Slave-Trade under the French Flag—Vessels Employed—How Fitted
and Provisioned—Price Paid for Slaves by the French—Ceremony
of Engaging the “Labourers”—How Treated at Réunion—Dhows
Employed, and Horrors of the Traffic—Statement of the Captain
of a French Trading Vessel—Statement of the Supercargo of an
American Trading Vessel—Revolt of Slaves on Board of a French
Brig, and Massacre of the Crew—How the Slaves are obtained in
the Interior of Africa—The Natives Rise _en masse_—Feelings of
the Natives towards British Consul and Family—The “Zambesi”
assisting the “Minnetonka” to obtain Slaves.
Soon after my arrival at Mozambique, I determined to make myself
thoroughly master of the details of the slave-trade carried on from
this Portuguese province, by vessels under the French flag, to the
French colony of Réunion or Bourbon. The following is the result of my
inquiries on the subject. I will first state how the traffic is carried
on, and in what manner the slaves are treated at Réunion; and then enter
fully into the particulars of obtaining the slaves in the interior of
Africa for the supply of this traffic; showing to what serious results
these operations in the interior led under my own observation at
Mozambique.
The vessels employed in the FRENCH SLAVE TRADE, from the east coast
of Africa to the island of Réunion, are vessels sailing under the
French flag, from 200 to 1000 tons burthen; one screw steamer, the
“Mascareinnes,” has also been employed.
These vessels all start from the island of Réunion, and to legalize this
traffic in slaves a French agent of the Governor of Bourbon is placed
on board each vessel. These agents, at first, were French military
officers, but the commandant of the troops at that island found that
this traffic was so demoralizing to the officers, that he could not of
late be prevailed upon to allow his subordinates to be employed in the
capacity of slave-dealers, and for these officers, clerks in the French
commodore’s office at Réunion were substituted.
These slave-dealers employed as agents of the Governor of Réunion, to
give to them some appearance of respectability, are designated FRENCH
DELEGATES; and the slave-trade, which they are employed in is styled THE
FRENCH FREE LABOUR EMIGRATION TRADE.
Each vessel employed in this trade is allowed to carry one negro per ton
burthen; but, in the case of some ships that can carry more than their
registered tonnage, an increase is allowed, being as high sometimes as 30
per cent.
Most of the large vessels are fitted with an apparatus for distilling
water.
Before leaving Réunion, the ships are visited by the authorities
appointed for that purpose; and the DELEGATE embarks to witness the
legality and voluntary nature of the agreement made with the negroes.
The rations allowed to the negroes are ample; they consist of rice and
salt fish, and a liberal allowance of water.
IBO, a Portuguese possession, the principal of the Querimba Islands, off
Cape Delgado, is the general rendezvous for those vessels which proceed
direct to the east coast of Africa.
The price paid for the negroes is from 30 to 40 dollars per head, from 12
to 18 dollars of the purchase-money, in each case, being divided between
the Governor-general of the province of Mozambique, the Procureur du Roi,
the Juge de Droit, and the Governors of Ibo, Killimane, or any other
Portuguese possession where the embarkation takes place.
The slaves, for the supply of this traffic, are kept generally at a
distance of two or three days’ journey from the coast, on account of
the scarcity of food; and also that the barracoons, in which they are
imprisoned until required for exportation, may not be seen by the British
ships of war employed on the coast for the suppression of the slave-trade.
These slaves are brought from the INTERIOR, and are sometimes two, three,
and even four months on their journey to the barracoons.
There can be no doubt that they are obtained by violence.
On reaching the deck of the French ship, the ceremony of engaging the
slaves as Free Labourers is gone through by an Arab interpreter, who asks
them, in the presence of the DELEGATE, whether they voluntarily engage
to serve for five years at Réunion. The interpreter assures the DELEGATE
that the slave is willing to become a Free Labourer at Réunion, in every
instance. The DELEGATE cannot speak the native language, and does not
know what question the slave is asked, nor the nature of his reply, but
being assured by the Arab that the slave is willing to go to Réunion,
the FRENCH DELEGATE is satisfied, and if asked if the slaves are willing
to leave Africa, he declares, on _his honour_, that “he does not know
anything to the contrary.” This is a true and simple statement of the
manner in which the slave is engaged.
Once on board the French Free Labour Emigration ships, the slaves are
generally treated with humanity, and are well fed; it being, of course,
the interest of the captains of the vessels engaged in this traffic to
land their cargoes in good condition.
Occasionally, from mismanagement, neglect, or inhumanity, the slaves
become irritated and rebel; and if they have the good fortune to overcome
their oppressors, the wrongs which they have suffered are avenged by a
general massacre of the Europeans on board.
Upon the arrival of the vessels at Réunion, the SLAVES, now called FREE
LABOURERS, are immediately vaccinated, and the sick placed in hospital,
at the expense of the captain or importer. Those who are in good health,
after passing fourteen days’ quarantine, in buildings devoted to that
purpose, are hired to different sugar planters for a term of five years.
These planters pay to the importer the expense of importing the FREE
LABOURER, or, in other words, the market value of the SLAVE.
The negroes have no choice of masters. They receive as wages from six
to eight shillings per month, and their food, which consists of rice,
salt fish, and salt; in addition to which the employer has to find them
clothes, and medical attendance when sick.
In each district there is an officer styled PROTECTOR OF IMMIGRANTS,
whose business it is to see that these men are not ill-used, and that
they receive in _cash_, at the end of every month, the wages that may be
due to them.
On no pretence is the employer allowed to strike his African Free
Labourer; if the man behaves ill, he will be punished by the proper
authorities.
Each immigrant is provided with a book, in which his name is inscribed,
together with that of his employer, and the rate of wages which the free
labourer is to receive.
At the end of each month, the planter must appear with his labourer
before the Protector of Immigrants, in whose presence the wages are paid,
and the signature of the Protector of Immigrants in the immigrant’s book
is a receipt for the free labourer’s wages.
Should the master neglect this, and pay the labourer at his own house, or
out of the presence of the Protector of Immigrants, the transaction is
illegal, and he can be compelled to pay the wages a second time. I have
heard of a case in point, where a free labourer had been receiving his
wages for more than two years, without being paid in the presence of the
Protector of Immigrants. He was induced to demand the wages to be paid
over again for that period, and, I am told, the law was enforced.
At the end of five years the negro must be returned to his own country,
at the expense of the original importer; but this very rarely happens,
excepting in the case of the Malagasy, who are obtained in St. Augustine
Bay, at the south-west end of Madagascar. Those who elect to remain
in Réunion generally take service by the month, and obtain wages from
fourteen to sixteen shillings per month and their food. Mechanics, such
as carpenters, masons, and blacksmiths, receive higher wages.
Some of the French vessels engaged in this traffic proceed to Nossi-bé,
the French settlement off the north-west end of Madagascar, and put
themselves in communication with the Arab merchants or Antealoats, in
Majunga Bay. An Arab belonging to Zanzibar, named Kallifan, is generally
employed.
The vessel remains anchored at Nossi-bé whilst the Arabs send their
dhows to the coast of Africa to obtain the slaves who are landed on a
given point on the coast of Madagascar.
These dhows are from twenty to fifty tons burthen, generally without
decks, and as the Arabs know well that they are liable to be seized,
even when empty, by the British ships of war engaged in the suppression
of the slave-trade, if they have mats, provisions, or any extra cooking
apparatus on board, they take nothing more than what is absolutely
necessary for their own crews. No provision is made for the comfort of
the expected living cargo.
The slaves forming the cargoes of these dhows are obtained by purchase
or by theft—to the Arab it is a matter of indifference how he obtains
them—by purchase, by fraud, or by force. When the cargo is complete, the
slaves are tied hand and foot, and then placed on board the dhow.
During the voyage to the rendezvous they receive just sufficient
_uncooked_ rice or beans, with a little water, to keep them alive, and
are left, day and night, without any covering whatever, bound hand
and foot, not being even released to attend to the calls of nature.
The interior of the dhow therefore becomes a putrid mass of living
corruption; numbers of the slaves dying from fever, dysentery, and
small-pox, engendered by the pestilential atmosphere within the hold of
the slave dhow.
Their destination is generally some port not likely to be visited by Her
Majesty’s cruisers; and, arrived there, the only improvement in their
condition is a full allowance of water. Should it happen that by stress
of weather, or any other cause, the French ship that is to take them is
retarded in her arrival, their sufferings are much increased; and when
these poor creatures do at last get on board the French ship, the sudden
change to an ample diet produces sickness, and sometimes death.
The captain of a French trading vessel stated that, on one occasion
when he landed at Europa Island, at the southern end of the Mozambique
Channel, to obtain some turtle, he found upwards of a hundred negroes
lying on the beach, without any protection against the sun, wind, or
rain; they were guarded by some armed Arabs, and were waiting the
arrival of a vessel to take them to Réunion. Their provisions were nearly
exhausted; and if by any accident the vessel whose cargo they were
intended to form should be retarded in her arrival at Europa Island, it
is easy to conceive what their fate would be.
As the Arab dhows employed on this service are, for the most part, old
and unseaworthy, and they often lose their way, there can be no doubt
that numbers of negroes on board die from starvation.
The supercargo of an American vessel which I visited in Mozambique
harbour, in the month of February, 1858, told me that on his leaving
Nossi-bé, a week previous to my seeing him, there were four French
vessels waiting there for cargoes of free labourers; and that, during
his stay at that port, news arrived that the price of free labourers had
fallen to one hundred dollars at Réunion, where it had been gradually
decreasing since the month of September, 1857, in consequence of the
market becoming overstocked. He said that there was no difference
between free labourers and slaves, as carried on at Nossi-bé; for that
on board of free labour ships the slaves had all heavy logs of hard wood
securing both ancles; and that, if they wanted to move from one place to
another, they had to carry the log to enable them to do so.
He stated his opinion that, if Great Britain permitted France to carry
on the SLAVE-TRADE under the denomination of FREE LABOUR, vessels would
soon be found in the Mozambique Channel from the Southern States of
America, under the American flag, and with an American Delegate on board,
authorized to purchase slaves, and call them American Free Labourers.
He had heard that the slaves on board two of the so-called French Free
Labour ships had risen and destroyed all the French on board.
I subsequently learned that the circumstances attending the destruction
of the French on board one of these vessels were truly revolting. It
appears that the vessel, a small French brig, was at anchor in one of
the harbours at the north-west end of Madagascar; she had completed her
cargo, and was on the eve of departure. The captain had gone on shore
to settle matters with the Arab procurer, and the mate and crew were
preparing for weighing the anchor. In an instant, without any warning,
a cry was heard among the oppressed. The slaves had risen, and a fierce
struggle took place between the oppressor and the oppressed, in which
the latter were victorious. With the exception of one man, who saved
himself by jumping overboard, the French were cruelly murdered, the
slaves wreaking their vengeance even on the inanimate forms of the dead,
which they subjected to the most revolting indignities long after life
was extinct. The captain’s son, a mere youth, the slaves put to the most
excruciating torments, under which he perished.
They cut the head off the dead body, and placed it on the figure-head of
the vessel. They gutted the vessel, set her on fire, and then escaped to
the shore. With these facts before us, with which the French government
are well acquainted, I ask whether the slaves obtained for the French
Free Labour, from the north-west end of Madagascar, are free agents?
It will now be my duty to state how the SLAVES are obtained in
Mozambique, for the supply of the FRENCH SLAVE-TRADE TO RÉUNION.
When this description of traffic in human beings was renewed at
Mozambique, under the new denomination of French Free Labour Emigration,
there was a surplus of slaves in all the Portuguese settlements on the
east coast of Africa; and the Governor-general of Mozambique, and his
subordinates, found no difficulty in supplying the demand for the first
twelve months, that is to say, from 1854 to 1855; for the Portuguese
residents were only too glad to sell to the Portuguese officials those
slaves whom the orders of the government of Portugal had prevented being
supplied to the regular slave ships from Cuba, and the southern ports of
the United States; and the effect of this trade was to rid Mozambique of
a great portion of its slave population, with which it was overburdened.
After the first twelve months of the traffic, slaves became scarce, the
price rose, the demand still increased, but the French slave-dealers were
unwilling to give the prices now demanded by the residents in Mozambique.
To supply the demand, keep prices low, and secure the enormous profits
which the Governor-general of Mozambique, and his partners in this
nefarious traffic, were enjoying, it became necessary to send into the
interior for slaves. At first, it was found that the chiefs in the
interior refused to comply with the demands of the Moors or Arabs, who
went there for the purchase of slaves, alleging as a reason that it was
contrary to the wishes of the Portuguese government that there should be
any more traffic in slaves; and the Moors, on their return to Mozambique,
declared to the Governor-general that they could not, in consequence,
supply the demand.
To prove to the chiefs in the interior that the Moors went with the
consent of the Portuguese authorities in search of slaves for the
French Free Labour Emigration, some of the Portuguese soldiers, who had
been living with the women of the country, and had acquired the Makua
language, were despatched with the Moors into the interior, and the
uniforms of the soldiers of the King of Portugal were found a sufficient
guarantee to the chiefs in the interior that the slave-trade was
authorized by the Portuguese government, and immediately they set to work
to supply the traffic in earnest; by these means the prices of slaves
were kept low at Mozambique, the Portuguese officials made enormous
gains, and the French Free Labour Emigration flourished. Meanwhile,
all the horrors which had accompanied the slave-trade in the interior
of Africa in former times were revived. Parents sold their children,
and every available slave was disposed of to supply the demand; but,
this increasing, recourse was had to arms, for the purpose of capturing
individual prisoners. Numbers perished in the deadliest warfare. This
state of things was brought about by the Moors and the Portuguese
soldiers, who had accompanied them to procure the slaves. I have, myself,
conversed with some of the actors in these scenes, and the facts which I
have stated cannot be denied.
At last a reaction took place; the natives found that they were
destroying each other to obtain a few prisoners for the supply of the
slave-trade which the Portuguese were carrying on; and, for a time, they
ceased from warfare, and again there was a scarcity in the slave market
at Mozambique.
During the two years which had elapsed since the commencement of this
traffic, attention had been drawn to the facility with which slaves
were obtained on the east coast of Africa, and the slave-dealers at
Cuba turned their attention to Mozambique. We shall presently see them
competing with the French in their slavery operations on the east coast
of Africa.
The new demand on the slave market in Mozambique, caused by the arrival
of Spanish and American slavers, induced the Governor-general of
Mozambique to again despatch the soldiers of his king to the interior,
in order to assist the Moors in their operations. At first they were
again successful; but, at last, the Negroes, exasperated by the bloodshed
which had again commenced among them, and attributing it to its correct
cause, viz., the presence of the Portuguese soldiers among them, rose and
destroyed some of them, and the survivors escaped only with their lives,
to bring to the city of Mozambique the intelligence that all the natives
had risen with the intention of driving the Portuguese into the sea.
This was found no idle threat, for the detachment of soldiers stationed
at the Palace of Messuril, on the mainland of Cabaceira, situated at
about five miles distance from my house, was attacked about a month
after my arrival at Mozambique. All the troops, with the exception of a
sergeant and eight invalids, were removed from the city of Mozambique
(which, being on an island, was considered secure), and encamped round
the village of Messuril. For three weeks the Portuguese troops were in
hourly expectation of an attack, and it was only in consequence of the
great influence which one Portuguese had over the natives that they
were prevented from annihilating the Portuguese troops. It appears that
this officer, who had resided at Mozambique for more than fifty years,
had quarrelled with the Governor-general of Mozambique, in consequence
of being deprived of what he considered his just share of the head
money obtained by the Portuguese officials from the French Free Labour
Emigration. And when matters at Messuril had arrived at a crisis, he was
induced by the inhabitants of the city to arrange his differences with
the Governor-general, and save the Portuguese dominion in this part of
the world. He did so, went among the natives, and, in three days’ time,
by bribes and creating mutual jealousies among the native chiefs, he
induced them to abandon their intentions, but with the stipulation that
no more attempts would be made to obtain slaves from their country.
During the time this was going on at Messuril, to show the feelings of
the natives towards myself, I ought to state that my wife, accompanied by
her maid, drove through numbers of these natives unmolested. They knew
well who the British Consul was, and the purpose for which I was sent to
Mozambique; and they hailed my presence among them on all occasions with
the liveliest satisfaction, frequently presenting my wife with flowers
and fruit.
On the day of the threatened attack, previous to the intervention of
the old Brigadier, numbers of slaves came into the compound of my
house, bringing their native beds and cooking utensils, and pointing to
the British consular flag flying over my house, assured me that they
would be safe with me, if I would only allow them to remain; for the
natives had determined only to spare my house and those within it. A
sickly Portuguese soldier, who was lent to me as an interpreter, stated
that even he would be safe with me. While this was going on, I sent a
messenger to my neighbour, the Brigadier Soares, who was looked upon as
the Metternich of Mozambique, and he sent me back word to say that he was
ready to receive the natives, for he had 200 armed negroes in the gateway
of his house, and at the same time stated that I had nothing to fear, for
the natives knew very well who I was.
Similarly, Salt, who visited Mozambique in 1809, tells us that—
“The Makuas are a strong, athletic race of people, very formidable, and
constantly in the habit of making incursions into the small tract of
territory which the Portuguese possess on the coast. Their enmity is
inveterate, and is confessed to have arisen from the shameful practices
of the traders, who have gone among them to purchase slaves. They fight
chiefly with spears, darts, and poisoned arrows; but they also possess
no inconsiderable number of muskets, which they procure in the northern
districts from the Arabs, and very frequently, as the governor assured
me, from the Portuguese dealers themselves, who, in the eager pursuit of
wealth, are thus content to barter their own security for gold, slaves,
and ivory, which they get in return.
“These obnoxious neighbours have latterly been quiet, but in their
last incursion they advanced with such a force into the peninsula of
Cabaceira, as actually to oblige the Portuguese to quit the field. In
their progress they destroyed the plantations, burnt the slave-huts,
and killed or carried off every person who fell into their hands. They
penetrated even into the fort of Messuril, and threw down the image
of St. John, which was in the chapel, plundering the one adjoining
the Government House, and converted the priest’s dress, in which he
celebrates mass, into a habit of ceremony for their chief. This occurred
about three years ago, and most clearly evinces the very weak and
precarious state of the settlement.”—(_A Voyage to Abyssinia, &c., by
Henry Salt, F.R.S., London, 1814, p. 38._)
Salt also quotes Purchas, who mentions a similar incursion of the Makuas,
in 1585, for which see Purchas, vol. ii., p. 1553.
On my arrival at Mozambique, I had carefully searched the official
bulletin to see if the order of the Portuguese government, and the
Portarias of the King of Portugal, dated 27th February, 1855, and 30th
July, 1856, forbidding any participation in the French Free Labour
traffic, had been published for the information of all parties. Finding
it had not been published, and that consequently any one engaged in
supplying slaves for that traffic might state in his justification
that the traffic was established in Mozambique under the authority
of the Governor-general of Mozambique, and consequently sanctioned
by the Portuguese government, I considered it only proper to ask the
Governor-general whether he had received the Portarias referred to.
He said he had not, and expressed his astonishment that they had not
been furnished to him. I immediately offered to furnish him with a
copy of these Portarias, under my hand and seal, when he applied to
the secretary of the government for information on the subject, and he
was reminded by that functionary that he had received them some time
previously. I urged upon him the necessity of giving them publicity; he
acknowledged the good it might do, and stated that he would have them
published immediately. A reference to the official bulletin will show
that they were not published until after the arrival of his successor.
I soon discovered that the French Free Labour Emigration, and the Spanish
and American Slave-Trade, were carried on by the Governor-general, and
nearly all the officials in the Portuguese settlements on the east coast
of Africa, and that the residents at those places (with the exception of
the most influential, who could assist the traffic) were not allowed to
interfere in it; and, if found doing so, were punished. We now come to
proofs of my statements.
I have already, in the course of this personal narrative, referred to the
“Minnetonka” barque, under American colours, as having called off the
Port of Natal, in the month of June, 1857, and of the exertions made
by H.M.S. “Hermes,” which conveyed myself and family to Mozambique, to
capture that vessel.
In the month of March, 1857, the British barque “Ocean Queen” ran
on shore, and became a total wreck on the Bazarutto Islands, in the
Mozambique Channel. Some portion of the crew reached the small Portuguese
village on one of those islands, and for five months were hospitably
entertained by the Governor of the island, who, on being informed by
the shipwrecked sailors that they had nothing with which to reward him,
nobly replied, “God will reward me.” This conduct of the Governor of
the Bazarutto Islands having come to my knowledge, and not having been
called upon to re-imburse him for the support of five of my countrymen
for the period of five months, it became my pleasing duty to bring this
generous conduct under the notice of the British government, and to urge
upon it the propriety of making some suitable acknowledgment; and I have
much pleasure in stating that my application in favour of the Portuguese
Governor has been generously responded to by Her Majesty’s government.
The Portuguese schooner-of-war, “Zambesi,” arrived at the Bazarutto
Islands early in June; and the shipwrecked party of mariners belonging
to the late barque “Ocean Queen,” so long and hospitably entertained by
the Portuguese Governor, were ordered a passage on board the schooner,
for the purpose of being conveyed to Mozambique, and placed under the
protection of Her Majesty’s Consul there. The “Zambesi” had on board,
as a passenger, Major Olliveira, who was sent to supersede the then
Governor of Inhambane, a naval officer, the Capitain de Corvette Leotti,
in consequence of the latter refusing to give to the Governor-general
of Mozambique the six dollars per head which he claimed as his share of
head-money for every slave leaving Inhambane, either on board of a FRENCH
FREE LABOUR EMIGRATION SHIP, or any other SLAVER.
The “Zambesi” proceeded to Inhambane, Major Olliveira relieved Capitain
de Corvette Leotti, and, in about three weeks’ time, the “Zambesi”
prepared to return to the Bazarutto Islands and Mozambique.
The evening before she crossed the bar of the Inhambane river, a barque
was observed to stand in from sea, and anchor off Barrow Hill; this was
the American barque “Minnetonka,” under American colours, commanded by
Captain Ward, and belonging to the Brothers Cabargas at the Havannah;
the same vessel which called off Port Natal on the 22nd of June, just a
week previous, to inquire if she could obtain a cargo of slaves at that
British colony. There she was unsuccessful, and was obliged to fly from
the dreaded British cruiser; but here, in a Portuguese colony, with a
Portuguese man-of-war alongside of her, she had nothing to fear.
On the next morning the “Zambesi” got under weigh; and, as soon as she
had crossed the bar of the river, she shaped a course for the Spanish
slaver under American colours, not to capture, but to assist her. The
American captain, knowing well the people he had to deal with, lowered a
boat, and sent his boatswain in her to communicate with the captain of
the Portuguese vessel-of-war, and ask his advice as to the best mode of
obtaining a cargo of slaves.
On board the “Zambesi” was the Capitain de Corvette Leotti, late Governor
of Inhambane, who had been superseded for defying the Governor-general
of Mozambique, and refusing to give him his share of slave head-money.
Leotti was a buccaneer in heart, although he wore the uniform of the
King of Portugal. He had lost his governorship, and now obtained an
opportunity of making a fortune. The “Minnetonka” had 70,000 dollars
on board, all of which the American captain would give in exchange for
slaves; and he would be back in a time agreed upon for the cargo. Matters
were arranged at once; the boatswain was desired to accompany to the
shore the pilot of the “Zambesi,” the King of Portugal’s pilot, it is
true, but, nevertheless, a pilot ready to assist a slaver at all times.
Leotti sent instructions to his agents on shore, and hoisted a flag, as a
signal to the American captain, that his instructions would be complied
with, and the slaves ready at the time he wished.
The “Minnetonka” stood to sea to avoid any British cruiser which might be
hovering off the coast. Fear not, “Minnetonka,” the Mozambique Channel
is clear of British cruisers, and the senior naval officer has reported
that “he has reason to believe no slaver has been fitted on the east
coast, or taken away slaves round the Cape of Good Hope for the last
three years.”[7] There is one man upon your track who judges for himself,
and does not take slave-dealers’ reports; but he has not yet entered
the Mozambique Channel; he is at Natal, and has only just heard of your
movements. You may perhaps obtain your cargo of slaves, and add to the
large list of unreported slavers which have been carrying large cargoes
from the Mozambique to Cuba and America for a quarter of a century.
The “Zambesi” stood away for the Bazarutto Islands, remained there
three days, relanded the men who had belonged to the “Ocean Queen,” and
returned to Inhambane. It would not answer that the Englishmen should
witness what was about to be enacted at Inhambane, and therefore they
were left at the Bazarutto Islands.
On the return of Leotti to Inhambane, he endeavoured to obtain
possession of the government of that place, but Major Olliveira was
too strong for him, and he did not succeed. His object in attempting
this rebellious act was to obtain the profit which he would derive from
supplying the “Minnetonka” with a cargo of slaves.
At the appointed time the “Minnetonka” called at Inhambane, but as they
had only at that time 200 slaves to supply her with, she proceeded to
the northward, and soon afterwards ran into the anchorage at Ibo. Here
she found seven of the French Free Labour Emigration vessels waiting
anxiously for their cargoes. The price of slaves at Ibo, for the supply
of the French Free Labour Emigration when the “Minnetonka” went into Ibo,
was 40 dollars per head. The Governor of Ibo supplied the captain of
the “Minnetonka” with 1200 slaves at 70 dollars per head. These slaves
had been obtained for the French Free Labour Emigration ships, but were
supplied to the “Minnetonka” because the captain of that vessel gave a
higher price than the captains of the French slavers. And from that fact
alone the destination of these 1200 souls was changed from Réunion to
Cuba—from the tri-colour of France to that of Spain.
The captains of the French slavers waited on the Governor of Ibo, and
remonstrated with him on the injustice of re-selling the slaves obtained
for them to the Spanish slaver under American colours, but obtained no
redress.
Subsequently a Spanish barque called the “Venus” arrived at Ibo, and also
a Spanish brig, both vessels requiring slaves for Cuba. The Governor of
Ibo was going to supply them; but the captains of the French slavers
waited upon the Portuguese Governor, and would not permit him to supply
those vessels. They also informed the captains of the Spanish slavers
that if they did not immediately proceed to sea they would set their
vessels on fire.
The brig went to Inhambane, and obtained the slaves which had been
collected for the “Minnetonka.” She was afterwards chased by H.M.S.
“Geyser,” which vessel lost sight of her in a heavy squall, and gave up
the chase. The brig, one hour after the chase had been given up by the
“Geyser,” lost her fore-topmast, and would of course have been an easy
and certain prize had the “Geyser” continued the chase a little longer.
The barque “Venus” ran into the anchorage at Zanzibar under Spanish
colours, and anchored between H.M.S.V. “Hermes” and a French ship-of-war
lying there. She obtained a clearance to ship a cargo of hides at Lamu,
a town belonging to the Imâm of Muskat, in 2° south latitude, and from
that place went away with a cargo of 800 slaves. The young Imâm of Muskat
sent for the Governor of Lamu to give an explanation of this affair, with
which he appeared satisfied, for he returned him to his Governorship at
Lamu in one of his ships of war.
On my calling the attention of the Governor-general of Mozambique to the
slave-trade as carried on at Ibo, he stated that he could not interfere
by superseding the Governor of Ibo, because, although subordinate to
himself, he was appointed by the King. The fact was that the Governor
of Ibo kept his accounts properly; that is to say, he gave the
Governor-general of Mozambique six dollars for every slave who left Ibo,
and therefore he would not supersede him as he had done Leotti.
On the arrival of the new Governor-general, the Governor of Ibo was
immediately superseded, on my calling attention to my dispatches
addressed to his Excellency’s predecessor relative to slaving there.
On the other hand, the Governor of Ibo sent down, in an open boat, by
a relation of the Governor-general who kept him in office, only a few
nights before the new Governor-general arrived, 12,000 dollars, as his
superior’s share of head-money. So that we may believe that there is even
honour among slave-dealers.
Some of the other officials did not treat Vasco Guedes so well. As soon
as they heard he was to be superseded, they behaved like Leotti, and
wished to treat the Judge in the same way; but he went down to Killimane
and other places along the coast, and by threatening the Governors with
the utmost rigour of the law, he obtained from them his share, viz.—three
dollars per head for every slave exported under any denomination.
The facts above stated may be easily obtained by a reference to the last
Slave-trade Papers laid before Parliament, and are confirmed by documents
in the possession of the British, Portuguese, and French governments. I
state facts, without divulging any secrets, and I defy the Portuguese to
disprove them. Inquiry will only elicit other circumstances which ought
to be made public. As it may not be convenient for the reader to refer
to the documents which have been laid before Parliament, I will here
produce the evidence of the Portuguese ship of war “Zambesi” assisting
the “Minnetonka” in obtaining slaves.
Extract from the deposition of Henry Batt, second mate of the late barque
“Ocean Queen,” wrecked on the Bazarutto Islands, on the 3rd March,
1857:—[8]
“On or about the 1st June, the Portuguese schooner of war,
‘Zambesi,’ arrived at Santa Carolina with dispatches for the
Governor of the Bazarutto Islands. She had on board, as a
passenger, Major Olliveira, the new Governor of Inhambane,
sent by the Governor-general of Mozambique to supersede the
Governor Leotti. She left Santa Carolina on the 5th June, and
in her myself, and the crew of the ‘Ocean Queen,’ were sent to
Inhambane. About the 12th June we arrived at Inhambane, and
remained there about three weeks.
“The ‘Zambesi’ returning to Bazarutto, we were ordered to go in
her.
“29th June, weighed and stood for the bar; anchored in ten
fathoms, abreast of Mafouroon Island. About ten, A.M., on the
30th of June, still at anchor; observed a clipper barque,
painted all black, standing in for Barrow Hill; she stood off
and on there till she clewed up everything and anchored off
there about three P.M. The same afternoon the pilot came on
board the ‘Zambesi;’ blowing strong from the S.W.
“Next morning weighed, and proceeded; after crossing the bar
stood to the southward, and observed a boat lowered from the
barque at anchor off Barrow Hill. This boat, with the boatswain
of the barque and four men, came alongside of the ‘Zambesi;’
after she had been alongside about five minutes, and the
boatswain of the barque had conversed during that time with
the captain of the ‘Zambesi’ and the late Governor Leotti, of
Inhambane, as a signal to the barque, a white flag was hoisted
at the fore-top-gallant mast-head, and a similar one at the
peak.
“The ‘Zambesi’ now stood for the barque, which immediately
made sail, slipped from her anchor, and stood out to sea. The
pilot, in his own boat, accompanied the boat of the barque to
Inhambane, and we in the schooner proceeded to the Bazarutto
Islands.
“During the time that the boat of the barque was alongside the
‘Zambesi,’ I had a conversation with one of the men belonging
to the boat, who spoke English. He informed me that some time
previous they anchored on the coast, further to the south,
where the mate and an armed boat’s crew went on shore to obtain
slaves; he believed that this party had been murdered by the
natives. Observing a vessel to the southward, which they
believed to be an English man-of-war, they slipped, and ran
away to the northward and eastward, towards Madagascar, from
which island they came to Inhambane. In reply to a question,
he said, with a laugh, that he had quite forgotten the name of
the barque, but that she was under American colours; the crew
were principally Spaniards; they had plenty of powder on board;
they were well armed, and could show fight; they had six guns,
and were well armed for boarders; they had irons down below for
the negroes when they got them on board, and a large stock of
provisions, and a great deal of money for purchasing slaves.
He had heard the captain of the barque say that he thought he
would be able to get the slaves at Inhambane.
“When the barque made sail, the man with whom I had been
conversing spoke to the boatswain about it, and he replied,
‘That is nothing, she will be back in a few days.’
“Eight days after this, we arrived at Santa Carolina, where
we were landed. The ‘Zambesi’ remained at Santa Carolina two
or three days, and then returned to Mozambique with the late
Governor Leotti. I wished to go to Inhambane in the ‘Zambesi,’
but I was not allowed to do so.
“In about a month’s time, the ‘Zambesi’ with Leotti on board,
returned to Santa Carolina; she remained there two days, and
then we and Leotti came up in her to Mozambique.
“(Signed) HENRY BATT,
“_Second Mate_.
“_Witness to Signature._
“(Signed) JOHN TURNER.”
On bringing these circumstances under the notice of the Governor-general
of Mozambique, he admitted the correctness of all the statements made by
me relative to the “Zambesi” communicating with the “Minnetonka,” and
stated that he had delivered both the Commander of the “Zambesi,” and the
Ex-governor Leotti to the proper tribunals. To this I replied that I was
aware that the Moor, who happened to be in command of the “Zambesi,” had
been imprisoned; but that I was also aware that the Ex-governor Leotti,
under whose orders the Moor acted, was still at large. He then stated
that he had taken his sword from Leotti, and forbade his leaving the
island of Mozambique, and that he had now released the Moor from prison,
placing both of them in the same condition.
The Moor, I learned, had been kept in command of the “Zambesi,” because
the officer who ought properly to have commanded that ship refused to do
the bidding of the Governor-general of Mozambique, in communicating with
slavers, and seizing legal traders. This fact is well known, not only
in Mozambique, but also at Lisbon; but the deserving officer who would
not prostitute himself, his uniform, and the “Zambesi” to the nefarious
practices of Vasco Guedes, will go unrewarded. It is by losing these
opportunities of promoting the deserving that the Portuguese government
have established the reputation of neglecting merit and advancing knaves.
Eight months after this action had occurred, and after numerous failures
to collect the members of the Court, Leotti and the Moor were tried by
military officers, not for communicating with the “Minnetonka” slaver in
the Portuguese schooner of war “Zambesi,” but simply for disobedience of
orders, and of course acquitted. Leotti had bribed the members of the
Court well, and himself and his companion were pronounced innocent of the
charge preferred against them.
[Illustration: MAP OF EAST AFRICA
BY LYONS Mc. LEOD F.R.G.S. &c. Late H.B.M’s Consul Mozambique 1859.
London, Published by Hurst & Blackett, Great Marlborough Street, 1860]
END OF VOL. I.
R. BORN, PRINTER, GLOUCESTER STREET, REGENT’S PARK.
FOOTNOTES
[1] The author will be happy to supply a list of articles suited for a
cargo which will find a ready market along the E. Coast of Africa.
[2] Boletim do Governo Geral de Provincio de Mocambique, December 12,
1857.
[3] 1 Kings ix., 26-28.
[4] 1 Kings x., 11, 12.
[5] Idem, x., 22.
[6] See Appendix C.
[7] See Anti-Slavery Reporter (Supplement), July 1, 1859, p. 2.
[8] _Vide_ Slave-trade Papers, laid before both Houses of Parliament,
1858-9.