1783-1800.
Disastrous Effects of the Competition -- Montreal Merchants
Combine -- The North-Westers -- Scheme of the Association --
Alexander Mackenzie -- His two Expeditions Reach the Pacific --
Emulation Difficult -- David Thompson.
[Sidenote: Competition of the Canadian traders.]
For many years up to 1770, before the traders from Canada had
penetrated their territory, York Factory had annually sent to London
at least 30,000 skins. There were rarely more than twenty-five men
employed in the fort at low wages. In 1790 the Company maintained
nearly one hundred men at this post, at larger wages, yet the number
of skins averaged only about 20,000 from this and the other posts. The
rivalry daily grew stronger and more bitter. Yet from what has been
seen of the habits and character of the Canadian bushrangers and
peddlers, it is almost unnecessary to say that the Company's Scotchmen
ingratiated themselves more into the esteem and confidence of the
Indians wherever and whenever the two rivals met. The advantage of
trade, it has been well said, was on their side--because their honesty
was proven. But there was another reason for the greater popularity of
the Company amongst the natives, and it was that the principal
articles of their trading goods were of a quality superior to those
imported from Canada.
The extraordinary imprudence and ill-manner of life which
characterized the Montreal traders continually offset the enterprise
and exertions of their employers. Many of these traders had spent the
greater portion of their lives on this inland service; they were
devoid of every social and humane tie, slaves to the most corrupting
vices, more especially drunkenness. So that it is not strange that
they were held in small esteem by the Indians, who, a choice being
free to them, finding themselves frequently deceived by specious
promises, were not long in making up their minds with whom to deal.
"Till the year 1782," says Mackenzie, "the people of Athabaska sent or
carried their furs regularly to Fort Churchill, and some of them have
since that time repaired farther, notwithstanding they could have
provided themselves with all the necessaries which they required. The
difference of the price set on goods here and at the factory, made it
an object with the Chippewans to undertake a journey of five or six
months, in the course of which they were reduced to the most painful
extremities, and often lost their lives from hunger and fatigue. At
present, however, this traffic is, in a great measure, discontinued,
as they were obliged to expend in the course of their journey, that
very ammunition which was its most alluring object."
[Sidenote: Montreal merchants combine.]
But the Company was now threatened with a more determined and
judicious warfare by the better class of Canadian traders. The
enterprise had been checked, first by the animosity of the Indians,
and at the same time by the ravages of the smallpox, but during the
winter of 1783-4, the Montreal merchants resolved, for the better
prosecution of their scheme, to effect a junction of interests, by
forming an association of sixteen equal shares, without, however,
depositing any capital. The scheme was to be carried out in this way:
Each party was to furnish a proportion of such articles as were
necessary in the trade, while the actual traders, or "wintering
partners," of these merchants were to receive each a corresponding
share of the profits. To this association was given, on the suggestion
of Joseph Frobisher, the name of the North-West Company. The chief
management of the business was entrusted to the two Frobishers and
Simon McTavish, another Scotch merchant in Montreal.
In May, 1784, accordingly, Benjamin Frobisher and McTavish went to the
Grand Portage with their credentials from the other partners in the
new undertaking. Here they met the bulk of the traders and voyageurs,
who were delighted to hear of the new scheme. These entered heartily
into the spirit of the undertaking, and that spring embarked for the
west with the merchandise and provisions brought them, with a lighter
heart than they had known for years, and with a determination to
profit by the disasters of the past. Not all of the chief traders, it
must be said, cast in their lots with the new company. Two, named Pond
and Pangman, opposed it; and finding a couple of merchants who were
willing to furnish sufficient capital, resolved to strike out for
themselves as rivals to the North-West company. This action
occasioned, as might be expected, great bitterness and disorder.
Nevertheless, it was the means of bringing to light a young Scotchman
from the Isles, whose name will be forever linked with the North-West.
His name was Alexander Mackenzie.
[Sidenote: Alexander Mackenzie.]
This young man had been for five years in the counting-house of
Gregory, one of the merchants who had allied themselves with the two
malcontents. It was now decided that Mackenzie should set out with
Pond and Pangman in their separate trading venture into the distant
Indian country. A more perilous business than this can scarcely be
imagined. Besides the natural difficulties, the party had to encounter
all the fiercest enmity and opposition of which the adherents of the
new association were capable. It is enough to say that after a fearful
struggle they forced the latter to allow them a participation in the
trade. But the feat which resulted in the coalition of the two
interests in 1787 cost them dear. One of the partners was killed,
another lamed for life, and many of their voyageurs injured. Yet the
establishment thus joined, and shorn of all rivals save the Great
Company, was placed on a solid basis, and the fur-trade of Canada
began to assume greater proportions than it had yet done under the
English _régime_. As this North-West concern was finally itself to
merge into the Company of which these chapters are the history, it
will not be unprofitable to glance at its constitution and methods,
particularly as the economic fabric was to be likewise transferred and
adapted to its Hudson's Bay rival.
[Illustration: SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE.]
[Sidenote: The North-West company.]
It was then, and continued to be, merely an association of merchants
agreeing among themselves to carry on the fur-trade by itself,
although many of these merchants plied other commerce. "It may be
said," observes Mackenzie, "to have been supported entirely on credit;
for whether the capital belonged to the proprietor, or was borrowed,
it equally bore interest, for which the association was annually
accountable." The company comprised twenty shares unequally divided
and amongst the parties concerned. "Of these a certain proportion was
held by the people who managed the business in Canada and were styled
agents for the company. Their duty was to import the necessary goods
from England, store them at their own expense at Montreal, get them
made up into articles suited to the trade, pack and forward them and
supply the cash that might be wanting for the outfits." For all this
they received, besides the profit on their shares, an annual
commission on the business done. A settlement took place each year,
two of the partners going to Grand Portage to supervise affairs of
that growing centre, now outrivalling Detroit, Michilimackinac and
Sault Ste. Marie. The furs were seen safely to the company's warehouse
in Montreal, where they were stored pending their shipment to England.
This class were denominated agents for the concern.
Then there was the other proprietary class--the actual traders, who
conducted the expeditions amongst the Indians and furnished no
capital. If they did amass capital by the trade they could invest it
in the company through the agents, but could never employ it
privately. There were several who from long service and influence who
had acquired double shares and these were permitted to retire from
activity, leaving one of such shares to whichever young man in the
service they chose to nominate, provided always he was approved by the
company. Such successions, we are told, were considered as due to
either seniority or exceptional merit. The retiring shareholder was
relieved from any responsibility concerning the share he transferred
and accounted for it according to the annual value or rate of the
property. Thus the trader who disposed of his extra share had no
pecuniary advantage from the sale, but only drew a continuous profit
from the share which as a sleeping partner he retained.
[Sidenote: Partnership regulations.]
By such means all the younger men who were not provided for at the
inception of the North-West company, or when they afterwards entered
into service, were likely to succeed to the situation and profits of
regular partners in the concern. By their contract they entered the
company's service as articled clerks for five or seven years.
Occasionally they succeeded to shares before the expiration of their
apprenticeship. None could be admitted as a partner unless he had
first served such apprenticeship to the fur-trade, therefore shares
were transferable only to the concern at large. As for the sleeping
partner he could not, of course, be debarred from selling out if he
chose, but if the transaction were not countenanced by the rest, his
name continued to figure in committee, the actual owner of the share
being regarded as merely his agent or attorney. A vote accompanied
every share, two-thirds constituting a majority.
Such, in brief, was the remarkable constitution of this commercial
body--a constitution which was in those days wholly unique. By such
regular and equitable methods of providing for all classes of
employees, a zeal and independence was fostered. Every petty clerk
felt himself, as he was, a principal, and his loyalty and thrift
became assured forthwith.
It has been argued, and not unjustly, that such a constitution was
obvious, that no great merit need be ascribed to its originators, that
it was evolved, so to speak, by the situation itself. The character of
the fur-trade at that time was such, the commerce so hazardous and
diffused over so vast a country, that without that spirit of emulation
thus evoked the new fur company must quickly have resolved itself into
its constituent particles. Nevertheless, shrewdness, courage and
foresight were demanded, and in the persons of these Canadian
Scotchmen were forthcoming.
As for the value of the business in 1788, all the furs, merchandise,
provisions and equipments were worth the sum of £40,000. This might
properly be called the stock of the Company, for, as Mackenzie, who
was now one of its traders, remarked, it included, within the gross
expenditure for that year, the amount of the property unexpended,
which having been appropriated for that year's adventure, was carried
on to the account of the next season.
So greatly did the new Company flourish that the gross amount of the
adventure ten years later, was close upon £125,000. But in that year,
1798, a change was to occur which will be dealt with in another
chapter.
[Sidenote: Mackenzie's expedition to the Arctic.]
In 1789 Mackenzie felt the time ripe to prosecute a journey towards
which his mind had long been directed--that journey overland to the
Pacific, in which Verandrye, as we have seen, had failed through the
hand of death. His commercial associates by no means relished the
enterprise; but Mackenzie's power and influence had now grown
considerable, and he found means this year to carry out his wish. On
the 3rd of June, 1789, Mackenzie set out from Fort Chipewyan, at the
head of Athabaska Lake, a station nearly midway between Hudson's Bay
and the Pacific.
The young explorer had served here for eight years, and was familiar
with the difficulties he had to face, as well as aware of the best
methods of overcoming them. Taking with him four canoes, he embarked a
German and four Canadians with their wives in the first. The second
canoe was occupied by a northern Indian, called English Chief, who had
been a follower of Matonabee, Hearne's chief guide and counsellor.
This worthy was accompanied by his two wives. The third was taken up
by two sturdy young savages, who served in the double capacity of
hunters and interpreters; whilst the fourth was laden with provisions,
clothing, ammunition, and various articles designed as presents to the
Indians. This canoe was in charge of one of the North-West concern's
clerks, named La Roux.
In such fashion and in such numbers did Mackenzie's party set forth
from Fort Chipewyan. By the 4th of June they reached Slave River,
which connects the Athabasca and Slave Lakes in a course of about 170
miles; on the 9th of the same month they sighted Slave Lake itself.
During this part of the journey they had suffered no other
inconvenience than those arising from the attacks of the mosquitoes
during the heat of the day and the excessive cold, which characterizes
the nights in that country, especially in the hours near dawn.
Skirting the shore they came to a lodge of Red Knife Indians, so
called from their use of copper knives. One of these natives offered
to conduct Mackenzie to the mouth of that river which was the object
of his search, as the Coppermine had been of Hearne's. Unhappily, so
numerous were the impediments encountered from drift ice, contrary
winds, and the ignorance of their guide (whom English Chief threatened
to murder for his incompetence), that it was the 29th of the month
before they embarked upon the stream which to-day bears the name of
the leader of the party who then first ascended it.
[Sidenote: Journey down the Mackenzie River.]
On quitting the lake, the Mackenzie River was found to take its course
to the westward, becoming gradually narrower for twenty-four miles,
till it dwindled to a stream half a mile wide, having a strong current
and a depth of three and a half fathoms. A stiff breeze from the
eastward now drove them on at a great speed, and after a run of ten
miles the channel widened gradually until it assumed the appearance of
a small lake. The guide confessed that this was the limit of his
acquaintance with the river. Soon afterwards they came in sight of the
chain of Horn Mountains, bearing north-west, and experienced some
difficulty in resuming the channel of the river. The party continued
the journey for five days with no interruption. On July 6th they
observed several columns of smoke on the north bank and on landing
discovered an encampment of five families of Slave and Dog-ribbed
Indians, who, on the first appearance of the white men, fled in
consternation to the woods. English Chief, however, called after them,
in a tongue they understood, and they, though reluctantly, responded
to his entreaties to return, especially when they were accompanied by
offers of gifts. The distribution of a few beads, rings and knives,
with a supply of grog, soon reconciled them to the strangers. But the
travellers were somewhat appalled to learn from these Indians of the
rigours of the journey which awaited them. These asserted that it
would require several winters to reach the sea, and that old age would
inevitably overtake the party before their return. Demons of terrible
shape and malevolent disposition were stated to have their dwellings
in the rock caves which lined the river's brim, and these were ready
to devour the hardy spirits who should dare continue their journey
past them. This information Mackenzie and his party endeavoured to
receive with equanimity; they staggered more at the narrative of two
impassable falls which were said to exist about thirty days march from
where they then were.
But although the effect of these tales on the leader of the expedition
was not great, his Indians, already weary of travelling, drank all in
with willing ears. They could hardly be induced to continue the
journey. When their scruples were overcome, one of the Dog-ribbed
Indians was persuaded by the present of a kettle, an axe, and some
other articles, to accompany them as guide. But, alas, when the hour
for embarkation came, his love of home overbore all other
considerations, and his attempt to escape was only frustrated by
actually forcing him on board.
Continuing their journey, they passed the Great Bear Lake River, and
steering through numerous islands came in sight of a ridge of snowy
mountains, frequented, according to their guide, by herds of bears and
small white buffalo. The banks of the river were seen to be pretty
thickly peopled with natives, whose timidity was soon overcome by
small gifts. From these Indians was procured a seasonable supply of
hares, partridges, fish and reindeer. The same stories of spirits or
manitous which haunted the stream, and of fearful rapids which would
dash the canoes in pieces, were repeated by these tribes. This time
they had a real effect. The guide, during a storm of thunder and
lightning, decamped in the night, and no doubt fled for home as
rapidly as his legs, or improvised canoe, could carry him. No great
difficulty, however, was experienced in procuring a substitute, and
after a short sail the party approached an encampment of Indians,
whose brawny figures, healthy appearance, and cleanliness were a great
improvement on the other tribes they had seen. From these Mackenzie
learnt that he must sleep ten nights before arriving at the sea. In
three nights, he was told, he would meet with Esquimaux, with whom
they had been at war, but were now at peace.
It was evident that none in these parts had ever heard the sound of
fire-arms for, when one of Mackenzie's men discharged his
fowling-piece, the utmost terror took possession of them.
When this intrepid pioneer through the lands of the Hudson's Bay
Company had reached a latitude of 67° 47´, a great range of snowy
mountains burst into view. Mackenzie, by this time, was convinced that
the waters on which the four frail barks were gliding must flow into
the Arctic Ocean.
When within a few days of accomplishing the great object of the
journey, the attendant Indians sunk into a fit of despondency and were
reluctant to proceed. The new guide pleaded his ignorance of the
region, as he had never before penetrated to what he and his fellows
termed the Benahulla Toe.[82] Mackenzie, thereupon, assured them all
that he would return if it were not reached in seven days, and so
prevailed on them to continue the journey.
The nights were now illumined by a blazing sun and everything denoted
the proximity of the sea. On landing at a deserted Esquimaux
encampment, several pieces of whalebone were observed; also a place
where train-oil had been spilt. Signs of vegetation grew rarer and
rarer.
[Sidenote: The explorer reaches the Arctic.]
On the 12th of July the explorer reached what appears to have been an
arm of the Arctic Sea. It was quite open to the westward, and by an
observation the latitude was found to be 69°. All before them, as far
as they could see, was a vast stretch of ice. They continued their
course with difficulty fifteen miles to the western-most extremity of
a high island, and then it was found impossible to proceed farther.
Many other islands were seen to the eastward; but though they came to
a grave, on which lay a bow, a paddle and a spear, they met no living
human beings in those Arctic solitudes. The red fox and the reindeer,
flocks of beautiful plover, some venerable white owls, and several
large white gulls were the only natives.
But Mackenzie knew he had triumphed; for he had, as he stood on the
promontory of Whale Island, caught sight of a shoal of those marine
night monsters from whom the island then received its name. Before
returning, Mackenzie caused a post to be erected close to the
tents, upon which the traveller engraved the latitude of the spot, his
own name, the number of persons accompanying him, and the time they
spent on the island.
[Illustration: THE BUSHRANGER AND THE INDIANS.]
[Illustration: A PORTAGE.]
On the 16th of July they set out on their long journey to the fort. On
the 21st, the sun, which for some time had never set, descended below
the horizon, and on that day they were joined by eleven of the
natives. These represented their tribe as numerous, and perpetually at
war with the Esquimaux, who had broken a treaty into which they had
seduced the Indians and had massacred many of them. On one occasion an
Indian of a strange tribe beyond the mountains to the west
endeavoured to draw for Mackenzie a map of that distant country with a
stick upon the sand. It was a rude production, but gave the explorer
an idea. The savage traced out a long point of land between two
rivers. This isthmus he represented as running into the great lake, at
the extremity of which, as he had been told by Indians of other
nations, there was built a Benahulla Couin, or White Man's Fort.
"This," says Mackenzie, "I took to be Oonalaska Fort, and consequently
the river to the west to be Cook's River, and that the body of water
or sea into which the river discharges itself at Whale Island
communicated with Norton Sound."
Mackenzie in vain endeavoured to procure a guide across the mountains;
the natives refused to accompany him. On the 12th of September the
party arrived in safety at Fort Chippewyan, having been absent one
hundred and two days.
Taken in connection with Hearne's journey, this expedition was of
great importance as establishing the fact of an Arctic sea of wide
extent to the north of the continent. It seemed probable, also, that
this sea formed its continuous boundary.
But the greater expedition of this intrepid fur-trader was yet to be
undertaken. His object this time was to ascend the Peace River, which
rises in the Rocky Mountains, and crossing these to penetrate to that
unknown stream which he had sought in vain during his former journey.
This river, he conjectured, must communicate with the ocean; and
finding it, he must be borne along to the Pacific.
[Sidenote: Mackenzie sets out for the Pacific.]
The explorer set out, accordingly, from Fort Chippewyan on the 10th of
October, 1792, pushing on to the remotest trading post, where he spent
the winter in a traffic for furs with the Beaver and Rocky Indians.
When he had despatched six canoes to Chippewyan with the cargo he had
collected, he engaged hunters and interpreters, built a huge canoe and
set out for the Pacific. This canoe, it may be mentioned, was
twenty-five feet long within, exclusive of the curves of stem and
stern, twenty-six inches hold and four feet nine inches beam. At the
same time it was so light that two men could carry it three or four
miles, if necessity arose, without stopping to rest. In such a slender
craft they not only stowed away their provisions, presents, arms,
ammunition and baggage to the weight of three thousand pounds, but
found room for Mackenzie, seven white companions and two Indians. Up
to the 21st of May the party encountered a series of such difficulties
and hardships that all save the leader himself were disheartened at
the prospect. The river being broken by frequent cascades and
dangerous rapids, it was very often necessary to carry the canoe and
baggage until the voyage could be resumed in safety; and on their
nearer approach to the Rocky Mountains the stream, hemmed in between
stupendous rocks, presented a continuance of fearful torrents and huge
cataracts. The party began to murmur audibly; and, at last, progress
came to a standstill. In truth, there was some reason for this
irresolution; further progress by water was impossible and they could
only advance over a mountain whose sides were broken by sharp, jagged
rocks and thickly covered with wood. Mackenzie despatched a
reconnoitring party, with orders to ascend the mountain and proceed in
a straight course from its summit, keeping the line of the river until
they could ascertain if it was practicable to resume navigation.
While this party was gone on its quest, the canoe was repaired, and
Mackenzie busied himself in taking an altitude which showed the
latitude to be 56° 8'. By sunset the scouts had severally returned,
each having taken different routes. They had penetrated through thick
woods, ascended hills and dived into valleys, passed the rapids, and
agreed, that though the difficulties by land were appalling, this was
the only practicable course. Unattractive as was the prospect, the
spirits of the party rose as night closed in. Their troubles were
forgotten in a repast of wild rice sweetened with sugar; the usual
evening regale of rum renewed their courage, and followed by a night's
rest, they entered upon the journey next day with cheerfulness and
vigour.
It is not to the purpose here to relate all that befell Mackenzie on
this memorable voyage, but, after many vicissitudes, towards the
close of June he reached the spot where the party were to strike off
across the country.
[Sidenote: Journey in the mountain.]
"We carried on our back," says Mackenzie, "four bags and a half of
pemmican, weighing from eighty-five to ninety-five pounds each, a case
with the instruments, a parcel of goods for presents weighing ninety
pounds, and a parcel containing ammunition of the same weight; each of
the Canadians had a burden of about ninety pounds, with a gun and
ammunition, whilst the Indians had about forty-five pounds weight of
pemmican, besides their gun--an obligation with which, owing to their
having been treated with too much indulgence, they expressed
themselves much dissatisfied. My own load, and that of Mr. Mackay,
consisted of twenty-two pounds of pemmican, some rice, sugar, and
other small articles, amounting to about seventy pounds, besides our
arms and ammunition. The tube of my telescope was also slung across my
shoulder, and owing to the low state of our provisions, it was
determined that we should content ourselves with two meals a day."
About the middle of July Mackenzie encountered a chief who had, ten
years before, in a voyage by sea, met with two large vessels full of
white men, the first he had ever seen and by whom he was kindly
received. The explorer very plausibly conjectured that these were the
ships of Captain Cook. Thus the names of two of the world's great
explorers were, by that episode, conjoined.
The navigation of the river, although interrupted by rapids and
cascades, was continued until the 23rd, when the party reached its
mouth. Here the river was found to discharge itself by various smaller
channels into the Pacific.
The memorable journey was now finished, and its purpose completed. In
large characters, upon the surface of a rock under whose shelter the
party had slept, their leader painted this simple memorial:
"Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada by land the 22nd of July, one
thousand seven hundred and ninety-three."
Such was the inscription written with vermilion, at which doubtless
the simple aboriginal tribes came to marvel before it was washed away
by the elements. But its purport was conveyed to England in another
and more abiding character, which yet will not outlast the memory of
the achievement. Mackenzie and his followers had paved the way; almost
despite itself the Company must take possession, before long, of its
own; although much had arisen which rendered the task less easy than
if it had been undertaken immediately on the conquest, thirty years
before.
[Sidenote: Turner's exploration.]
The news of Mackenzie's journeys reaching London considerably
perturbed the Honourable Adventurers and undeniably diminished their
prestige. It was not that the Company did not wish to pursue discovery
and bring about a knowledge of the vast unknown regions which
appertained to it under the charter; it was for a long time
impracticable. In 1785 it had sent out orders to continue the
exploration of the west, begun by Hearne. A man had been despatched in
accordance with these instructions, but his courage, or his endurance,
had failed him, and he returned to Cumberland House without having
accomplished anything of note. For the five or six years ensuing, the
reports of the meetings of the Company are sufficient testimony to the
desire of the members to take an active part in seeking trade with
unknown tribes. But to effect this, men were necessary; and men of the
required character were not immediately forthcoming. It was not till
1791 that, after an animated correspondence with the Colonial Office,
a person was suggested for the enterprise who seemed to possess the
equipment adequate to the task. This was Turner, who sought a career
as an astronomer, and with him went Ross, one of the Company's clerks.
Both were badly furnished for an expedition of this kind, and taking
counsel among themselves, came to the conclusion that as they had to
make their way through parts unknown to the Hudson's Bay servants, it
would be as well to seek the assistance of the Northmen as well. From
Alexander Mackenzie, Turner obtained a letter to the factor in charge
of Fort Chippewyan, instructing him to offer the explorers every
facility and courtesy; and indeed so well were Turner and his
companion treated at this post that they passed the winter there. The
result of this expedition went to show that Lake Athabasca, instead of
being situated in proximity to the Pacific, was really distant nearly
a thousand miles.
There were men enough for the work in hand if the Company had only
availed themselves of them. At the very moment when Mackenzie was
making his voyages, a youth was finishing his education at the Charter
House who had all the cleverness, force and intrepidity for the task
that all desired to see accomplished. His name was David Thompson. The
time having arrived when this youth should choose a career, his
inclination turned to travel in the unknown quarters of the globe, and
hoping that adventure of some sort would transpire for him in the
north-west of the New World, he signed as one of the clerks of the
Company, and set sail in 1794 for Fort Churchill. Arriving here, he
found himself "cribbed, cabined and confined." Governor Colen and
himself were little to their mutual liking, and still less of the same
mind, as Thompson had an ardent, energetic temperament, and was with
difficulty controlled. Yet during the summer of 1795, by reason of
continuous pleadings, he obtained permission to set out on a tour to
the west, and with an escort of one white clerk, an Irishman, and two
Indians, he travelled to Athabasca, surveying the country as he went
along.
[Sidenote: David Thompson.]
On his return from Athabasca, Thompson's term of service had expired,
and he was encouraged to apply for employment with the Northmen. They
desired to learn the position of their trading houses, chiefly with
respect to the 49th parallel of latitude, which had become, since the
treaty of 1792 with America, the boundary line between the possessions
of the two countries. For several years Thompson continued in the
service of the Company's rivals, surveying a considerable territory
and drawing up charts and maps, which were sent to the partners at
Fort William.[83]
After Thompson came Simon Fraser and John Stuart, the names of both of
whom are perpetuated in the rivers bearing their names to-day. Fraser
is described by one of his associates as "an illiterate, ill-bred,
fault-finding man, of jealous disposition, but ambitious and
energetic, with considerable conscience, and in the main holding to
honest convictions."
Both these men bore a chief share in establishing trading posts on the
other side of the Rocky Mountains, which are now associated with the
Hudson's Bay Company.
FOOTNOTES:
[82] White Man's Lake.
[83] Of David Thompson we get a portrait from Mr. H. H. Bancroft. He
was, he says, "of an entirely different order of man from the orthodox
fur-trader. Tall and fine looking, with sandy complexion, with large
features, deep-set studious eyes, high forehead and broad shoulders,
the intellectual was set upon the physical. His deeds have never been
trumpeted as have those of some of the others; but in the westward
explorations of the North-West Company, no man performed more valuable
service or estimated his achievements more modestly. Unhappily his
last days were not as pleasant as fell to the lot of some of the worn
out members of the Company. He retired, almost blind, to Lachine
House, once the headquarters of the Company, where he was met with in
1831 in a very decrepit condition."