CHAPTER XXXV.

1863-1871.

Indignation of the Wintering Partners -- Distrust and

Misgivings Arise -- Proposals of Governor Dallas for the

Compensation of the Wintering Partners in Exchange for their

Abrogation of Deed Poll -- Threatened Deadlock -- Position of

those in Authority Rendered Untenable -- Failure of Duke of

Newcastle's Proposals for Surrender of Territorial Rights --

The Russo-American Alaskan Treaty -- The Hon. W. McDougall's

Resolutions -- Deputation Goes to England -- Sir Stafford

Northcote becomes Governor -- Opinion of Lord Granville as to

the Position of Affairs -- Lack of Military System Company's

Weakness -- Cession now Inevitable -- Terms Suggested by Lord

Granville Accepted -- First Riel Rebellion -- Wolseley at Fort

Garry.

All this had taken place in London. The sale had been negotiated

between financiers. Not a word of what was impending had crossed the

Atlantic to the hunting-grounds of the North-West--to the body of men

who were, as much as the Governor, the Committee and the sleeping

partners, members of the Great Company. Yet their voice had never been

heard, nor their consent to the transaction obtained. By the Deed Poll

it was provided that the profits of the fur-trade (less interest on

capital employed) were to be divided into one hundred parts, sixty

parts going to the stockholders and forty to the "wintering partners."

What would the "wintering partners" say to this brilliant "game of

chess" which had been played with the stockholders for interests which

were jointly theirs?

[Sidenote: Indignation of the Wintering Partners.]

No sooner had the papers been signed, and the million and a half

sterling paid over, than misgivings seem to have seized the minds of

those directly interested. Yet, on their behalf, it was urged that the

Company's posts and hunting grounds still remained. That the factors

and traders would be as well off under the new _régime_ as the

old--that the mere change of one body of shareholders for another

could affect them nothing--that, in fact, they would really benefit by

having men of newer ideas and a more progressive spirit.

The news, once in the newspapers, travelled fast, and in a few weeks

at the less distant posts, and in a few months at the more remote

ones, the rumour ran that the Company had sold out--that the London

partners had betrayed the real workers in the wilderness.

[Illustration: FORT GARRY.]

A large number of the Company's chief factors and traders had, it

appeared, addressed a memorial to the Company in London, when first

the rumour of a sale had reached them. They declared that they had

been informed that no transfer was probable, but if it took place it

would not be without previous consultation. They now learned for the

first time from the newspapers that these arrangements had been made.

An influential member of the new Company predicted that a general

resignation of the officers from Labrador to Sitka would ensue,

followed by a confederation amongst themselves, in order to carry on

the fur-trade in competition with the Company. They had, they said,

"the skill, the will, and the capital to do it."

It was said that the appearance of Mr. Lampson's name as Deputy

Governor of the new Company had heightened the first feeling of

distrust, for this gentleman and his commercial connections had long

been the Company's great rivals in the fur marts, carrying on a

vigorous competition at all accessible points.[123]

[Sidenote: Governor Dallas's Suggestions.]

Governor Dallas, almost immediately upon his arrival in Montreal,

caused a circular to be issued, addressed to all the factors,

completely refuting all these charges and innuendoes. Many conferences

took place between Dallas and Watkin as to the working of the Company

in the fur territories on the new basis. Dallas kept the Governor and

Committee in London fully advised of the state of affairs, accompanied

by proposals as to the compensation to be allowed the aggrieved

wintering partners. An interesting object, which it was desired to

accomplish at this time, was an exchange of boundary between the

Company and the United States, so as to permit Superior City being

brought into British territory by means of a fair payment and exchange

of land. The negotiations looking to this end, although at one time

promising, proved a failure.

It was believed that the first measure necessary towards the

re-organization of the Hudson's Bay service would be the abolition or

modification of the Deed Poll, under which the trade was then

conducted. The wintering partners (chief factors and chief traders)

had certain vested rights, and these could not be interfered with

without compensation.[124]

One mode suggested by Governor Dallas of removing the difficulty was

to ascertain the value of a retired interest, and bestow a money

compensation to each officer on his entering into an agreement to

consent to the abrogation of the Deed Poll. As regarded the shares

held in retirement, some of the interests had nearly run out and none

of the parties had any voice in the business. The value of a

(one-eighty-fifth) share was ascertained to be (on the average of the

previous thirteen "outfits") about £408, at which rate a chief

factor's retired interest would amount to £3,264, and a chief trader's

to £1,632. Adding the customary year's furlough on retiring, a

factor's retired allowance would be £4,080, and a trader's £2,040. On

such a scale of commutation it would cost the Company £114,500 to buy

out its officers.

As a set-off to this outlay Governor Dallas suggested a substantial

reduction in salaries. Under the then existing organization the pay of

officers in the service was £2,000 to the Governor-in-Chief, £16,000

amongst sixteen chief factors, £14,000 to thirty-five chief traders,

and £10,000 to the clerks, a total officers' pay-roll of £38,000. He

proposed to cut this down as follows:

Governor-in-Chief £2,000

Lieutenant-Governor 1,250

Four Councillors at £800 3,200

Twenty-five chief traders at £300 7,500

One hundred clerks at various salaries 10,000

------

£23,950

But Sir Edmund and his colleagues thought otherwise. The wintering

partners were not yet to reap any profit from the sale of the

Company's assets. The Deed Poll remained in full force until 1871,

when they were paid £107,055 out of the money received from Canada for

Rupert's Land and the North-West.

[Sidenote: Threatened Deadlock in Red River Settlement.]

In 1863 the Company's government had almost come to a deadlock in the

Red River settlement. Two cases had just occurred of prisoners having

been forcibly rescued from gaol; and they, with about thirty to fifty

others implicated in the riots, continued at large, fostering

discontent. The only paper published, the notorious _Nor'-Wester_, was

in the hands of the Company's bitterest enemies.[125] The position of

those in authority was so disagreeable that it was with great

difficulty that Governor Dallas persuaded the magistrates to continue

their duties. Governor McTavish, who was in charge of Assiniboine,

resigned, and others were prepared to follow his example, including

the Governor-in-Chief himself. Fortunately the open malcontents were

few in number and the volunteer force was sufficient to protect the

gaol and support law and order, were it not for the unwise zeal of the

Company's partisans who were ready to engage in a free fight with the

agitators. This, beyond question, would have led to a repetition of

the Semple tragedy of 1816. It may be noted that the Company's

unpopularity in the Red River country, according to Governor Dallas,

"arose entirely from the system, not from the faults of its

administrators."

The agitation against the Company still continued, but slowly. It

seemed difficult for the parties interested in the abolition of the

Company's rights to agree upon a single scheme which would be

permanently satisfactory, and not too costly. Sir Edmund Head

expressed himself in favour of a complete sale of rights and ownership

to the Imperial authorities. But this scheme was, as has been seen,

beset with almost insuperable difficulties. In November, 1863, Sir

Edmund suggested that an equal division be made of the territory fit

for settlement between the Company and the Crown, with inclusion of

specified tracts in the share of the former; secondly, that the

Company construct the road and telegraph; thirdly, that the Crown

purchase such of the Company's premises as should be required for

military use, and to pay the Company a net third of all future revenue

from gold and silver.

In his Speech from the Throne, on the 19th February, 1864, Lord Monk,

the Governor-General of Canada, alluded to the matter, which was

beginning to engross the public mind.

"The condition," said he, "of the vast region lying on the north-west

of the settled portions of the Province is daily becoming a question

of great interest. I have considered it advisable to open a

correspondence with the Imperial Government, with a view to arrive at

a precise definition of the geographical boundaries of Canada in that

direction. Such a definition of boundary is a desirable preliminary to

further proceedings with respect to the vast tracts of land in that

quarter belonging to Canada, but not yet brought under the action of

our political and municipal system."

It was hoped by many that the Company could be induced to sell out its

rights to the Imperial Government, and out of the territory to carve

out a new Crown Colony.

In the course of the ensuing debate on the address, the Honourable

William McDougall, Minister of Crown Lands, who was officially

concerned in the matter, stated that "the Government of Canada had

reached a conclusion upon the advisability of determining whether the

Red River territory belonged to Canada or to some other country." The

consequence was that a correspondence had been opened with the

Imperial Government upon the subject. Mr. McDougall thereupon

announced his individual view of the case as being that "Canada was

entitled to claim as a portion of its soil all that part of the

North-West territory that could be proved to have been in possession

of the French at the time of the cession of Canada to the British."

It was not at all likely that the Duke of Newcastle would share such a

view, or that he would entirely acquiesce with the suggestion of Sir

Edmund Head on behalf of the Company. Under date of the 11th of March,

and 5th of April, 1864, he formulated the appended proposals:--

1. The Company to surrender to the Crown its territorial

rights.

2. To receive one shilling for every acre sold by the Crown but

limited to £150,000 in all, and to fifty years in duration,

whether or not the receipts attained that amount.

3. To receive one-fourth of any gold revenue, but limited to

£100,000 in all, and to fifty years in duration.

4. To have one square mile of adjacent land for every lineal

mile constructed of road and telegraph to British Columbia.

[Sidenote: The surrender of Territorial Rights.]

These proposals were carefully considered by Sir Edmund Head and his

colleagues, and it was decided at a meeting on the 13th of April to

accept them, subject to certain alterations. It was urged that the

amount of payments within fifty years should either not be limited or

else placed at the sum of £1,000,000 sterling, instead of a quarter of

that sum. The Company also suggested that a grant be made to it of

five thousand acres of wild land for every fifty thousand acres sold

by the Crown.

In the meantime the Duke of Newcastle had been succeeded in the

Colonial Secretaryship by Mr. Cardwell, who on the 6th of June wrote

to say that he could not entertain the amendments of the Company. For

several months nothing was done, but in December the Honourable

Adventurers again met and again showed their desire for an amicable

and reasonable arrangement. They offered to accept £1,000,000 for the

territory which they then defined, and which was substantially in

extent the whole region granted them in the Charter of Charles II. In

1865 the Hon. George Brown went to England to come to terms over the

proposed transfer, but without success.

[Sidenote: America purchases Alaska.]

The charter of the Russian Company was about to expire. It had

underlet to the Hudson's Bay Company all its franchise on the mainland

between 54° 40' and Mount St Elias; and now it was proposed that an

American Company, holding direct from the Russian Government, should

be substituted, and it seemed to the Americans a good opportunity to

organize a fur-trading company to trade between the States and the

Russian possessions in America. But before the matter could mature,

the American and Russian Governments interposed with a treaty, by

which Alaska was ceded to the States for $7,200,000 in gold. Few

treaties have ever been carried out in so simple a manner. Russia was

glad to be rid of her possessions in North America. The sum of

$7,000,000 was originally agreed upon; but when it was understood that

a fur company and an ice company enjoyed monopolies under the existing

government, it was decided to extinguish these for the additional sum.

On 1st July, 1867, the Confederation of the scattered British

Provinces of North America was made an accomplished fact, amidst

general rejoicings. On the 4th of December, Mr. McDougall, who was now

Minister of Public Works for the new Dominion of Canada, brought in,

at the first session of Parliament, a series of resolutions directly

relating to the acquisition of Rupert's Land and the Great

North-West:--

1. That it would promote the prosperity of the Canadian people

and conduce to the advantage of the whole Empire if the

Dominion of Canada, constituted under the provisions of the

British North America Act, 1867, were extended westward to the

shores of the Pacific Ocean.

2. That the colonization of the lands of the Saskatchewan,

Assiniboine, and Red River Settlements, the development of the

mineral wealth which abounds in the regions of the North-West,

and the extension of commercial intercourse through the British

possessions in America from the Atlantic to the Pacific, are

alike dependent upon the establishment of a stable government

for maintenance of law and order in the North-West Territories.

3. That the welfare of the sparse and widely-scattered

population of British subjects of European origin, already

inhabiting these remote and unorganized territories, would be

materially enhanced by the formation therein of political

institutions bearing analogy, as far as circumstances will

admit, to those which exist in the several Provinces of this

Dominion.

4. That the 146th section of the British North America Act,

1867, provides for the admission of Rupert's Land and the

North-West Territory, or either of them, into union with Canada

upon terms and conditions to be expressed in Addresses from the

Houses of Parliament of the Dominion to Her Majesty, and which

shall be approved of by the Queen in Council.

5. That it is accordingly expedient to address Her Majesty,

that she would be graciously pleased, by and with the advice of

Her Most Honourable Privy Council, to unite Rupert's Land and

the North-West Territory with the Dominion of Canada, and to

grant to the Parliament of Canada authority to legislate for

their future welfare and good government.

6. That in the event of the Imperial Government agreeing to

transfer to Canada the jurisdiction and control over this

region, it would be expedient to provide that the legal rights

of any corporation, company, or individual within the same will

be respected; and that in case of difference of opinion as to

the extent, nature, or value of these rights, the same shall be

submitted to judicial decision, to be determined by mutual

agreement between the Government of Canada and the parties

interested. Such agreement to have no effect or validity until

first sanctioned by the Parliament of Canada.

7. That upon the transference of the territories in question to

the Canadian Government, the claims of the Indian tribes to

compensation for lands required for purposes of settlement

would be considered, and settled in conformity with the

equitable principles which have uniformly governed the Crown in

its dealings with the aborigines.

[Sidenote: Deputation goes to England.]

In the following year a delegation to arrange the terms for the

acquisition by Canada of Rupert's Land and the North-West Territory

arrived in England. It consisted of Sir George Étienne Cartier and Mr.

William McDougall. On presenting themselves at the Colonial Office

they were invited by the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, then

Secretary of State for the Colonies, to visit him at Stowe "for the

purpose of discussing freely and fully the numerous and difficult

questions involved in the transfer of these great territories to

Canada." To the Duke's country-seat the delegates accordingly went.

Here, one of the first things the Duke communicated to them was that

the Company being lords-proprietors were to be treated as such, and

not as parties having a defective title and fit subjects for that

"spoliation" previously deplored by Cartier.[126] There can be no

manner of doubt that, taking this view, the Company's demands were

most reasonable. But the Canadian delegates were not content to take

this view. There had been so much irresponsible hue-and-cry about the

weakness of the Company's title, that they doubtless felt themselves

privileged to hold out for better terms. While negotiations were thus

pending in London, the Duke of Buckingham quitted office with his

colleagues, and was succeeded by Earl Granville. Almost at the same

time the Earl of Kimberley, the Company's Governor, resigned, and was

replaced by Sir Stafford Northcote. In January, 1869, the new Colonial

Secretary transmitted to the delegates the reply of the Company,

declining their counter-proposals, and inviting them to communicate to

him any observations they might desire to offer further on the

situation.

"We felt reluctant," to quote the language of the delegates, "as

representatives of Canada, to engage in a controversy with the Company

concerning matters of fact, as well as questions of law and policy,

while the negotiation with it was being carried on by the Imperial

Government in its own name and of its own authority."

[Sidenote: Canada exerts pressure on the Company.]

Nevertheless, these scruples were soon overcome. They accepted Lord

Granville's invitation, and on the 8th February stated at length their

views upon the various points raised by the Governor of the Company,

which views clearly demonstrated that the Dominion was by no means

prepared to deal with the Honourable Adventurers in a spirit of

generosity or even of equity. Lord Granville now came forward with

plans of his own, but these were not agreeable to Sir George Cartier

and Mr. McDougall. While the negotiations were in progress the Company

lodged an indignant complaint against the Canadian Government for

undertaking the construction of a road between the Lake of the Woods

and the Red River settlement without first having procured its

consent. Stormy meetings of the Honourable Adventurers were held; it

seemed impossible to resist the pressure which was being brought to

bear. Had the old governor and committee been in existence it is

possible this pressure would have been longer withstood. The delegates

returned to Canada, but they had succeeded in no slight measure in

impressing upon the Imperial Government their peculiar views. On the

9th of March, Lord Granville employed the following language to the

Governor of the Company:

"At present the very foundations of the Company's title are not

undisputed. The boundaries of its territory are open to questions of

which it is impossible to ignore the importance. Its legal rights,

whatever these may be, are liable to be invaded without law by a mass

of Canadian and American settlers, whose occupation of the country on

any terms it will be little able to resist; while it can hardly be

alleged that the terms of the charter, or its internal constitution,

are such as to qualify it under all these disadvantages for

maintaining order and performing the internal and external duties of

government."

[Sidenote: Lack of Military system Company's weakness.]

There was the Company's weakness. No sovereign in Europe had a clearer

right to his or her dominions, perhaps no rule was wiser or more

beneficent, but the one powerful, indispensable adjunct to sovereign

authority it lacked--a military system.[127] With a standing army the

Company's rights would have been secure--but it was a king without

soldiers. It required ten thousand drilled men to defend its

frontiers--it was too late in the day to organize such a force, it

could only submit gracefully to its envious and powerful neighbours.

Cession was perhaps inevitable; the terms which Lord Granville now

proposed it decided to accept.

1. The Hudson's Bay Company to surrender to Her Majesty all the

rights of government, property, etc., in Rupert's Land, which

are specified in 31 and 32 Victoria, clause 105, section 4; and

also all similar rights in any other part of British North

America, not comprised in Rupert's Land, Canada, or British

Columbia.

2. Canada is to pay to the Company £300,000 when Rupert's Land

is transferred to the Dominion of Canada.

3. The Company may, within twelve months of the surrender,

select a block of land adjoining each of its stations, within

the limits specified in Article 1.

4. The size of the blocks is not to exceed ---- acres in the

Red River country, nor 3,000 acres beyond that territory, and

the aggregate extent of the blocks is not to exceed 50,000

acres.

5. So far as the configuration of the country admits, the

blocks are to be in the shape of parallelograms, of which the

length is not more than double the breadth.

6. The Hudson's Bay Company may, for fifty years after the

surrender, claim in any township or district within the Fertile

Belt, in which land is set out for settlement, grants of land

not exceeding one-twentieth of the land so set out. The blocks

so granted to be determined by lot, and the Hudson's Bay

Company to pay a ratable share of the survey expenses, not

exceeding ---- an acre.

7. For the purpose of the present agreement, the Fertile Belt

is to be bounded as follows: On the south by the United States

Boundary; on the west by the Rocky Mountains; on the north by

the northern branch of the Saskatchewan; on the east by Lake

Winnipeg, the Lake of the Woods, and the waters connecting

them.

8. All titles to land up to the 8th of March, 1869, conferred

by the Company, are to be confirmed.

9. The Company to be at liberty to carry on its trade without

hindrance, in its corporate capacity, and no exceptional tax is

to be placed on the Company's land, trade or servants, nor an

import duty on goods introduced by them previous to the

surrender.

10. Canada is to take over the materials of the Electric

Telegraph at cost price, such price including transport, but

not including interest for money, and subject to a deduction

for ascertained deteriorations.

11. The Company's claim to land under agreement of Messrs.

Vankoughnet and Hopkins to be withdrawn.

12. The details of this arrangement, including the filling up

of the blanks in Articles 4 and 6, to be settled at once by

mutual agreement.

[Sidenote: Cession to Canadian Government.]

On such terms did the Canadian Government acquire this vast territory

of two million three hundred thousand square miles. In that portion

designated the Fertile Belt, comprising three hundred million acres,

there were agricultural lands believed to be capable of yielding

support to twenty-five million people.

Filled with high hopes as to the future of the country they had thus

acquired, the Canadian Government was confronted by the necessity of

providing it with a suitable form of government to replace that of the

Company. Little did the public men who had interested themselves in

the negotiations ponder on the difficulties of the task. Apparently

they undertook it with a light heart. During the session of 1869 an

Act was passed at Ottawa providing a provisional form of government in

the territory, and in October of the same year the Hon. William

McDougall received the appointment of Lieutenant-Governor. But before

he set out on his duties surveying parties had been busy in the Red

River settlement, laying out townships and instituting an extended

series of surveys.

[Sidenote: Forlorn case of the Métis.]

In order to be in the place of his government when by the Queen's

Proclamation it should become a portion of the Dominion of Canada,

McDougall, in the month of November, found himself at the frontier of

his Province. But the transfer was not to be consummated without

bloodshed. A portion of the little community of Red River raised its

voice in vehement protest against the arrangements made between the

Government of Canada and the Company. These malcontents, chiefly

French half-breeds, headed by Louis Riel, expelled the Governor

appointed by the Dominion and planned a resistance to all authority

emanating from the same source. They assembled in large numbers, and,

after fortifying portions of the road between Pembina and Fort Garry,

had taken possession of the latter post. Upon consideration of the

case of these wild and ignorant Métis, it is difficult to withhold

from them sympathy. Settled government, forms of law, state duty,

exactions of citizenship, the sacrifices and burdens of urban

civilization--of these he knew but dimly, and held them in a vague

horror. He knew that men lived and ground out their lives in cities

afar off, and that by means of their wealth they possessed power; that

they had cast envious eyes on the hunting-grounds of the Indian and

his half-brother the Métis; that they sought to wrest him from his

lands and mark it off into town lots, people his beloved prairies and

exterminate his race. They must mean him ill or they would not work in

such a silent, stealthy fashion to dispossess him and drive him

farther west into unfamiliar fastnesses. There were fifteen thousand

souls in the country bordering on Red River, and the majority

objected, not without reason, that such an arrangement as had just

been carried out should be done without their consent or having been

consulted. Was it wonderful that the half-breed, resenting this march

of civilization which would trample him and his possessions to atoms,

should arise, seize his rude weapons, and prepare for war?

It is true the insurrection of 1869-70 could have been averted. It

would have been easy, through an agent of tact and eloquence, to have

dispelled the illusions which had taken possession of the Métis, and

to have restored confidence as to the policy of Canada. But was it the

Hudson's Bay Company's duty to enlighten the aggrieved inhabitants?

The Company who had been bullied and badgered and threatened with

confiscation unless it agreed to a renunciation of its rights? Was it

the fault of the Company that several thousand wild Métis children of

the wilderness, passionately attached to the old order of things,

were in their hearts loyal to the Company, which fed and clothed and

administered law to them?[128]

The insurgents, growing bolder, had taken possession of Fort Garry,

where a council of half-breeds was held and the inhabitants called

upon to send delegates to a national convention. The English colonists

accepted the invitation, but were soon made aware that Riel and his

supporters were resolved on more desperate measures than they could

themselves countenance. The authority of the Company had been

observed; but it was now disregarded; the books and records of the

Council of Assiniboia were seized, and on the 1st December a "Bill of

Rights" was passed by the "Provisional Government." This act of open

rebellion caused the secession of the English; insurgency was now

rampant and many of the inhabitants found themselves incarcerated in

gaol. Then followed the illegal infliction of capital punishment upon

Thomas Scott, a young Orangeman, and the despatch of Colonel (now

Lord) Wolseley to the seat of trouble. Leaving Toronto on the 25th of

May, 1870, Wolseley and his force, after a long and arduous journey,

arrived at Fort Garry on the 24th of August. But the rebellion was

already over, and the chief instigator and his companions had fled.

For many years the Company's officers in charge of the various

districts in Rupert's Land had annually met in Council for the

regulation and discussion of affairs of the fur-trade in general.

Regarding themselves as true partners of the Company, they naturally

looked to share with the shareholders in the sum agreed to be paid by

Canada for its territory.

[Sidenote: Turbulent meetings at Hudson's Bay House.]

In July, just one month before the entrance of the future hero of

Tel-el-Kebir and the British troops into Fort Garry, a last meeting of

the council of officers of the Honourable Hudson's Bay Company was

held at the post known as Norway House. It was presided over by Fort

Garry's Governor, Mr. Donald Alexander Smith,[129] a servant since

boyhood of the Company. At this meeting it was decided to represent

the claims of the officers to the partners in England. To this end Mr.

Smith was unanimously appointed their representative, he undertaking

the task of presenting their claims. The London shareholders were by

no means immediately acquiescent. But although Sir Stafford Northcote

presided over some turbulent meetings in Fenchurch Street, the claims

of the "wintering partners" were ultimately recognized in the only

manner possible. Out of the £300,000 paid by the Dominion, the sum of

£107,000 was divided amongst the officers for the relinquishment of

their claims.

The Governor of the Company, in his report to the shareholders in

November, stated that "since the holding of the General Court on the

28th June, the Committee have been engaged in proceeding with the

re-organization of the fur-trade, and have entered into an agreement

with the Chief Factors and Chief Traders for revoking the Deed Poll of

1834, and settling claims arising under it upon the terms sanctioned

by the proprietors at the last General Court. They have also prepared

the draft of a new Deed Poll adopted to the altered circumstances of

the trade."

A new era had thus begun in the history of the Honourable Company of

Merchants-Adventurers trading into Hudson's Bay.

FOOTNOTES:

[123] "To my mind the worst feature in the new Company is that of

allowing a foreigner (American) to hold office. He owes allegiance to

the United States, and his position gives him knowledge which no

American should possess. 'Blood is thicker than water,' says the

proverb: 'No man can serve two masters.' As to the idea that being in

the fur-trade his experience and influence will benefit the new

Company, will any furrier believe that? If the Company will sell all

the furs, I would never rest satisfied while an American was in the

management.'"--William McNaughten, the Company's agent at New York.

[124] The eighty-five shares belonging to the wintering partners, in

1863, were held as follows:

15 chief factors 30 shares

37 chief traders 37 "

10 retired chief factors 13 "

10 retired chief traders 5 "

--

85 shares.

[125] "Its continued attacks upon the Company," wrote Governor Dallas,

"find a greedy ear with the public at large, both in the settlement

and in Canada."

[126] "With regard to the Hudson's Bay matter," wrote Cartier to

Watkin, under date of 15th of February, 1868, "not the least doubt

that the speech of 'John A.,' was very uncalled for and injudicious. He

had no business to make such a speech, and I told him so at the

time--that he ought not to have made it. However, you must not attach

too much importance to that speech. I myself, and several of my

colleagues, and John A. himself, have no intention to commit any

spoliation; and for myself in particular, I can say to you that I will

never consent to be a party to a measure or anything intended to be an

act of spoliation of the Hudson's Bay's rights and privileges."

[127] "The present state of government in the Red River settlement is

attributable alike to the habitual attempt encouraged, perhaps very

naturally, in England and in Canada, to discredit the tradition and

question the title of the Hudson's Bay Company, and to the false

economy which has stripped the Governor of a military force, with

which, in the last resort, to support the decisions of the legal

tribunals. No other organized government of white men in the world,

since William Penn, has endeavoured to rule any population, still less

a promiscuous people composed of whites, half-breeds, Indians and

borderers, without a soldiery of some sort, and the inevitable result

of the experiment has, in this case, been an unpunished case of

prison-breaking, not sympathized in, it is true, by the majority of

the settlers, but still tending to bring law and government into

contempt, and greatly to discourage the governing body held

responsible for keeping order in the territory."--_Governor Dallas._

[128] "It is an undoubted fact," remarks General Sir William Butler,

"that warning had been given to the Dominion Government of the state

of feeling amongst the half-breeds, and the phrase, 'they are only

eaters of pemmican,' so cutting to the Métis, was thus first

originated by a distinguished Canadian politician."

[129] The distinguished philanthropist, the present Lord Strathcona

and Mount Royal, High Commissioner for Canada in London and Governor

of the Hudson's Bay Company.

[Illustration: THE TRADING ROOM AT A HUDSON'S BAY POST.]

The Great Company · 第 35 / 36 章