CHAPTER XXX.

1812-1815.

The Bois-Brulés -- Simon McGillivray's Letter -- Frightening

the Settlers -- A second Brigade -- Governor McDonnell's

Manifesto -- Defection of Northmen to the Company --

Robertson's Expedition to Athabasca -- Affairs at Red River --

Cameron and McDonell in uniform -- Cuthbert Grant -- Miles

McDonnell arrested -- Fort William -- News brought to the

Northmen -- Their confiscated account-books -- War of 1812

concluded.

[Sidenote: The Bois-Brulés.]

There had lately been witnessed the rapid growth of a new

class--sprung from the loins of Red man and European. Alert, rugged,

turbulent, they evinced at the same time a passionate love of the life

and manners of the wilderness, and a fierce intractability which could

hardly fail to cause occasional uneasiness in the minds of their

masters. To this class had been given the name of Métis, or

Bois-Brulés. They were principally the descendants of the French

voyageurs of the North-West concern, who had allied themselves with

Indian women and settled down on the shore of some lake or stream in

the interior. Amongst these half-breeds hunters and trappers came, and

at a later period a number of Englishmen and Scotchmen, hardly less

strongly linked to a wild, hardy life than themselves. These also took

Indian wives, and they and their children spoke of themselves as

neither English, Scotch, or Indian, but as belonging to the "New

Nation."

From 1812 to 1821 the North-West concern absorbed all the labours and

exacted the loyalty of the increasing class of Bois-Brulés. The

Hudson's Bay Company was exclusively an English company, and their

Scotch and English servants had left few traces of an alliance with

the aborigines. As the posts in the interior began to multiply, and

the men were thus cut off from the larger society which obtained at

York, Cumberland and Moose factories, and were thrown more upon their

own resources, a laxer discipline prevailed, and the example of their

neighbours was followed. A time was to come when the "Orkney

half-breeds" equalled in point of numbers those of the French

Bois-Brulés.

[Illustration: A BOIS-BRULÉ.]

There were yet few half-breeds of English extraction. The Bois-Brulés

were passionately attached to the North-West company, who were quick

to recognize their value as agents amongst the Indians. The idea of

nationality, so far from being frowned upon, was encouraged amongst

them. So much for the instruments which the Company proposed to employ

in Montreal.

It was only natural that amongst this rude race there should arise a

leader, a half-breed to whose superior ability and natural advantages

was added an education in Montreal, the seat of the co-partnery.

Cuthbert Grant, which was the name this individual bore, was known far

and wide amongst the hunters and trappers of Rupert's Land, and

everywhere commanded homage and respect. He had risen to be one of the

most enterprising and valued agents of the Nor'-Westers, and was

constantly admitted to their councils.

On the 22nd of May, 1811, at which period the matter was in embryo in

London, Simon McGillivray had frankly declared to Miles McDonnell,

agent to Lord Selkirk, that he was "determined to give all the

opposition in his power, whatever might be the consequences," because,

in his opinion, "such a settlement struck at the root of the

North-West company, which it was intended to ruin."[96]

By way of argument, this gentleman took it upon himself to inform the

Hudson's Bay Company that the proposed settlement was foredoomed to

destruction, inasmuch as it "must at all times lie at the mercy of the

Indians," who would not be bound by treaties, and that "one North-West

Company's interpreter would be able at any time to set the Indians

against the settlers and destroy them."

[Sidenote: Defections from the North-West Company.]

Selkirk was now informed that there were several clerks who had been

many years in the service of the Northmen, and who were disaffected in

that service. They grumbled at not having been sooner promoted to the

proprietary--that the claims of the old and faithful were too often

passed over for those of younger men of little experience, because

they were related to the partners. The Earl was not slow to avail

himself of this advantage. It became a matter of importance to

persuade as many as possible of these dissatisfied spirits to join his

scheme, by the offer of large salaries, and several accepted his offer

with alacrity. Amongst the most enterprising was one Colin Robertson,

a trader who had often ventured his life amongst the tribes and

half-breeds, to forward the interests of his establishment. He

possessed a perfect knowledge of the interior and of the fur-trade,

and to him Lord Selkirk entrusted the chief management of the latter

for the Company. Robertson was well convinced of the superiority of

the Canadian voyageurs over the Orkneymen, in the management of

canoes, for example, and he proceeded to engage a number of them in

Montreal at a much higher wage than they had received hitherto.

To Robertson's counsels must be ascribed much of the invigoration

which now began to mark the policy of the Company. His letters to the

Company were full of a common-sense and a fighting spirit. "Let us

carry the trade to Athabasca," he said; and he proceeded to

demonstrate how all rivalry could be annihilated. The strength and

weakness of his rivals were familiar to him, and he was well aware how

much depended on the Indians themselves. They could and would deal

with whom they chose; Robertson determined they should deal

henceforth, not with the North-West, but with the Hudson's Bay

Company.

The Northmen had been for years continually pressing to the West. They

were doing a thriving trade on the Columbia River, in Oregon, where

they had a lucrative post; they had a post to the south of that in

California, and to the north as far as New Archangel. In the second

decade of the century the North-West Association had over three

hundred Canadians in its employ on the Pacific slope, sending three or

four ships annually to London by way of Cape Horn. In 1810 they had a

competitor in the post of Astoria, founded by John Jacob Astor, a

fur-monopolist of New York. Astor had made overtures to the North-West

partners, which had been declined; whereupon he induced about twenty

Canadians to leave them and enter his service. He despatched two

expeditions, one overland and the other by sea, around Cape Horn. But

the founder of Astoria had not foreseen that the breaking out of war

between Great Britain and America would upset all his plans. Fort

Astoria, in the fortunes of war, changed hands and became Fort George;

and although the post was, by the Treaty of Ghent, restored, the

Canadians and Scotchmen had returned to their old employers and

interests. In a few years the Hudson's Bay Company was to control the

chief part of the fur-trade of the Pacific Coast.

[Illustration: FORT GEORGE.

(_Astoria--as it was in 1813._)]

None of the Company's servants had yet penetrated as far west as

Athabasca. Yet it was the great northern department of Rupert's

Land--a country which, if not flowing with milk and honey, swarmed

with moose and beaver. To Athabasca, therefore, Robertson went.

[Sidenote: The Company in Athabasca.]

This first expedition was highly successful. Never had the natives

received such high prices for their furs. Seduced from their

allegiance to the Northmen, and dimly recalling the tales of their

sires, regarding whilom journeys to the posts of the Great Company,

they rallied in scores and hundreds round its standard. The news

spread far and wide. Other tribes heard and marvelled. They, too, had

listened to stories of the white traders, who far away, past rivers

and plain and mountain, sat still in their forts and waited for the

Red man to bring them furs. Now the Mountain was coming to Mahomet.

Many of them resolved to keep their furs until the traders from the

Bay came amongst them, too; and, gnashing their teeth, the Northmen

were compelled to give them still higher prices, if they would obtain

the goods of the savages, and secure their wavering loyalty.

[Illustration: ARRIVAL OF THE UPLAND INDIANS.]

Other measures became incumbent upon them to perform. They were

obliged to send double the quantity of merchandise into the interior,

and they were also to supply extra provisions to their own men, and to

raise their wages; while several clerks were elected partners. Cost

what it might, the Northmen were determined to fight to the end.

It has been shewn in preceding pages how the step of removing from

Grand Portage had been anticipated as far back as 1785, when Edward

Umfreville was sent to reconnoitre a site for a new fort on British

territory. None appeared more suited to the purposes of the

Nor'-Westers than this; the river was deep and of easy access, and

offered a safe harbour for shipping. On the other hand, it was

situated in low, swampy soil; but by dint of great labour and

perseverance they succeeded in draining the marshes and in converting

to solidity the loose and yielding soil, accomplishing on a small

scale much of what Czar Peter was obliged to do on a large scale with

the foundation of Petersburg.

[Sidenote: Fort William.]

When all was finished, Fort William as it was called,[97] presented an

engaging exterior. It possessed the appearance of a fort, having a

palisade fifteen feet high, while the number of dwellings it enclosed,

gave it, from a distance, the appearance of a charming village. In the

centre of the spacious enclosure rose a large wooden building,

constructed with considerable pretensions to elegance, a long piazza

or portico, at an elevation of five feet from the ground and

surmounted by a balcony, fronting the building its entire length. The

great hall or saloon was situated in the middle of this building. At

each extremity of this apartment were two rooms, designed for the use

of the two principal agents, and the steward and his staff, the last

named official being a highly important personage. The kitchen and

servants' rooms were in the basement. On either side of the main

edifice was another of similar but less lofty extent, each divided by

a corridor running through its length and containing a dozen cosy

bedrooms. One was destined for the wintering partners, the other for

the clerks. On the east of the square stood another building similar

to the ones named, and applied to the same purpose; also a warehouse,

where the furs were inspected and packed for shipment. In the rear of

these were the lodging house of the guides, another fur warehouse,

and lastly, a powder magazine, a substantial structure of stone with a

metal roof. A great bastion, at an angle of the fort, commanded a view

of Lake Superior. There were other buildings to the westward, stores,

a gaol, workshops of the carpenter, cooper, blacksmith and tinsmith,

with spacious yards for the shelter, repair and construction of

canoes. Near the gate of the fort, which faced the south, were the

quarters of the physician and the chief clerks, and over the gates was

a guard-house. The river being of considerable depth at the entrance,

the Company had a wharf built extending the whole length of the fort,

for the discharge of the vessels it maintained on the lake, and for

the transport of its furs from Fort William to Sault Ste. Marie or

merchandise and provisions from the latter place to Fort William. The

land behind the fort and on both sides was cleared and under

cultivation.

[Illustration: ON THE WAY TO FORT WILLIAM.]

[Sidenote: The immigrants at Red River.]

At the beginning of spring the "first brigade" of immigrants resumed

its journey to the Red River Valley, arriving at what is now known as

Point Douglas, late in August, 1812. Hardly had they reached this spot

than they were immediately thrown into the greatest fright and

disorder. A band of armed men, painted, disfigured and apparelled

like savages, confronted this little band of colonists and bade them

halt. They were told briefly that they were unwelcome visitors in that

region, and must depart. The colonists might have been urged to make a

stand, but to the terrors of hostile Indian and half-breed was added

that of prospective starvation, for none would sell them provisions

thereabouts. The painted warriors, who were North-West company Métis

in disguise, urged them to proceed to Pembina, where they would be

unharmed, and offered to conduct them there. They acquiesced, and the

pilgrimage, seventy miles farther on, was resumed. At Pembina they

passed the winter in tents, according to the Indian fashion,

subsisting on the products of the chase, in common with the natives.

When spring came it was decided to again venture to plant the colony

on the banks of the Red River. Means were found to mollify their

opponents, and log-houses were built, and patches of prairie sown with

corn. A small quantity of seed wheat, obtained at Fort Alexander,

yielded them handsome returns at harvest time and the lot of the

settlers seemed brighter; but nevertheless they decided to repair to

Pembina for the winter, and saving their corn, live by hunting until

the spring.

While affairs were thus proceeding with the colonists, Lord Selkirk,

in 1813, paid a visit to Ireland, where he secured a large number of

people as servants for the fur-trade and the colony, in addition to

those engaged in the Highlands.[98]

Selkirk infused new life into the Company, and a number of plans for

its prosperity emanated from his brain. For a long time the Company

had had much at heart the erection of a new factory in place of York

Factory, but they had not thitherto had sufficient strength of hands

to accomplish this. Selkirk wrote to McDonnell that if the settlers

were employed in that object for the winter, the Company stood ready

to pay their wages. "Perhaps," he added, "it would be more advisable

to do this than to make an abortive attempt to reach the interior....

I believe that I mentioned that I am anxious to have the soundings of

Nelson River taken, from Seal Island down to the open sea. I beg that

while you are at York, you will try to induce some of the officers of

the ships to go and make the survey. I will pay a handsome premium to

the individual who accomplishes it."

[Illustration: THE COMPANY'S SHIPS IN 1812.

(_From the picture in Hudson's Bay House._)]

[Sidenote: Irish colonists brought out.]

On June 28, the Company's ships, the _Prince of Wales_ and the

_Eddystone_, sailed out of the little harbour of Stromness. They were

accompanied by two other vessels, one a brig bound for the Moravian

missions on the Labrador coast, and the other his Majesty's sloop of

war _Brazen_, as armed convoy. The voyage was by no means as

monotonous as such voyages usually were. On board the _Prince of

Wales_, typhoid fever of a virulent character broke out, causing a

panic and a number of deaths, marine funerals being a daily

occurrence. As for the _Eddystone_, an insurrection occurred; during

which the sailors and passengers between decks sought to obtain

possession of the ship and dispose of her, together with cargo and

effects to France or Spain, or to the ships or colonies of those

hostile countries. The captain was, however informed of the plan, and

immediately placed armed men to guard the hatches, loaded the quarter

gun with grape shot and coolly awaited the advent on deck of the

conspirators. These appeared in due course, but were quick to perceive

themselves completely non-plussed and retired below in confusion.

On the 12th of August the little fleet found an anchorage in Churchill

River, in close proximity to the new fort Prince of Wales. Here the

immigrants were landed, and after a short rest were sent forward, some

on foot and others by boat, to a place known as Colony Creek. Here

they built log cabins, and in their weak, unacclimatized state, drew

together to pass the winter in those hyperborean regions. In order to

receive the scant rations dealt out to them by the Company at the

fort, they were obliged to perform a journey of thirty miles on

snowshoes each week. But the trials and hardships of the poor

wanderers, amongst which was the deprivation of the locks of their

guns "in order that they should not kill the Company's partridges,"

came to an end in April, when their gun-locks were restored and they

took up their journey to York Factory, slaying innumerable game as

they went. Here they met from the Chief Factor, Cook, a hospitable

reception, and continuing their journeyings after a short halt,

reached Fort Douglas in the early autumn. Governor McDonnell welcomed

the members of this second brigade and proceeded to allot to each head

of a family one hundred acres of land and an Indian pony. A few days

later they were called together, and after each had been regaled with

a glass of spirits, he was furnished with a musket, bayonet and

ammunition. They were told they must offer an armed resistance to

their tormentors and aggressors should they again appear, and

admonished that the strong could dictate to the weak. Notwithstanding,

the colonists could not but marvel at the plentiful lack of

preparation for the agricultural pursuits which they had intended to

follow in this remote region. There were no farm implements, nor was

there metal of which these could be fashioned, unless it was the

formidable battery of field-guns, or the plentiful supply of muskets

and bayonets. At Fort Douglas, under the circumstances, the colonists

could remain but a short time; it was necessary for them to resort,

as their forerunners had done, to Pembina, so as to be within

convenient distance of the buffalo.

[Illustration: FORT DOUGLAS, RED RIVER.

(_From a drawing by Lord Selkirk._)]

In the spring of 1814, the colonists, after a winter rendered

miserable by the jealousy and unfriendliness of the Indians and

half-breeds, returned to Red River in a state of great destitution,

resolved never to return again to Pembina, no matter what their

circumstances.

But a step had been taken during that winter by Governor McDonnell

which was to reverberate throughout the English-speaking world.

Incensed at the boycotting of the colonists and stirred to action by

their condition, he issued from Fort Daer, which was the Company's

post erected at Pembina, the following proclamation:

Whereas, the Right Honourable Thomas, Earl of Selkirk, is

anxious to provide for the families at present forming

settlements on his lands at Red River and those on the way to

it, passing the winter at York and Churchill Forts in Hudson's

Bay, as also those who are expected to arrive next autumn,

rendering it a necessary and indispensable part of my duty to

provide for their support. In the yet uncultivated state of the

country, the ordinary resources derived from the buffalo and

other wild animals hunted within the territory, are not deemed

more than adequate for the requisite supply.

[Sidenote: Governor McDonnell's proclamation.]

Whereas, it is hereby ordered that no person trading furs or

provisions within the territory for the Honourable the Hudson's

Bay Company, or the North-West Company, or any individual or

unconnected traders or persons whatever, shall take any

provisions, either of flesh, fish, grain or vegetables,

procured or raised within the said territory, by water or land

carriage, for one twelvemonth from the date hereof, save and

except what may be judged necessary for the trading parties at

this present time within the territory, to carry them to their

respective destinations; and who may, on due application to me,

obtain a license for the same.

The provisions procured and raised as above shall be taken for

the use of the colony; and that no loss shall accrue to the

parties concerned, they will be paid for by British bills at

the customary rates. And be it hereby further made known that

whosoever shall be detected in attempting to convey out, or

shall aid or assist in carrying out, or attempting to carry

out, any provisions prohibited as above, either by water or

land, shall be taken into custody and prosecuted as the laws in

such cases direct; and the provisions so taken, as well as any

goods and chattels, of what nature soever, which may be taken

along with them, and also the craft, carriages and cattle

instrumental in conveying away the same to any part out to any

settlement on Red River, shall be forfeited.

Given under my hand at Fort Daer (Pembina), the 8th day of

January, 1814.

(Signed) MILES McDONNELL, _Governor_.

(By order of the Governor).

(Signed) JOHN SPENCER, _Secretary_.

A copy of this proclamation was despatched in all haste to Fort

William, where the partners met in the spring. It excited the greatest

indignation and bitterness. It was now determined to seduce and

inveigle away as many of the colonists as could be induced to join the

North-West standard, and after they should have thus diminished their

means of defence, to exhort the Indians of Lac Rouge, Fond du Lac and

other places, to rise and destroy the settlement. It was likewise

their avowed intention to seize the Governor and carry him to Montreal

as a prisoner, by way of degrading the authority under which the

colony was established, in the eyes of the natives of that country.

[Sidenote: Hostilities planned by the North-West concern.]

Among the partners of the North-West concern who received their

instructions from this general annual meeting at Fort William, were

Duncan Cameron and Alexander McDonell, and these were the persons

selected by the partnership to superintend and execute the plans

entered into against the Red River colony. On the 5th of August the

last named person wrote to a fellow-partner at Montreal from one of

the portages lying between Lake Superior and the place of his winter

destination in the interior, to which he was then proceeding: "You see

myself, and our mutual friend, Mr. Cameron, so far on our way to

commence open hostilities against the enemy in Red River. Much is

expected from us, and if we believe some--perhaps too much. One thing

is certain, that we will do our best to defend what we consider our

rights in the interior. Something serious will undoubtedly take place.

Nothing but the complete downfall of the colony will satisfy some, by

fair or foul means--a most desirable object if it can be

accomplished. So here is at them, with all my heart and energy."

McDonell and his co-partner accordingly proceeded towards their

destination, and arrived about the end of August at a trading post

(called by them Fort Gibraltar) belonging to the North-West concern,

situated at the Forks, within half a mile of the Red River settlement.

Cameron remained here during the winter, while his partner, McDonell,

proceeded farther into the interior, returning in the month of May

with a party of Cree Indians from a considerable distance, for a

purpose which is now obvious.

Cameron, to whom his associates appear to have confided the task of

opposing, upon the spot, the further progress of colonization, was

well qualified to perform such a service. He began by ingratiating

himself amongst several of the heads of families in the settlement,

and being able to converse with many of them in their native Gaelic

tongue, by degrees he gained their confidence and good opinions. He

frequently invited them to his house, and, in short, took every means

to secure their favour. They saw no reason to suspect his intentions;

and thus the influence which he gradually acquired over many of their

members, during the autumn and winter, was artfully exerted to make

them discontented alike with their situation, their officers, and

their prospects. He alarmed them with constant reports which he stated

he had received from the interior, that the Indians from a distance

were coming in the spring to attack them; and that unless they placed

themselves under the protection of the North-West Company, and

accepted his offers to take them to Canada, they would never be able

to escape from the country or avoid the dangers surrounding them.

[Sidenote: The North-West company causes discontent among the

settlers.]

Prior to the departure of Cameron and McDonell from Fort William for

Red River, they had adopted the expedient of providing themselves with

British military uniforms. A military coat with a pair of epaulets,

the cast-off uniform of a major, which had previously adorned the

person of a factor named McLeod, now added to Cameron's dignity. He

pretended to bear the King's commission, as did also his companion;

and these two worthies occasionally rode around the country in

uniform, attended by a numerous suite of clerks and half-breeds, and

other servants of the North-West company on horseback. Such imposture

and assumed airs of authority would have evoked merely contempt or

laughter, but under the circumstances had great weight with the

ignorant settlers, who could not but help believing that Cameron and

his followers were sanctioned by Government in their position and

behaviour. The North-West agents now proceeded to put their plans into

execution. The immigrants were alternately bribed, cajoled and

threatened into abandoning their settlement on the Red River. To each

Cameron engaged to give a free passage to Canada (generally to

Montreal), a twelvemonth's supply of provisions _gratis_ for

themselves and families, while various sums, varying from £15 to £100,

were paid or promised to deserters. A pretext being found, Spencer,

the sheriff of the colony and a really valuable officer, was taken

prisoner under a warrant from a North-West partner, and after a

protracted detention sent overland to Montreal.

During the interval between the autumn of 1814 and the spring of 1815,

a number of the settlers were seduced and instigated to disloyalty

against their benefactors and the Company. A large band of the

Bois-Brulés were, during this period, maintained and paraded in arms

under Cameron, who, now that the preparatory measures had reached this

stage, believed the time ripe for more decisive measures.

Of the ruling spirit amongst the half-breed hordes, mention has

already been made. Cuthbert Grant now appeared on the scene and with

him some of his choicest dare-devil crew. The return of the settlers

to the colony had filled the minds of the Bois-Brulés with rage. The

contempt of the wild hunters of the plains for the peaceful tillers of

the soil was great. They scorned them for their manual labour; they

reproachfully termed them "the workers in gardens," and the phrase,

"pork-eaters," formerly applied to the voyageurs east of Fort William,

was now used derisively to the Scotch settlers. All now looked

forward to a grand gathering in the spring at "The Forks," to

administer a final blow to the infant colony.

The disaffected settlers were therefore, during the temporary absence

of a number of those who still continued faithful to their contracts

and their duty, incited to rob and pillage a fort belonging to the

settlement, and of the cannon set out by the British Government for

its defence. Armed sentinels were placed at different doors to prevent

opposition, while a part of the Bois-Brulés and servants of the

Nor'-Westers, under the command of Cameron, were stationed in arms

within the distance of a few hundred feet for the purpose of giving

support to the plunderers in case their force should be insufficient.

Nine pieces of artillery were thus taken from the settlement and

delivered to the North-West party in waiting, who received them with

shouts of triumph and conveyed them to their headquarters, Fort

Gibraltar. To celebrate this exploit Cameron gave a ball and

entertainment to the parties engaged, on the following evening.

[Sidenote: Attack on the settlement.]

A camp was now established at a place called Frog Plain, about four

miles below the settlement, by the servants and partisans of the

North-Westers, under the command of McDonell. In June, 1815, after the

colony had been thereby deprived of the means of defence, and was in

great measure surrounded by its enemies, the whole force of Cameron's

post, consisting of half-breeds, servants and North-West clerks,

sallied forth to make a combined attack on the settlement. A sharp

fire of musketry was kept up for some time on the Governor's house and

adjacent buildings. In this attack only four persons belonging to the

settlement were wounded, but one died soon after. Several days passed,

the men encamped at Frog Plain received orders to march to the

settlement, where they erected a battery against the building called

the Government House, on which they planted a portion of the cannon

previously taken. After a series of attacks and skirmishes, Governor

McDonnell was obliged to surrender himself as a prisoner, and under a

warrant from a partner in the North-West company, sent to Montreal,

charged with an undue arrogance of authority to the detriment of the

fur-trade.

But the North-Westers were not yet satisfied. The principal person of

the settlement (and one who also held the appointment, from the

Hudson's Bay Company, of Governor of the district) was, it is true, in

custody; but having got possession of him, peremptory orders were

issued to Cameron directing the remaining settlers to leave the Red

River. The most wanton acts of aggression followed on the part of

Alexander McDonell, who, after Cameron's departure with his prisoner,

succeeded to the command at the Forks. The colonists were frequently

fired on; the farm-house was broken open and pillaged; a number of

farm labourers were arrested; horses were stolen and cattle driven

away. On the 22nd of June, another attack with fire-arms was made upon

the Governor's house, but the fire was not returned by the dispirited

settlers, who now resolved to migrate.

[Sidenote: Forced departure of the colonists.]

An episode occurring on the very eve of their departure showed clearly

upon whose side the Indians of the interior were disposed to range

themselves. Two Saulteaux chiefs, with about forty warriors of that

nation, arrived at the settlement. Learning the condition of affairs

they went over to the North-Westers' fort, and endeavoured to prevail

upon McDonell to cease his persecution and allow the colonists to

remain. Naturally, their request was refused, although the Indian

numbers prevented the North-West official from laughing in their

faces. To McLeod, the Hudson's Bay factor at Fort Douglas, the Indians

expressed their regret; but considering the armament at the disposal

of their foes, could offer them merely the protection of an escort

down the river to Lake Winnipeg. The offer was thankfully accepted,

and under their Indian escort, the officers and remaining settlers,

amounting to about sixty, quitted the settlement, leaving McLeod and

three clerks behind. Having in this manner quitted their homes, they

proceeded in canoes to the mouth of the Red River, crossed Lake

Winnipeg and took up a new abode at a trading-post on Jack River

belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company.

[Illustration: THE FUR LOFT AT A HUDSON'S BAY POST.]

The day following their departure, a party of North-West company

clerks, servants and half-breeds gathered at the spot, and setting

fire to the houses, the mill and the other buildings, burned them to

the ground.

Great joy filled the breasts of the North-Westers assembled at Fort

William when these brave tidings were conveyed to their ear. These

tidings were accompanied by convincing proofs of the great victory

gained over the enemy, in the persons of one hundred and thirty-four

settlers, including men, women and children. They arrived about the

end of July and found many of the partners gathered to receive them.

The conduct of Cameron and McDonell met with the most enthusiastic

approval. They were again appointed to command at the same stations in

the interior, which they had charge of the previous season, with a

view to oppose any further attempt to restore the scattered colony on

Red River.

[Sidenote: Treachery rewarded.]

While, however, these marks of approbation were lavished upon the

heroes of this work of destruction, the subordinate agents were by no

means so liberally rewarded as they had reason to expect. They even

complained of being defrauded of their promised hire. Many of the

deserters from the colony, however, and those of the settlers whose

treachery had proved most useful to the Montreal Company, were well

rewarded for their services. One of the most interesting features of

this business well deserves to be rescued from oblivion. It is the

account-book captured in the following year by Lord Selkirk, together

with other papers and effects of the North-West Company at Fort

William, and despatched for safe-keeping to Hudson's Bay House, in

London. It shows that credits were given to forty-eight of these

persons for various articles which they had plundered from the

settlement and delivered to Cameron at Fort Gibraltar. These consisted

principally of implements of husbandry, working tools, horses,

muskets, guns, pistols, etc., etc. Thus in one of the pages appears a

credit "for five new guns, £10; for a new common pistol, 15s.; one old

gun, 15s.," etc., etc. At the bottom of these accounts were generally

added the amounts they were to receive, and did receive, as rewards

for their services against the settlement. Several thus obtained

larger sums than, in all probability, they had ever been possessed of

at any one period in the course of their lives. To many of their

accounts were also subjoined, in the handwriting of Cameron and

McDonell, brief abstracts of the services which these deserters had,

respectively, performed in promoting the destruction of the

settlement.

As an illustration of this, honourable mention is made of one of them

(in the handwriting of Cameron) in this style: "This man joined our

people in February, was a great partisan and very useful to us ever

since, and deserves something from the North-West company, say five or

six pounds." Of another, "This man was also a great partisan of ours,

and made himself very useful to us; he lost his three years' earnings

with the Hudson's Bay Company for joining us, and he deserves, at

least, about £20." Of another (inscribed by Alexander McDonell): "He

was very desperate in our cause this spring and deserves three or four

pounds." There are other entries, as follows: "An active, smart

fellow. Left the Hudson's Bay Company in April last--a true partisan,

steady and brave. Took a most active part in the campaign this spring,

and deserves from £15 to £20. He has lost about £20 by leaving the

Hudson's Bay Company a month before the expiration of his contract."

"This man left the Hudson's Bay Company in the month of April, owing

to which he lost three years' wages. His behaviour towards us has been

that of a true partisan--a steady, brave and resolute man; and was

something of a leading character among his countrymen, and deserves at

least about £20."

[Sidenote: Leaves from the account book.]

But the truest of all these "partisans" appears to have been one

George Campbell. This hitherto obscure personage was accordingly

conspicuously honoured, as well as rewarded, by the North-West

company. He was seated at table in their common hall at Fort William,

next to the partners, and above the clerks of the company. Enviable

distinction! But it was but as the shadow of a more tangible and,

doubtless, to its recipient, a more valued reward. By the direction of

the partnership he received a recompense of £100, paid to him by one

of the company's clerks. In the account-book above mentioned appears

Cameron's testimony to the merits of this hero. "This (George

Campbell) is a very decent man, and a great partisan, who often

exposed his life for the North-West company. He has been of very

essential service in the transactions of Red River, and deserves at

least £100, Halifax; and every other service that can be rendered him

by the North-West company. Rather than that his merit and services

should go unrewarded, I would give him £100 myself, although I have

already been a good deal out of pocket by my campaign to Red River."

One would fain linger in the common-hall, at Fort William, the

barbaric splendour and even opulence of whose creature comforts have

been painted for us by another and more gifted hand.

How deep the potations, how turbulent the revelry when the flushed

cohorts from Red River returned and took their places at the board,

conscious of a victory gained over their hated rivals, the

Merchants-Adventurers trading into Hudson's Bay, and those miserable

colonists despatched by their Governor to begin the peopling of the

West! Moreover, tidings now came to swell their joy that the war

between Great Britain and America was ended, and so further relieved

their dread of disaster. But decisive as their triumph seemed, it was

short-lived. Even in the midst of this vulgar wassail the despised

settlers had returned, and affairs at Red River were shaping for a

tragedy.

FOOTNOTES:

[96] The precise spot was well chosen by Selkirk, had his object been

only the confusion and discomfiture of the North-Westers. It was the

great depot of the latter for the preparation of pemmican. Were the

region to become colonized it would slowly but surely cut off the

buffalo, from which pemmican was made, and eventually force the

North-Westers to import from Canada, at ruinous expense, the chief

part of the provisions requisite for their trading expeditions.

[97] In honour of William McGillivray, principal partner of the

concern.

[98] "It will never do," wrote Governor McDonnell to his chief, "to

take the colonists from among the Company's servants. The Orkneymen

are so averse to labour that they prefer the Company's service to

agriculture, and all being engaged in the name of the Company they

object to serve in the colony, thinking it a separate concern."

The Great Company · 第 30 / 36 章