BEGINNINGS OF REBELLION
Disunion was not a fungus of recent growth in American politics. Talk
of disunion, threats of disunion, accusations of intentions of
disunion, lie scattered rather plentifully through the political
literature of the country from the very formation of the Government.
In fact, the present Constitution of the United States was strenuously
opposed by large political factions, and, it may almost be said,
succeeded by only a hair's-breadth. That original opposition
perpetuated itself in some degree in the form of doubts of its
duration and prophecies of its failure. The same dissatisfaction and
restlessness resulted in early and important amendments, but these did
not satisfy all dissenters and doubters. Immediate and profound
conflict of opinion sprang up over the administration and policy of
the new Government; active political parties and hot discussion arose,
the one side proclaiming that it was too strong, the other asserting
that it was too weak, to endure.
Before public opinion was well consolidated, the war of 1812 produced
new complaints and new opposition, out of which grew the famous
Hartford Convention. It has been charged and denied that this was a
movement of disunion and rebellion. The exact fact is not important in
our day; it is enough that it was a sign of deep political unrest and
of shallow public faith. Passing by lesser manifestations of the same
character, we come to the eventful nullification proceeding in South
Carolina in the year 1832. Here was a formal legislative repudiation
of Federal authority with a reserved threat of forcible resistance. At
this point disunion was in full flower, and the terms nullification,
secession, treason, rebellion, revolution, coercion, constitute the
current political vocabulary. Take up a political speech of that
period, change the names and dates, and the reader can easily imagine
himself among the angry controversies of the winter of 1860.
Nullification was half-throttled by Jackson's proclamation,
half-quieted by Clay's compromise. But from that time forward the
phraseology and the spirit of disunion became constant factors in
Congressional debate and legislation. In 1850, it broke out to an
extent and with an intensity never before reached. This time it
enveloped the whole country, and many of the wisest and best statesmen
believed civil war at hand. The compromise measures of 1850 finally
subdued the storm; but not till the serious beginning of a secession
movement had been developed and put down, both by the general
condemnation of the whole country, and the direct vote of a union
majority in the localities where it took its rise.
Among these compromise acts of 1850 was the admission of California as
a free-State. The gold discoveries had suddenly filled it with
population, making the usual probation as a Territory altogether
needless. A considerable part of the State lay south of the line of
36º, 30', and the pro-slavery extremists had demanded that it should
be divided into two States--one to be a free and the other to be a
slave-State--in order to preserve the political balance between the
sections, in the United States Senate. This being refused, they not
only violently opposed the compromise measures, but organized a
movement for resistance in South Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi,
demanding redress, and threatening secession if it were not accorded.
A popular contest on this issue followed in 1851 in these States, in
which the ultra-secession party was signally overthrown. It submitted
sullenly to its defeat; leaving, as always before, a considerable
faction unsatisfied and implacable, only awaiting a new opportunity to
start a new disturbance. This new opportunity arose in the slavery
agitation, beginning with the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in
1854, and ending with the election of Lincoln. Daring this six years'
controversy, disunion was kept in the background because the
pro-slavery party had continual and sanguine hope of ultimate triumph.
It did not despair of success until the actual election of Lincoln, on
the 6th of November, 1860; consequently, even in the Southern States,
as a rule, disunion was frowned upon till near the end of the
Presidential campaign, and only paraded as an evil to be feared, not
as a thing to be desired.
This aspect, however, was superficial. Under the surface, a small but
determined disunion conspiracy was actively at work. It has left few
historical traces; but in 1856 distinct evidence begins to crop out.
There was a possibility, though not a probability, that Frémont might
be elected President; and this contingency the conspirators proposed
to utilize by beginning a rebellion. A letter from the Governor of
Virginia to the Governors of Maryland and other States is sufficient
proof of such an intent, even without the evidence of later history.
RICHMOND, VA., Sept. 15, 1856.
DEAR SIR: Events are approaching which address themselves to your
responsibilities and to mine as chief Executives of slave-holding
States. Contingencies may soon happen which would require
preparation for the worst of evils to the people. Ought we not to
admonish ourselves by joint council of the extraordinary duties
which may devolve upon us from the dangers which so palpably
threaten our common peace and safety? When, how, or to what extent
may we act, separately or unitedly, to ward off dangers if we can,
to meet them most effectually if we must?
I propose that, as early as convenient, the Governors of Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida,
Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Tennessee
shall assemble at Raleigh, N.C., for the purpose generally of
consultation upon the state of the country, upon the best means of
preserving its peace, and especially of protecting the honor and
interests of the slave-holding States. I have addressed the States
only having Democratic Executives, for obvious reasons.
This should be done as early as possible before the Presidential
election, and I would suggest Monday, the 13th of October next.
Will you please give me an early answer, and oblige,
Yours most truly and respectfully,
HENRY A. WISE.
His Excellency Thomas W. Ligon,
Governor of Maryland.
If any explanation were needed of the evident purpose of this letter,
or of the proposed meeting, it may be found in the following from
Senator Mason, of Virginia, to Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, who
was at the time Secretary of War under President Pierce:
[Sidenote] O.J. Victor, "American Conspiracies," p. 520.
SELMA, NEAR WINCHESTER, Va., Sept. 30, 1856.
MY DEAR SIR: I have a letter from Wise, of the 27th, full of
spirit. He says the Governors of North Carolina, South Carolina,
and Louisiana have already agreed to rendezvous at Raleigh, and
others will--this in your most private ear. He says, further, that
he had officially requested you to exchange with Virginia, on fair
terms of difference, percussion for flint muskets. I don't know
the usage or power of the department In such cases, but if it can
be done, even by liberal construction, I hope you will accede. Was
there not an appropriation at the last session for converting
flint into percussion arms? If so, would it not furnish good
reason for extending such facilities to the States? Virginia
probably has more arms than the other Southern States, and would
divide, in case of need. In a letter yesterday to a committee in
South Carolina, I give it as my judgment, in the event of
Frémont's election, the South should not pause, but proceed at
once to "immediate, absolute, and eternal separation." So I am a
candidate for the first halter.
Wise says his accounts from Philadelphia are cheering for old Buck
in Pennsylvania. I hope they be not delusive. _Vale et Salute_
[sic].
J.M. MASON.
Colonel Davis.
In these letters we have an exact counterpart of the later and
successful efforts of these identical conspirators, conjointly with
others, to initiate rebellion. When the Senatorial campaign of 1858
between Lincoln and Douglas was at its height, there was printed in
the public journals of the Southern States the following extraordinary
letter, which at once challenged the attention of the whole reading
public of the country, and became known by the universal stigma of
"The Scarlet Letter." In the light of after events it was both a
revelation and a prophecy:
[Sidenote] Quoted in Appendix to "Globe" for 1859-60, p. 313.
MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858.
DEAR SIR: Your kind favor of the 15th is received. I heartily
agree with you that [no] general movement can be made that will
clean out the Augean stable. If the Democracy were overthrown, it
would result in giving place to a greater and hungrier swarm of
flies.
The remedy of the South is not in such a process. It is in a
diligent organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the
next aggression. It must come in the nature of things. No national
party can save us; no sectional party can ever do it. But if we
could do as our fathers did--organize "committees of safety" all
over the Cotton States (it is only in them that we can hope for
any effective movement)--we shall fire the Southern heart,
instruct the Southern mind, give courage to each other, and at
the proper moment, by one organized concerted action, we can
precipitate the Cotton States into a revolution.
The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Mr. Ruffin; has
been taken up and recommended in the "Advertiser" (published at
Montgomery, Alabama), under the name of "League of United
Southerners," who, keeping up their old party relations on all
other questions, will hold the Southern issue paramount, and will
influence parties, legislatures, and statesmen. I have no time to
enlarge, but to suggest merely.
In haste, yours, etc.,
WM. L. YANCEY
To James Slaughter, Esq.
The writer of this "Scarlet Letter" had long been known to the country
as a prominent politician of Alabama, affiliated with the Democratic
party, having once represented a district of that State in Congress,
and of late years the most active, pronounced, and conspicuous
disunionist in the South. In so far as this publication concerned
himself, it was no surprise to the public; but the project of an
organized conspiracy had never before been broached with such
matter-of-fact confidence.[1]
An almost universal condemnation by the public press reassured the
startled country that the author of this revolutionary epistle was one
of the confirmed "fire-eaters" who were known and admitted to exist
in the South, but whose numbers, it was alleged, were too insignificant
to excite the most distant apprehension.
The letter was everywhere copied, its author denounced, and his
proposal to "precipitate the Cotton States into a revolution" held up
to public execration. Mr. Yancey immediately printed a statement
deploring the betrayal of personal confidence in its publication, and
to modifiy[2] the obnoxious declaration by a long and labored
argument. But in the course of this explanation he furnished
additional proof of the deep conspiracy disclosed by the "Scarlet
Letter." He made mention of "A well-considered Southern policy, a
policy which has been digested, and understood, and approved by the
ablest men in Virginia, as you yourselves must be aware," to the
effect that while the Cotton States should begin rebellion, "Virginia
and the other border States should remain in the Union," where, by
their position and their counsels, they would form a protecting
barrier to the proposed separation. "In the event of the movement
being successful," he continued, "in time Virginia and the other
border States that desired it could join the Southern Confederacy."
Less than ordinary uncertainty hung over the final issue of the
Presidential campaign of 1860. To popular apprehension the election of
Lincoln became more and more probable. The active competition for
votes by four Presidential tickets greatly increased his chances of
success; and the verdict of the October elections appeared to all
sagacious politicians to render his choice a practical certainty.
Sanguine partisans, however, clung tenaciously to their favorites, and
continued to hope against hope, and work against fate. This
circumstance produced a deplorable result in the South. Under the
shadow of impending defeat the Democrats of the Cotton States made the
final months of the canvass quite as much a threat against Lincoln as
a plea for Breckinridge. This preaching of secession seemed to shallow
minds harmless election buncombe; but when the contingency finally
arrived, and the choice of Lincoln became a real event, they found
themselves already in a measure pledged to resistance. They had vowed
they would never submit; and now, with many, the mere pride of
consistency moved them to adhere to an ill-considered declaration. The
sting of defeat intensified their resentment, and in this irritated
frame of mind the secession demagogues among them lured them on
skillfully into the rising tide of revolution.
In proportion to her numbers, the State of South Carolina furnished
the largest contingent to the faction of active conspirators; and to
her, by a common consent, were accorded the dangers and honors of
leadership. Since conspiracies work in secret, only fragmentary proofs
of their efforts ever come to light. Though probably only one of the
many early agencies in organizing the rebellion, the following
circular reveals in a startling light what labor and system were
employed to "fire the Southern heart" after the November election:
[Illustration: GENERAL HENRY A. WISE.]
[Sidenote] O.J. Victor, "History of the Southern Rebellion." Vol. I.,
p. 203.
CHARLESTON, Nov. 19, 1860.
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, "The 1860 Association."
In September last, several gentlemen of Charleston met to confer
in reference to the position of the South in the event of the
accession of Mr. Lincoln and the Republican party to power. This
informal meeting was the origin of the organization known in this
community as "The 1860 Association."
The objects of the Association are:
_First_. To conduct a correspondence with leading men in the South
and by an interchange of information and views prepare the
slave-States to meet the impending crisis.
_Second_. To prepare, print, and distribute in the slave States,
tracts, pamphlets, etc., designed to awaken them to a conviction
of their danger, and to urge the necessity of resisting Northern
and Federal aggression.
_Third_. To inquire into the defenses of the State, and to collect
and arrange information which may aid the Legislature to establish
promptly an effective military organization.
To effect these objects a brief and simple Constitution was
adopted, creating a President, a Secretary and Treasurer, and an
Executive Committee specially charged with conducting the business
of the Association. One hundred and sixty-six thousand pamphlets
have been published, and demands for further supplies are received
from every quarter. The Association is now passing several of them
through a second and third edition.
The conventions in several of the Southern States will soon be
elected. The North is preparing to soothe and conciliate the South
by disclaimers and overtures. The success of this policy would be
disastrous to the cause of Southern Union and Independence, and it
is necessary to resist and defeat it. The Association is preparing
pamphlets with this special object. Funds are necessary to enable
it to act promptly. "The 1860 Association" is laboring for the
South, and asks your aid.
I am, very respectfully your obedient servant,
ROBERT N. GOURDIN,
Chairman of the Executive Committee.
The half-public endeavors of "The 1860 Association" to create public
sentiment were vigorously seconded by the efforts of high official
personages to set on foot concerted official action in aid of
disunion. In this also, with becoming expressions of modesty, South
Carolina took the initiative. On the 5th of October, Governor Gist
wrote the following confidential letter, which he dispatched by a
secret agent to his colleagues, the several Governors of the Cotton
States, whom the bearer, General S.R. Gist, visited in turn during
that month of October.
The responses to this inquiry given by the Executives of the other
Cotton States were not all that so ardent a disunionist could have
wished, but were yet sufficient to prompt him to a further advance.
[Sidenote] MS. Confederate Archives, U.S. War Department.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
UNIONVILLE, S.C., Oct. 5, 1860.
His EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR MOORE.
DEAR SIR: The great probability, nay almost certainty, of Abraham
Lincoln's election to the Presidency renders it important that
there should be a full and free interchange of opinion between the
Executives of the Southern, and more especially the Cotton,
States, and while I unreservedly give you my views and the
probable action of my State, I shall be much pleased to hear from
you; that there may be concert of action, which is so essential to
success. Although I will consider your communication confidential,
and wish you so to consider mine so far as publishing in the
newspapers is concerned, yet the information, of course, will be
of no service to me unless I can submit it to reliable and leading
men in consultation for the safety of our State and the South; and
will only use it in this way. It is the desire of South Carolina
that some other State should take the lead, or at least move
simultaneously with her. She will unquestionably call a convention
as soon as it is ascertained that a majority of the electors will
support Lincoln. If a single State secedes, she will follow her.
If no other State takes the lead, South Carolina will secede (in
my opinion) alone, if she has any assurance that she will be soon
followed by another or other States; otherwise it is doubtful. If
you decide to call a convention upon the election of a majority of
electors favorable to Lincoln, I desire to know the day you
propose for the meeting, that we may call our convention to meet
the same day, if possible. If your State will propose any other
remedy, please inform me what it will probably be, and any other
information you will be pleased to give me.
With great respect and consideration,
I am yours, etc.,
Wm. H. Gist.
Governor Thos. O. Moore.
[Sidenote] MS. Confederate Archives.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
RALEIGH, N.C., Oct. 18, 1860.
DEAR SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
favor of the 5th, which reached me on the 12th inst.
In compliance with your request, I will give as accurately as it
is in my power to do the views and feelings of the people of North
Carolina upon the important subject of your communication.
Political differences and party strife have run so high in this
State for some years past, and particularly during the past nine
months, that anything like unanimity upon any question of a public
nature could scarcely be expected; and such is the case with the
one under consideration. Our people are very far from being agreed
as to what action the State should take in the event of Lincoln's
election to the Presidency. Some favor submission, some resistance,
and others still would await the course of events that might
follow. Many argue that he would be powerless for evil with a
minority party in the Senate, and perhaps in the House of
Representatives also; while others say, and doubtless with entire
sincerity, that the placing of the power of the Federal Government
in his hands would prove a fatal blow to the institution of negro
slavery in this country.
None of our public speakers, I believe, have taken the ground
before the people that the election of Lincoln would, of itself,
be a cause of secession. Many have said it would not, while others
have spoken equivocally.
Upon the whole I am decidedly of opinion that a majority of our
people would not consider the occurrence of the event referred to
as sufficient ground for dissolving the union of the States. For
which reason I do not suppose that our Legislature, which will
meet on the 19th prox., will take any steps in that direction--such,
for instance, as the calling of a convention.
Thus, sir, I have given you what I conceive to be the sentiment of
our people upon the subject of your letter, and I give it as an
existing fact, without comment as to whether the majority be in
error or not.
My own opinions, as an individual, are of little moment. It will be
sufficient to say, that as a States-Rights man, believing in the
sovereignty and reserved powers of the States, I will conform my
actions to the action of North Carolina, whatever that may be. To
this general observation I will make but a single qualification--it
is this: I could not in any event assent to, or give my aid to, a
political enforcement of the monstrous doctrine of coercion. I do
not for a moment think that North Carolina would become a party
to the enforcement of this doctrine, and will not therefore do
her the injustice of placing her in that position, even though
hypothetically.
With much respect, I have the honor to be,
Your ob't. serv't,
JOHN W. ELLIS.
His Excellency William H. Gist,
Governor of South Carolina
[Sidenote] MS. Confederate Archives.
ALEXANDRIA, LA., 26th October, 1860.
His EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR GIST.
DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 5th inst. was received a few days ago
at this place. I regret my inability to consult with as many of
our leading citizens as I wished, but I will not delay in replying
any longer. You will (of course) consider my letter as private,
except for use in consultation with friends.
I shall not call a convention in this State if Lincoln is elected,
because I have no power or authority to do so. I infer from your
letter that an authority has been vested in you by your
Legislature to call a convention in a specified contingency. Our
Legislature has taken no action of that or any similar kind. That
body will meet in regular annual session about the middle of
January; but it is not improbable that I may consider it necessary
to convene it at an earlier day, if the complexion of the
electoral colleges shall indicate the election of Lincoln.
Even if that deplorable event shall be the result of the coming
election, I shall not advise the secession of my State, and I will
add that I do not think the people of Louisiana will ultimately
decide in favor of that course. I shall recommend that Louisiana
meet her sister slaveholding States in council to consult as to
the proper course to be pursued, and to endeavor to effect a
complete harmony of action. I fear that this harmony of action, so
desirable in so grave an emergency, cannot be effected. Some of
the Cotton States will pursue a more radical policy than will be
palatable to the border States, but this only increases the
necessity of convening the consultative body of which I have
spoken. I believe in the right of secession for just cause, of
which the sovereignty must itself be the judge. If therefore the
general Government shall attempt to coerce a State, and forcibly
attempt the exercise of this right, I should certainly sustain the
State in such a contest.
There has never been any indication made by Louisiana, or by any
public body within her limits, of her probable course in the event
of an election of a Black Republican President, and she is totally
unprepared for any warlike measures. Her arsenals are empty. While
some of her sister States have been preparing for an emergency,
which I fear is now imminent, she has been negligent in this
important matter.
If coming events should render necessary the convocation of the
Southern Convention, I shall endeavor to compose the
representation of Louisiana of her ablest and most prudent men, if
the power shall be vested in me to appoint them. However, I
presume the Legislature will adopt some other course in the
appointments. The recommendations of such a body assembled in such
a crisis must necessarily carry great weight, and if subsequently
ratified and adopted by each State by proper authority, will
present the South in united and harmonious action.
I have the honor to be your Excellency's ob't serv't
THOS. O. MOORE.
[Sidenote] MS. Ibid.
MACON, Oct. 26, 1860.
His EXCELLENCY Gov. GIST.
DEAR SIR: Your letter of Oct. 5 was handed me by General Gist.
Having but few moments to reply, I write this more to acknowledge
its receipt than to reply to its contents. Our friends in this
State are willing to do anything they may have the power to do to
prevent the State from passing under the Black Republican yoke.
Our people know this, and seem to approve such sentiments, yet I
do not believe Mississippi can move alone.
I will call our Legislature in extra session as soon as it is
known that the Black Republicans have carried the election. I
expect Mississippi will ask a council of the Southern States, and
if that council advise secession, Mississippi will go with them.
If any State moves, I think Mississippi will go with her. I will
write at length from Jackson.
Yours respectfully,
JOHN J. PETTUS.
[Sidenote] MS. Confederate Archives.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MILLEDGEVILLE, GA., Oct. 31, 1860.
His EXCELLENCY W.H. GIST.
DEAR SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
favor by the hand of General Grist, with whom I have had a free
interchange of opinions. In the event of the election of
Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency I have no doubt that Georgia will
determine her action by a convention of the people, which will
probably be held before the 4th day of March next. Her
Legislature, which convenes here next Wednesday, will have to
determine on the time when the convention shall be held. My
opinion is that the people of Georgia will, in case of the
election of Lincoln, decide to meet all the Southern States in
convention and take common action for the protection of the rights
of all. Events not yet foreseen may change their course and might
lead to action on the part of Georgia without waiting for all the
Southern States, if it should be found necessary to her safety. I
have handed General Gist a copy of my message on our Federal
relations, which will be sent to our Legislature on the first day
of the session. I send only the forms from the press as it is just
being put in type. I may make some immaterial alterations before
it is completed. If your State remains in the Union, I should be
pleased that she would adopt such retaliatory measures as I
recommend in the message, or others which you may determine to be
more appropriate. I think Georgia will pass retaliatory laws
similar to those I recommend, should Lincoln be defeated. Should
the question be submitted to the people of Georgia, whether they
would go out of the Union on Lincoln's election without regard to
the action of other States, my opinion is they would determine to
wait for an overt act. The action of other States may greatly
influence the action of the people of this State. This letter is
not intended for publication in the newspapers, and has been very
hastily prepared.
I have the honor to be your Excellency's
Ob't serv't,
JOSEPH E. BROWN.
[Sidenote] MS. Confederate Archives.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
MONTGOMERY, ALA., October 25, 1860.
His EXCELLENCY W.H. GIST.
DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 5th inst. was handed me a few days
since by General Gist. I fully concur with you in the opinion that
Lincoln will be elected President, and that a full and free
interchange of opinion between the Executives of the Southern
States, and especially of the Cotton States, should be had as to
what ought to be done and what will be done by them to protect the
interest and honor of the slave-holding States in the event he
should be elected.
My opinion is, that the election of Lincoln alone is not
sufficient cause for a dissolution of the Union; but that fact,
when taken in connection with the avowed objects and intentions of
the party whose candidate he is, and the overt acts already
committed by that party in nullifying the fugitive-slave law, and
the enactment of personal liberty bills in many of the
non-slave-holding States, with other acts of like kind, is
sufficient cause for dissolving every tie which binds the Southern
States to the Union.
It is my opinion that Alabama will not secede alone, but if two or
more States will coöperate with her, she will secede with them; or
if South Carolina or any other Southern State should go out alone
and the Federal Government should attempt to use force against
her, Alabama will immediately rally to her rescue.
The opinions above expressed are predicated upon observation and
consultation with a number of our most distinguished statesmen.
The opinion thus expressed is not intended as a positive
assurance, but is my best impression as to what will be the course
of Alabama. Should Lincoln be elected, I shall certainly call a
convention under the provisions of the resolutions of the last
General Assembly of the State. The convention cannot be convened
earlier than the first Monday in February next, and I have fixed
upon that day (in my own mind). The vote of the electors will be
cast for President on the 5th day of December, after which it will
require a few days to ascertain the result. Thirty days' notice
will have to be given after the day upon which, the delegates to
the convention will be elected, and the convention is required to
convene in two weeks after the election. This is not a matter of
discretion with me, but is fixed by law. I regret that earlier
action cannot be had, as it may be a matter of much importance
that all the States that may determine to withdraw from the Union
should act before the expiration of Mr. Buchanan's term of service.
The facts and opinions herein communicated you are at liberty to
make known to those with whom you may choose to confer, but they
are not to be published in the newspapers.
I have had a full and free conversation with General Gist, the
substance of which is contained in this letter. He will, however,
give it to you more in detail. It is my opinion that all the
States that may determine to take action upon the election of
Lincoln should call a convention as soon as practicable after the
result is known.
With great respect, your ob't serv't,
B. MOORE.
[Sidenote] MS. Confederate Archives.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Nov. 9, 1860.
His EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR GIST.
DEAR SIR: Your communication of the 5th ultimo reached me per last
mail under cover from General States Rights Gist, with an
explanatory note from that gentleman in relation to the
subject-matters thereof.
The mode employed by your Excellency to collect authoritatively
the views of several of the Executives of the Southern States as
to their plan of action in the event of the election of Lincoln,
commends itself warmly to my judgment. Concert of action can alone
be arrived at by a full and free interchange of opinion between
the Executives of the Cotton States, by whom it is confidently
expected that the ball will be put in motion.
We are in the midst of grave events, and I have industriously
sought to learn the public mind in this State in the event of the
election of Lincoln, and am proud to say Florida is ready to wheel
into line with the gallant Palmetto State, or any other Cotton
State or States, in any course which she or they may in their
judgment think proper to adopt, looking to the vindication and
maintenance of the rights, interest, honor, and safety of the
South. Florida may be unwilling to subject herself to the charge
of temerity or immodesty by leading off, but will most assuredly
cooperate with or follow the lead of any single Cotton State which
may secede. Whatever doubts I may have entertained upon this
subject have been entirely dissipated by the recent elections in
this State.
Florida will most unquestionably call a convention as soon as it
is ascertained that a majority of the electors favor the election
of Lincoln, to meet most likely upon a day to be suggested by some
other State.
I leave to-day for the capital, and will write you soon after my
arrival, but would be pleased in the mean time to hear from you at
your earliest convenience.
If there is sufficient manliness at the South to strike for our
rights, honor, and safety, in God's name let it be done before the
inauguration of Lincoln.
With high regard, I am yours, etc.,
M.S. PERRY
Direct to Tallahassee.
P.S. I have written General Gist at Union C.H.
Two agencies have thus far been described as engaged in the work of
fomenting the rebellion: the first, secret societies of individuals,
like "The 1860 Association," designed to excite the masses and create
public sentiment; the second, a secret league of Southern governors
and other State functionaries, whose mission it became to employ the
governmental machinery of States in furtherance of the plot. These,
though formidable and dangerous, would probably have failed, either
singly or combined, had they not been assisted by a third of still
greater efficacy and certainty. This was nothing less than a conspiracy
in the very bosom of the National Administration at Washington,
embracing many United States Senators, Representatives in Congress,
three members of the President's Cabinet, and numerous subordinate
officials in the several Executive departments. The special work
which this powerful central cabal undertook by common consent, and
successfully accomplished, was to divert Federal arms and forts to the
use of the rebellion, and to protect and shield the revolt from any
adverse influence, or preventive or destructive action of the general
Government.
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[1] As an evidence of the disunion combination which lay like smoldering
embers under the surface of Southern politics, it is instructive to read
an extract from a hitherto unpublished letter from Governor Henry A.
Wise, of Virginia, to a gentleman in Philadelphia, for a copy of which
we are indebted to General Duncan S. Walker. The other letter of
Wise--previously quoted--shows us his part and interest in the proposed
conspiracy against Frémont; but the erratic Governor had, after the
lapse of nearly two years, become an anti-Lecompton-Douglasite, and was
ready to give confidential warning of designs with which he was only
too familiar. As this was written nearly three weeks before Yancey's
"Scarlet Letter," its concurrent testimony is of special significance
as proof of the chronic conspiracy:
"RICHMOND, VA., "May 28, 1858.
"To WM. SERGEANT, ESQ.:
"... The truth is that there is in the South an organized,
active, and dangerous faction, embracing most of the Federal
politicians, who are bent upon bringing about causes of a
dissolution of the Union. They desire a united South, "but not a
united country. Their hope of embodying a sectional antagonism is
to secure a sectional defeat. At heart, they do not wish the
Democracy to be any longer national, united, or successful. In
the name of Democracy they propose to make a nomination for 1860,
at Charleston; but an ultra nomination of an extremist on the
slavery issue alone, to unite the South on that one idea, and on
that to have it defeated by a line of sectionalism which will
inevitably draw swords between fanatics on one side and
fire-eaters on the other. Bear it in mind, then, that they desire
to control a nomination for no other purpose than to have it
defeated by a line of sections. They desire defeat, for no other
end than to make a pretext for the clamor of dissolution....
"Yours truly,
"HENRY A. WISE." MS.
[2] "I am a secessionist and not a revolutionist, and would not
'precipitate,' but carefully prepare to meet an inevitable dissolution."
--Yancey to Pryor, "Richmond South," copied in "National Intelligencer,"
September 4, 1858.