbert’s “dear sick sister,”

who became Mistress Jones. In the south chancel transept of Montgomery

Church, where Richard Herbert the elder had been buried three years

before, there was erected in 1600, at his wife’s cost, a large canopied

alabaster altar-tomb, with two portrait-figures recumbent. All around

it, in the quaint and affectionate boast of the age, are the small

images of these seven sons and three daughters; “Job’s number and Job’s

distribution,” as she once remarked, and as her biographers failed

not to repeat after her. But their kindred ashes are widely sundered,

and “as content with six foot as with the moles of Adrianus.” This at

Montgomery is the only known representation of the Lady Magdalen. Her

effigy lies at her husband’s left, the palms folded, the eyes open, the

full hair rolled back from a low brow, beneath a charming and simple

head-dress. Nothing can be nobler than the whole look of the face, like

her in her prime, and reminding one of her son’s loving epithet, “my

Juno.” The short-sighted inscription upon the slab yet includes her

name.

Never had an army of brilliant and requiring children a more excellent

mother. “_Severa parens_,” her gentle George called her in his

scholarly verses; and such she was, with the mingled sagacity and

joyousness which made up her character. If we are to believe their

own testimony, the leading members of her young family were of

excessively peppery Cymric temperaments, and worthy to call out that

“manlier part” of her which Dr. Donne, who had every opportunity of

observing it in play, was so quick to praise. There is a passage in

a letter of Sir Thomas Lacy, addressed to Edward Herbert, touching

upon “the knowledge I had how ill you can digest the least indignity.”

“Holy George Herbert” himself, in 1618, commended to his dear brother

Henry the gospel of self-honoring: “It is the part of a poor spirit to

undervalue himself and blush.” And physical courage went hand in hand

with this blameless haughtiness of the Herberts, a pretty collateral

proof of which may be adduced from a message of Sir Henry Jones to his

brother-in-law, the other Henry just mentioned, concerning a gift for

his little nephew. “If my cozen, William Herbert your sonne . . . be

ready for the rideing of a horse, I will provide him with a Welch nagg

that shall be as mettlesome as himself.” There is no doubt that all

this racial fire was fostered by one woman. “Thou my root, and my most

firm rock, O my mother!” George cried, long after in the _Parentalia_,

aware that he owed to her his high ideals, and the strength of

character which is born of self-discipline.

“God gave her,” says one of her two devoted annalists, who we wish

were not so brief and meagre of detail—“God gave her such a comeliness

as though she was not proud of it, yet she was so content with it as

not to go about to mend it by any art.” Her fortune was large, her

benevolence wide-spreading. All the countryside knew her for the living

representative of the ever-hospitable houses of Newport and Bromley.

“She gave not on some great days,” continues Dr. Donne, “or at solemn

goings abroad; but as God’s true almoners, the sun and moon, that pass

on in a continual doing of good; as she received her daily bread from

God, so daily she distributed it, and imparted it to others.” In these

years of her wifehood and widowhood at Montgomery Castle (the “romancy

place” dating from the eleventh century, and ruined, like the fine

old house at High Ercall, during the Civil Wars), and afterwards at

Oxford and London, she reared her happy crew of boys and girls in an

air of generosity and honor; training them to habits of hardiness and

simplicity, and to the equal relish of work and play. “Herself with

her whole family (as a church in that elect lady’s house, to whom John

wrote his second Epistle) did every Sabbath shut up the day at night

with a general, with a cheerful singing of psalms.” One may guess at

young Richard’s turmoil in-doors, and at the little Elizabeth’s soft,

patient ways, and think of George (on Sundays at any rate) as the child

of content, “the contesseration of elegances” worthy Archdeacon Oley

called him.

The fair and stately matron moving over them and among them was not

without her prejudices. “I was once,” Edward testifies, “in danger of

drowning, learning to swim. My mother, upon her blessing, charged me

never to learn swimming; telling me, further, that she had learned of

more drowned than saved by it.” Though the given reason failed to

impress him, he adds, the commandment did; so that the accomplished

Crichton of Cherbury, who understood alchemy, broke his way through

metaphysics, and rode the Great Horse; the ambassador, author, and

beau, to whom Ben Jonson sent his greeting:

“What man art thou that art so many men,

All-virtuous Herbert?”

even he lacked, on principle, the science of keeping himself alive

in an alien element, because it had been pronounced less risky to

die outright! It was a pretty paradox, and one which sets down our

high-minded Magdalen as quite feminine, quite human.

Her Edward was matriculated in 1595 at University College, Oxford,[1]

for which he seemed to retain no great partiality; he bequeathed his

books, like a loyal Welshman, to Jesus College, instead, and his

manuscripts to the Bodleian Library. In 1598, when he was little

more than seventeen, he was wedded to his cousin Mary Herbert, of

St. Gillian in Monmouthshire. Her age was one-and-twenty; she was an

heiress, enjoined by her father’s will to marry a Herbert or forfeit

her estates; she was also almost a philosopher. There was no wild

affection on either side, but the marriage promised rather well, both

persons having resources; and no real catastrophe befell either in

after-life. Much as she desired the match for worldly motives, the

chief promoter of it was too solicitous for her tall dreamer of a

son, who underwent the pleasing peril of having Queen Bess clap him

on the cheek, not to take the whole weight of conjugal direction on

her own shoulders. Without undue officiousness, but with the masterly

foresight of a shrewd saint, she moved to Oxford from Montgomery with

her younger children and their tutors, in order to handle Mistress

Herbert’s husband during his minority. “She continued there with him,”

says Walton, in his _Life of George Herbert_, “and still kept him in

a moderate awe of herself, and so much under her own eye as to see and

converse with him daily; but she managed this power over him without

any such rigid sourness as might make her company a torment to her

child, but with such a sweetness and compliance with the recreations

and pleasures of youth as did incline him willingly to spend much of

his time in the company of his dear and careful mother.”

It was during this stay that she contracted the chivalrous friendship

which has embalmed her tranquil memory. Dr. John Donne (not ordained

until 1614, and indeed not Dr. Donne then at all, but “Jack Donne,”

his profaner self) had been at Cadiz with Essex, and had wandered over

the face of Europe; and he came back, accidentally, to Oxford during

the most troubled year of his early prime. It was no strange place to

him,[2] who had been, at eleven, the Pico della Mirandola of Hart

Hall, and whose relatives seem to have resided always in the town.

There and then, however, he cast his bright eye upon Excellence, and in

his own phrase,

“—dared love that, and say so, too,

And forget the He and She.”

We can do no better than cite a celebrated and beautiful passage, once

more from Walton: “This amity, begun at this time and place, was not

an amity that polluted their souls, but an amity made up of a chain of

suitable inclinations and virtues; an amity like that of St. Chrysostom

to his dear and virtuous Olympias, whom, in his letters, he calls his

saint; or an amity, indeed, more like that of St. Hierom to his Paula,

whose affection to her was such that he turned poet in his old age, and

then made her epitaph, wishing all his body were turned into tongues

that he might declare her just praises to posterity.” How these words

remind one of the sweet historic mention which Condivi gives to the

relations between Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo! The little English

idyl of friendship and the great Italian one run parallel in much.

Donne’s trenchant _Satires_, some of the earliest and very best in

the language, were already written, and he was not without the hint

of fame. Born in 1573, he was but eight years the senior of Edward

Herbert, and not more than a dozen years the junior of Edward Herbert’s

mother. To her two sons, also, who were to figure as men of letters,

he was sincerely attached from the first, and had a marked and lasting

influence on their minds. Donne had the superabundance of mental power

which Mr. Minto has pointed out as the paradoxical cause of his failure

to become a great poet. He was a three-storied soul, as the French say:

a spirit of many sides and moods, a life-long dreamer of good and bad

dreams. To his restless, incisive intelligence his contemporaries, with

Jonson and Carew at their head, bowed in hyperboles of acclaim. He had

a changeful conscience, often antagonized and often appeased. There

was a strain in him of strong joy, for he was descended through his

mother from pleasant John Heywood the dramatist, and from the father

of that great and merry-hearted gentleman, Sir Thomas More. If ever

man needed vitality to buoy him over sorrows heavy and vast, it was

Donne in his “yeasting youth.” Thrown, through no fault but his own,

from his old footholds of religion and occupation, and unable, despite

his versatile and alert genius, to grind a steady living from the hard

mills of the world, he was in the midst of a bitter plight when the

friends worthy of him found a heavenly opportunity which they did not

let go by, and made his acceptance of their favor a rich gift unto

themselves. Foremost among these, besides Lady Herbert, were Sir Robert

Drury of Drury Lane, and a kinsman, Sir Francis Woolly, of Pirford,

Surrey, fated to die in his youth, both of whom gave the Donnes, for

some nine consecutive years, the use of their princely houses. John

Donne had been in the service of the Chancellor, Lord Ellesmere,

and lost place and purse by the opposition to his marriage with his

“_lectissima dilectissimaque_,” Anne More, who was Lady Ellesmere’s

niece, the daughter of Sir George More of Loxly, Lieutenant of the

Tower, and probably a distant cousin of his own. No reverses, however,

could beat the pathetic cheer out of him. “Anne Donne,[3] undone,” was

one of his inveterate teary jests over the state of things at home. He

wrote once, with sickness, poverty, and despair at his elbow: “If God

should ease us with burials, I know not how to perform even that. But I

flatter myself that I am dying, too, for I cannot waste faster than by

such griefs.” Five of his twelve children passed before their father to

the grave, the good domestic daughter Constance upholding him always,

and keeping the house together. But just as hope dawned with his

appointment to the Lectureship of Lincoln’s Inn, heavenward suddenly,

with her youngest-born, in 1617, went his dear and faithful wife, whom

he laid to rest in St. Clement Danes.

About the time when the remorseful old queen died disdainfully on her

chamber-floor at Richmond, the necessities of this family called for

daily succors, and with a simple and noble delicacy they were supplied.

Nor did they cease. Magdalen Herbert was a “bountiful benefactor,”

Donne “as grateful an acknowledger.” His first letter to her from

Mitcham in Surrey, dated July 10, 1607, is made up of terse, tender

thanks, in his heart’s own odd language. He sends her an enclosure of

sonnets and hymns, “lost to us,” says Walton, movingly, “but doubtless

they were such as they two now sing in heaven.” Dr. Grosart, with a

great show of justice, claims that the sequence called _La Corona_, and

familiar to latter-day readers, are the identical sonnets passed from

one to the other. During this same month of July we know that, paying a

call in his “London, plaguey London,” and finding his friend abroad,[4]

Dr. Donne consoled himself by leaving a courtliest message: “Your

memory is a state-cloth and presence which I reverence, though you be

away;” and went back after to his “sallads and onions” at Mitcham, or

to his solitary lodgings near Whitehall.

The attachment, close and deferent on both sides, was continued without

a breach, and with the intention, at least, of “almost daily letters.”

Thoreau, quoting Chaucer, so saluted Mrs. Emerson: “You have helped

to keep my life on loft.” No meaner service than this was his dear

lady’s to John Donne, often heretofore astray in the slough of doubt

and dissipation; she fed more than his little children, clothed more

than his body, and fostered anew in him that faith in humanity which

is the well-spring of good works. He was not a poet of Leigh Hunt’s

innocent temperament, who could accept benefits gladly and gracefully

from any appreciator; his soul dwelt too remote and proud in her

accustomed citadels. But this loving help, thrust upon him, he took

with dignity, and after 1621, when he was able, in his own person, to

befriend others, he gave back gallantly to mankind the blessings he

once received from two or three. It was something for Magdalen Herbert

to have saved a master-name to English letters, and kept in his unique

place the poet, interesting beyond many, whose fantastic but real force

swayed generations of thinking and singing men; it was something, also,

to have won in return the words which were his gold coin of payment.

Nowhere is Donne’s sentiment more genuine, his workmanship more happy

and less complex, than in the verses dedicated to her blameless

name. They have a lucidity unsurpassed among the yet straightforward

lyrics of their day. Drayton’s self, who died in the same year with

Donne, might have addressed to the lady of Eyton so much of his noble

extravagance;

“Queens hereafter shall be glad to live

Upon the alms of thy superfluous praise.”

Yet in these eulogies, as in most of the graver contemporaneous poems

of the sort, there is little personality to be detected; the homage

has rather a floating outline, an unapproaching music, exquisite and

awed. Donne gives, sometimes, the large Elizabethan measure:

“Is there any good which is not she?”

In the so-called _Elegy, The Autumnal_, written on leaving Oxford, he

starts off with a well-known cherishable strophe:

“No spring nor summer beauty hath such grace

As I have seen in one autumnal face.”

The entire poem is a monody on the encroachments of years, and neatly

chronological:

“If we love things long-sought, age is a thing

Which we are fifty years in compassing;

If transitory things, which soon decay,

Age must be loveliest at the latest day.”

It strikes the modern ear as maladroit enough that a woman in her yet

sunshiny forties, and a most comely woman to boot, should have required

prosody’s ingenious excuses for wrinkles and kindred damages. Was life

so hard as that in “the spacious days”? Shakespeare, in agreement with

Horace, had already reminded his handsome “Will” of the pitiless and

too expeditious hour,

“When forty winters shall besiege thy brow,

And dig deep trenches in thy beauty’s field!”

which also seems, to a nice historical sense, somewhat staggering. The

close of Donne’s little homily is perfect, and full of the winning

melancholy which was part of his birthright in art, whenever he allowed

himself direct and homely expression:

“May still

My love descend! and journey down the hill,

Not panting after growing beauties; so

I shall ebb on with them who homeward go.”

Such was John Donne’s first known tribute to his friend. She must have

been early and thoroughly familiar with his manuscripts, which were

passed about freely, Dr. Grosart thinks, prior to 1613, and which

burned what Massinger would call “no adulterate incense” to herself.

Her bays are to be gleaned off many a tree, and she must have cast a

frequent influence on Donne’s work, which is not traceable now. He

seems to have had a Crashaw-like devotion to the Christian saint whose

inheritance

“Bethina was, and jointure Magdalo,”

not unconnected with the fact that some one else was Magdalen also;

never does he tire of dwelling on the coincidence and the difference.

In one of his quaintly moralizing songs, he goes seeking a “true-love”

primrose, where but on Montgomery Hill! for he is hers, by all

chivalrous tokens, as much as he may be. Again he cites, and almost

with humor:

“that perplexing eye

Which equally claims love and reverence.”

And his platonics make their honorable challenge at the end of some

fine lines:

“So much do I love her choice, that I

Would fain love him that shall be loved of her!”

There was prescience in that couplet. As early, at least, as 1607-8,

the widow’s long privacy ended, probably while she was at her “howse

at Charing Cross,” watching over the progress of her son George at

Westminster School; and he that was “loved of her” was the grandson of

the last Lord Latimer of the Nevilles, junior brother of a nobleman

who perished with Essex in 1602, and brother and heir of that Sir

Henry Danvers who was created Earl of Danby in 1625 for his services

in Ireland, and who literally left a green memory as the founder of

the pleasant Physic Gardens at Oxford. The name of Danvers, the kindly

step-father, is one of the noteworthy omissions of Lord Herbert of

Cherbury’s _Autobiography_. But George Herbert was devoted to him,

as his many letters show, and turned to him, never in vain, during

his restless years at Cambridge; and into his circle of relatives,

with romantic suddenness, he afterwards married. Sir John Danvers, of

Dauntsey, Wilts, was twenty years younger than his wife. It is worth

while to quote the very deft and courtly statement of the case made at

the last by Dr. Donne: “The natural endowments of her person were such

as had their part in drawing and fixing the affections of such a person

as by his birth and youth and interest in great favors at court, and

legal proximity to great possessions in the world, might justly have

promised him acceptance in what family soever, or upon what person

soever, he had directed. . . . He placed them here, neither diverted

thence, nor repented since. For as the well-tuning of an instrument

makes higher and lower strings of one sound, so the inequality of their

years was thus reduced to an evenness, that she had a cheerfulness

agreeable to his youth, and he had a sober staidness conformable to her

more advanced years. So that I would not consider her at so much more

than forty, nor him at so much less than thirty, at that time; but as

their persons were made one and their fortunes made one by marriage,

so I would put their years into one number, and finding a sixty

between them, think them thirty apiece; for as twins of one hour they

lived.”[5]

In the August of 1607, a masque by John Marston was given in the now

ruined castle of Ashby-de-la-Zouch, eighteen miles from Leicester, as

an entertainment devised by Lord Huntingdon and his young wife, the

Lady Elizabeth Stanley, to welcome her mother, Alice, Countess-Dowager

of Derby,[6] “the first night of her honor’s arrival at the house of

Ashby.” Fourteen noble ladies took part in the masque, and among them

was “Mris Da’vers.” The name may, perhaps, be recognized as that of the

subject of this sketch, for Sir John Danvers was not knighted until the

following year; and it has been so recognized by interested scholars

who have searched Nichols’s _Progresses of James I_. And yet we cannot

be too sure that we have her before us, in the wreaths and picturesque

draperies of the amateur stage; for there was another Mistress Da’vers

at court, whose purported letter, dated February 3, 1613, signed with

her confusing Christian names of “Mary Magdaline,” gave great trouble,

thirty years ago, to the experts of the Camden Society. Besides, a

letter of the good gossipy Chamberlain, dated March 3, 1608-9, mentions

as if it were then a piece of fresh news: “Young Davers is likewise

wedded to the widow Herbert, Sir Edward’s mother, of more than twice

his age.” This would seem to preclude the possibility of the fair

masquer being the same person.

The mother of many Herberts, the “more than forty” bride, was by

nature a home-keeping character. Among the correspondence relating

to Lord Herbert of Cherbury, privately printed in 1886 by the Earl

of Powis, are a few pages which give us invaluable glimpses of the

London household. Lady Danvers’s eldest son, who set off upon his

travels soon after her second marriage, and who applied himself

vigorously to the various diversions of body and mind catalogued

in the _Autobiography_, found himself often pinched for money. In

such a strait, not unfamiliar to other fine gentlemen of his day, he

invariably appealed to the services of the step-father who was his

junior, in England. The latter, writing how “wee are all some what

after the olde manner, and doe hartely wish you well,” seems to have

busied himself to some avail, in concert with his brother-in-law, Sir

Francis Newport (the first Lord Newport), in securing letters of credit

to Milan, Turin, the Netherlands, and elsewhere, and in explaining at

length, in his long involved sentences, how matters could be bettered.

Whether or not the absent Knight of the Bath had reason to suspect Sir

John’s disinterested action when it came to the handling of pounds

and pence, he does not seem, then or after, to have burdened him with

any great harvest of thanks. But Sir John’s faithful wife knew how to

defend him, in a script of May 12, 1615, which may be quoted precisely

as it stands in the Herbert papers.

“To my best beloved sonn, S’r Edward Herbert, Knight,

“My deare Sonn,

it is straunge to me to here you

to complayne of want of care of you in your absence

when my thoughts are seldom removed from you which

must assuredly set me aworkinge of any thinge may doe

you good, & for writinge the one of us yf not both

never let messenges pass without letter, your stay

abroad is so short in any one place & we so unhappy in

givinge you contentment as our letters com not to your

hands which we are sorry for. And to tel you further

of S’r John Da’vers Love which I dare sweare is to no

man more, he is & hath beene so careful to keep you

from lake of money now you are abroad as your Baylife

faylinge payment as they continually doe & pay no man,

he goeth to your Merchaunt, offers him self & all the

powers he can make to supply you as your occasions may

require, mistake him not, but beleeve me there was

never a tenderer hart or a lovinger minde in any man

then is in him towards you who have power to com’aund

him & all that is his. Now for your Baylifs I must

tell you they have not yet payed your brothers all

their Anuities due at Midsom’er past & but half due

at Christmas last and no news of the rest, this yf

advauntage were taken might be preiuditiall to you and

it is ill for your Brothers & very ill you have such

officers.

“I hope it will bringe you home & that is all the good

can com of this. your sister Johnes hath long beene

sicke & within this 8 dayes hath brought a boy she is

so weake as she is much feared by those aboute her. my

Lady Vachell lyes now adyeinge the bell hath twice gone

for her. your wife & sweet children are well & herein

I send you little Florence letter to see what comfort

you may have of your deare children, let them, my Dear

sonn, draw you home & affoorde them your care and me

your comfort that desire more to see you then I desire

any thinge ells in the world, and now I end with my

dayly prayer for your health and safe retorne to Your

ever lovinge mother,

Magd: Da’vers.

“I have received the Pattent of your Br: William, & S’r

John hath beene with the ambassatore who stayes for S’r

James Sandaline[7] his cominge.”

A sympathizing reader, aware of sequences, may wonder whence Sir John

drew “all the powers he can make”! The dignified letter, with its

undulating syntax and thrifty punctuation, harmonizes with all we

know of this delightful woman, who could so reproach what she deemed

a shortcoming, without a touch of temper. How affectionate is the

reference to the “little Florence” who died young, and to the other

children, sufficiently precious to all that household, except to the

wool-gathering chevalier their father, far away! Their innocent faces

peer again through a sweet postscript of their grand-uncle: (“Dick

is here, Ned and Bettye at Haughmond,”) written in the winter, from

Eyton, to the truant at the Hague.[8] This same genial Sir Francis

Newport, “imoderately desyring to see you,” confides to his nephew,

during what he complains of as “a verye drye and hott time”[9] for

Shropshire farmers, that “mye syster your mother is confident to take

a iourney into these pts this somer, the rather, I think, because yo’r

brother Vaugh’n is dead & if yo’ have a willing harte you maye come

tyme enough to acco’pany her heare, & would not then the companye bee

much the better?” But we fear the little excursion never came off.

Edward Herbert’s next visit to his home, presumably after a four-years’

absence, was in 1619; and in May of that year he accepted the office

of Ambassador to France, and spread his ready wing again to the

Continent. And the _Athenæ Oxoniensis_ will not let us forget that the

too spirited envoy had to be temporarily recalled in 1621, because he

had “irreverently treated” De Luynes, the powerful but good-for-nothing

Constable of France. It is not insignificant that this was the year in

which George Herbert wrote to his mother in one of his consoling moods,

bidding her be of good cheer, albeit her health and wealth were gone,

and the conduct of her children was not very satisfying!

We know that Lady Danvers had the “honor, love, obedience, troops of

friends” which became her, and that she lost none of her influence,

none of her serene charm. Her poet was much with her in his advancing

age. In July, 1625, while the plague was raging in London, Donne

reminded Sir Henry Wotton of the leisure he enjoyed, golden as

Cicero’s, by dating his letter “from S’r John Davor’s house at Chelsey,

of w’ich house & my Lord Carlil’s at Hanworth I make up my Tusculum.”

Many a peaceful evening must they have passed upon the terraces,

within sound of the solemn songs always dear to both. Visitors yet

more illustrious came there from the city; for the noble hostess

had once the privilege of reviving the great Lord Bacon,[10] who

had fainted in her garden. We learn, with sympathy, that “sickness,

in the declination of her years, had opened her to an overflowing

of melancholy; not that she ever lay under that water, but yet had,

sometimes, some high tides of it.” Death chose Dr. Donne’s ministering

angel before him, after thirty years of mutual fealty. Her restless son

Edward, now at home, was already eminent, and wearing his little Irish

title of Baron Castleisland; her thoughtful Charles was long dead; her

brother, also, was no more; her daughters were matrons, and dwelling in

prosperity. With but one unfulfilled wish, that of seeing her favorite

George married and in holy orders,[11] and after a life which left a

wake of sunshine behind it in the world, very patiently and hopefully

Magdalen Newport, Lady Danvers, entered upon eternity, in the early

June of 1627. On the eighth day of the month, in St. Luke’s, the parish

church of Chelsea, she was buried:

“Old age with snow-bright hair, and folded palm,”

the final earthly glimpse of her still traditionally beautiful. On the

first of July her faithful liegeman, now Dean of St. Paul’s and Vicar

of St. Dunstan-in-the-West, preached her funeral sermon there, before

a crowd of the great ones of London, the clergy, and the poor. Izaak

Walton’s kind face looked up from a near pew, whence he saw Dr. Donne’s

tears, and felt his breaking voice, the voice of one who did not belie

his friend, nigh the end of his own pilgrimage. In present grief and

among graver memories, he had the true perception not to forget how

joyous she had been. “She died,” he said, “without any change of

countenance or posture, without any struggling, any disorder, . . . and

expected that which she hath received: God’s physic and God’s music,

a Christianly death. . . . She was eyes to the blind, and feet to the

lame, . . . naturally cheerful and merry, and loving facetiousness and

sharpness of wit.” His own fund of mirth and strength was fast going;

and a haunting line of his youth,

“And all my pleasures are like yesterday,”

must have reverted to him many and many a time. Morbid and persistent

thoughts beset him from this hour, probably, more than ever, until

he had the effigy of himself, painted as he was, laid in his failing

sight;[12] morbid and persistent thoughts of the ruin which befalls the

bright bodies of humanity, sometimes surging up in his loneliness, and

crowding out the better vision which yet may “grace us in the disgrace

of death.” His inward eye was drawn strongly to his friend’s sepulchre,

sealed and sombre before him, and to what had been her, “going into

dust now almost a month of days, almost a lunar year . . . which, while

I speak, is mouldering and crumbling into less and less dust.” But he

ended in a wholesomer strain, subdued and calm: “This good soul being

thus laid down to sleep in His peace, ‘I charge you, O daughters of

Jerusalem, that ye wake her not!’”

The rare little duodecimo which contains Lady Danvers’s funeral sermon

was printed soon after, “together with other Commemorations of Her, by

her Sonne G. Herbert,” and offered to the public at the Golden Lion in

Paul’s Churchyard. The commemorations are in Greek and Latin. Strangely

enough, nowhere is the sweet and sage poet of _The Temple_ so set upon

his prosody, so given to awkward pagan conceits, so out of tune with

the ideals of classic diction. But he, who tenderly loved his mother,

has given to us, in the _Memoriæ Matris Sacrum_, several precious

personal fragments, and one more precious whole picture of daily habits

in the lines beginning _Corneliæ sanctæ_: her morning prayer, her bath,

and the plaiting of her glossy hair; her housewifely cares, her fit

replies, her writing to her friends, her passion for music, her gentle

helpfulness; the long felicity of a glad and stainless life,

“Quicquid habet tellus, quicquid et astra, fruens.”

Dr. Donne died in 1631, whatever was yet of earth in his spirit healed

and chastened by long pain. His last remembrance to some he loved

was his own seal of Christ on the Anchor, “engraven very small on

heliotropium stones, and set in gold, for rings.” Many of those to

whom his heart would have turned, the “autumnal beauty” scarce second

among them, had preceded him out of England. But in travelling towards

his Maker, he had that other sacred hope to “ebb on with them,” and

gloriously overtake them, as he traced the epitaph which covered

him in old St. Paul’s: “_Hic licet in occiduo cinere, aspicit eum

cujus nomen est Oriens_.” The tie between himself and her was not

unremembered in the next generation; for we find John Donne the younger

dedicating his father’s posthumous work to Francis, Lord Newport,

and when making his will, in 1662, bequeathing also to the same Lord

Newport “the picture of St. Anthony in a round frame.” And thus, in a

revived fragrance, the annals of true friendship close.

These rapid, ragged strokes of a pen make the only possible biography

of Lady Danvers. When Walton wrote of her, he had the entire

correspondence with Dr. Donne before him.[13] “There were sacred

endearments betwixt these two excellent persons,” he assures us, but

disappointingly hurries on into the highway of his subject. It is

curious that it seems impossible now to trace these breathing relics,

or others from the same source; for George Herbert, in the second

elegy of the _Parentalia_, has much to say, and very sweetly, of the

industry of his mother’s “white right hand,” and of the “many and most

notable letters, flying over all the world.” Much detail is utterly

lost which men who agree with Prosper Mérimée that all Thucydides

would not be worth an authentic memoir of Aspasia, or even of one of

the slaves of Pericles, might be glad to remember. A copy of a song,

a reminiscence of the glow and stir of the days through which she

moved, a guess through a mist at the blond head,[14] the half-imperious

carriage, the open hand, as she went her ways, like Dante’s lovely

lady, _sentendosi laudare_,—these are all we have of the daughter of

England’s golden age. It would be easy, were it also just, to throw

a dash of color into her shadowy history. One would like to verify

the scene at Eyton, while the news of the coming Armada roused the

lion in Drake, and struck terror into the Devon towns; and to hear the

young wife, with three lisping Herberts at her knee, beguile them with

mellow contralto snatches of a Robin Hood ballad, or with the sweet

yesterday’s tale of Zutphen, where their country’s dearest gave his

cup of water to a dying comrade. A decade later, before their handsome

bluff father, her other healthful boys stood up to wrestle, and twang

their arrows at forty paces; or a rosy daughter stole to his side, and

asked him of mishaps in Ireland, or of the giant laughter bubbling

from the “oracle of Apollo” in a London street. It is to be believed

that one who watched events through the insurrection of Essex, through

Raleigh’s dramatic trial, reprieve, and execution, through the national

mourning for the Prince of Wales, through the fever for colonization,

the savage sea-fights, the great intrigues in behalf of the Queen of

Scots, the religious divisions, the muttering parliamentary thunders,

the stress and heat of the exciting dawn of the seventeenth century,

was not unmindful of all it meant to be alive, there and then. Magdalen

Newport’s girlhood fell on Lyly’s _Euphues_, fresh from the printers;

the _Arcadia_ made the talk of Oxford, in her prime; the dusky splendor

of Marlowe’s _Faustus_ was abroad before her second marriage. She was,

surely, aware of Shakespeare, and of the wonder-folio of 1623; of the

newest delighting madrigals and antiphons set forth by one Robert

Jones, when every soul in England had the gift of music; of rascal

Robert Greene’s lovable lyrics, of Wyatt’s, Campion’s, and Drayton’s.

She wrote no verses, indeed, but her familiars wrote them; her every

step jostled a Muse. We may assume that no growth nor loss in literary

circles escaped that tender “perplexing eye.” Perhaps it glistened from

a bench, in the pioneer British theatre, on the actors of _Volpone_,

and followed silently, behind the royal group, the first mincings

of the first dear Fool in _King Lear_, one day-after-Christmas at

Whitehall. Last of all, for whim’s sake, how any sociologist would

enjoy having the honest opinion of young Lady Herbert, or that of

little Mistress Donne, concerning the person they could but thank and

praise! _Utinam vivisset Pepys!_ It is a cheat of history that it

preserves no clearer tint or trace of this chosen passer-by. Such, in

truth, she was, and the quiet vanishing name clings to her: the woman

of durable gladness, happily born and taught, like the soul whereof Sir

Henry Wotton, who must have known her well, made his immortal song.

Of the gracious figure of Sir John Danvers we may be said to lose

sight; for he seems less gracious, as by a Hindoo trick, as soon as

it is written that his wife departed unto her reward. Comment on

his character is equal comment upon hers, and adds new force to the

classic episode of a lady philanthropist espousing a ne’er-do-weel and

a featherbrain. Aubrey, always happy over a little ultra-contemporary

gossip, calls it “a disagreeable match,” disappointing to the

bridegroom’s kindred; but adds that “he married her for love of her

wit.” Now, wit is an admirable magnet, but it is to be suspected that

there was also, and in the immediate vicinity, “metal more attractive,”

as Hamlet says. In the Chelsea parish-books is an entry, the first of

its kind, certifying that Sir John Danvers had settled his account with

“the poore,” a matter of thirty pounds’ loan (in which the vicar must

have connived), for the year ending in January of 1628. If the payment

were, by any hap, in advance, it may have fallen in Lady Danvers’s own

lifetime; and if so, it is quite as likely that she paid it, with an

admonition! Her “high tides of melancholy,” of whose true cause she

certainly would not have complained to Dr. Donne, had something to

do with this young spendthrift, who must have had his wheedling way,

sooner or later, with such of her ample revenues as were yet extant.

Perhaps Lord Herbert of Cherbury was both shrewd and charitable, in

suppressing mention of his new relative.[15] The longer one looks into

the matter, the less curious seems his unexplained silence concerning

this late graft of a family hitherto always respectable and always

loyal.

There are gleams of subsequent private history in the tell-tale records

at Chelsea. We are not incurably astonished to learn that as early as

May of 1629 was christened Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Danvers

and Elizabeth his wife. This Lady Elizabeth, arriving providentially

with her Dauntsey wealth, having borne him four children, died, as

did his mother, in 1636; and left him even as she found him, none too

monogamous. In 1648 Sir John Danvers again appeared at the venerable

altars where his first saint never had a memorial, loving, honoring,

and cherishing a Mrs. Grace Hewes, Hawes, or Hewet, of Kemerton in

Gloucestershire, and, as it is to be surmised, leading her tame

fortune by a ribbon. His debts and difficulties, not of one but of all

time, sprout perennially in the registers. His indefatigable name,

oftener than any rival’s whatsoever, figures as borrowing and paying

interest on a forty-pound note, which, like a Hydra-head, was always

forthcoming so soon as it was demolished. This disgraceful business was

the man’s chief concern: for the older he grew the deeper and deeper

he sank into entanglements, particularly after the death of the King.

It was never doubted, in his day, but that this was a judgment on the

former Gentleman Usher who affixed hand and seal to the warrant of his

sovereign’s execution.[16] His own family, it is said, as well as the

royalist Herberts and Newports, dropped his acquaintance; and who knows

whether Mrs. Grace Hewet was faithful? At his favorite Chelsea, in the

April of 1655, and in about the seventy-fourth year of his age, Sir

John Danvers ended his career by more conventional agencies than the

rope and the knife, which might have befallen him in the Stuart triumph

of the morrow. His manor fell an immediate forfeit to the crown. In

1661, the dead republican was attainted, and all of his estate which

was unprotected was declared regal booty. The year before his own

burial at Dauntsey he laid there, “to the great grief of all good men,”

the body of his elder son Henry, who had just attained his majority.

The Earl of Danby had died, “full of honors, wounds, and days,” in

1643, while this Henry, his nephew, was still a hopeful child; and on

him alone he had taken pains to settle his possessions. But Henry, in

turn, was persuaded to bequeath the major part of them to his father’s

ever-gaping pocket, the remainder reverting to one of his two surviving

sisters. The third Lady Danvers, who lived until 1678, had also a son

Charles,[17] who petitioned the crown for his paternal rights, but

died in old age, with neither income nor issue.

Clarendon quietly indicts Sir John Danvers as a “proud, formal, weak

man,” such as Cromwell “employed and contemned at once.” George Bate

gives him a harder character, saying that he “proved his brother to be

a delinquent in the Rump Parliament, whereby he might overthrow his

will, and so compass the estate himself. He sided with the sectarian

party, was one of the King’s judges, and lived afterwards some years

in his sin, without repentance.” But the same accuser adds the saving

fact that Dr. Thomas Fuller, like Aubrey, was Sir John’s friend, and,

by his desire, preached many times at Chelsea, “where, I am sure, he

was instructed to repent of his misguided and wicked consultations in

having to do with the murther of that just man.” One half surmises

that had the preliminaries of the great struggle occurred in her time

Magdalen Herbert’s rather austere and advanced standards of right would

have stood it out, despite her traditions, for the Commons against

_Carolus Agnus_.[18] But that would have been a very different matter

from sharing the feelings of the crude advocates of revolution and

regicide. What a misconception of her spotless motives must she have

borne, had others found her in agreement with her vagabond lord, who

treated politics as he treated the sacrament of matrimony, purely as a

makeshift and a speculation!

He was no raw-head-and-bloody-bones, this Roderigo-like Briton who won

the approval of Lord Bacon, and whom George Wither thanks for “those

pleasurable refreshments often vouchsafed”; and whom very different

men, such as George Herbert and Walton[19] and peaceable Fuller loved.

He was a comely creature of some parts, a luckless worldling anxious

to feather his own nest, and driven by timidity and the desire of gain

into treacheries against himself. His short, thin, and “fayre bodie,”

common, as George Herbert would have us imply, to all who bore his

name, his elegance, his hospitality, and his devotedness to his elderly

wife, carried him off handsomely in the eyes of her jealous circle. His

house in Chelsea, commemorated now by Danvers Street, adjoined that

which had been Sir Thomas More’s, and was presumably a part of the same

estate. All around it, and due to its master’s genuine enthusiasm, lay

the first Italian garden planted in England; and there, rolling towards

the Thames, were the long glowing flower-beds and green orchard-alleys,

which were also the “_horti deliciæ dominæ_” recalled thrice in the

music of filial sorrow. This home of Magdalen Danvers was pulled down,

and built over, in 1716. Within its unfallen walls, where she spent

her serene married life, and where she died, she had time to think,

nevertheless, that she stood, towards evening, in the ways of folly,

and that hers was one of those little incipient domestic tragedies

which must always look amusing, even to a friend.

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