1671-1673.
Mission of the Père Albanel -- Apprehension at Fort Charles --
Bailey's Distrust of Radisson -- Expedition to Moose River --
Groseilliers and the Savages -- The Bushrangers Leave the
Company's Service -- Arrival of Governor Lyddal.
While the Honourable Company of Adventurers was holding its meetings
in Mr. Alderman Horth's house, and gravely discussing its huge profits
and its motley wares, an event was happening some thousands of miles
away which was to decide the fate, for some years at least, of the two
picturesque figures to whom the inception of the whole enterprise was
due.
In August, 1671, M. Talon, the Intendant of New France, sent for a
certain Father Albanel and a young friend of his, the Sieur de St.
Simon, and after embracing them sent both forth on a perilous mission
to the North. They were directed to "penetrate as far as the Mer du
Nord; to draw up a memoir of all they would discover, drive a trade in
fur with the Indians, and especially reconnoitre whether there be any
means of wintering ships in that quarter." Such were the injunctions
bestowed upon these hardy spirits on the eve of their errand. To recur
to a theme already touched upon, if the French Government of the day
had previously caused visits to be made to Hudson's Bay in the manner
described several years later, all this knowledge would have been
already acquired; and there would have been no necessity to despatch
either priest or layman thither to make that discovery anew.
[Sidenote: Father Albanel's journey.]
In the "Jesuit Relations" for 1672 is found Father Albanel's own
narration of his journey:
"Hitherto this voyage had been considered impossible for Frenchmen,
who, after having undertaken it three times and not having been able
to surmount the obstacles, had seen themselves to abandon it in
despair of success. What appears as impossible is found not to be so
when it pleases God. The conduct of it was reserved to me after
eighteen years' prosecution that I had made, and I have very excellent
proofs that God reserved the execution of it for me, after the
singular favour of a sudden and marvellous, not to say miraculous,
recovery that I received as soon as I devoted myself to this mission
at the solicitation of my Superior; and in fact I have not been
deceived in my expectation; I have opened the road, in company with
two Frenchmen and six savages." Thus it is made apparent that so far
as the Jesuits, pioneers of this country, were concerned, no knowledge
of any of their compatriots having penetrated to Hudson's Bay had ever
reached them. The letter that M. Talon was writing to his royal master
is proof that he, too, was unaware of any prior discovery. No doubt
remains that the worthy priest and the young chevalier, his servant,
were the first party travelling overland from Quebec to penetrate into
those regions and to behold that vast expanse of water.
The little band of English at Fort Charles, under Charles Bailey, who
had been sent out as Governor of Rupert's Land by the Company, were
soon made aware of the proximity of the French, and no one seems to
have been more affected by the news than Radisson and Groseilliers.
The two brothers-in-law indulged in many anxious surmises. Radisson
offered to go and find out who the intruders were, but the Governor by
no means favoured the idea. In those days, when national rivalries and
prejudices were so intense, and especially so among the English middle
classes, Bailey seems to have felt a great deal of distrust with
regard to the two Frenchmen; and he early made up his mind to let them
know his opinion and feel his authority. The two parties were
continually at loggerheads; the Frenchmen naturally resenting the
Governor's unjust suspicions, and the Governor retorting by a
ponderous irony and a surly and continual surveillance of their speech
and movements.
[Sidenote: Rivals on the scene.]
In the following year, 1673, the occupants of the Company's post, at
Rupert's River, were made aware of the neighbourhood of their trade
rivals in no pleasant manner. The Indians of the country round about
began to show signs of disaffection. On being questioned, some of the
more friendly ones were induced to betray the cause. They had been
informed by the Frenchmen, who in that and the previous years had
reached the shores of the Bay, distant some twenty or thirty leagues,
that the English were not to be trusted, that their firearms were
bewitched, and their religion was that of the evil one. Peaceably
inclined, the Nodwayes, who were the principal inhabitants of that
region, fell an easy prey to the proselytism of the indomitable
Jesuits, and many of their younger braves had journeyed to Quebec and
taken part in the mission services there, and at Montreal, before the
arrival of Dablon in their midst. But they were readily adaptable to
the racial and commercial antagonisms of their teachers; and late in
1673 Governor Bailey was informed that they contemplated an attack on
the fort.
[Illustration: TYPE OF EARLY TRADING POST.
(_From an old print._)]
On this, the Company's servants began the task of strengthening their
frail defences. The Governor alleged that he had received instructions
from England to despatch Groseilliers to the other side of the Bay,
called the "West Main." Radisson sought to accompany his kinsman, but
was met with a peremptory refusal. This action by no means increased
the amity between him and his rather stupid and choleric superior.
Nevertheless the winter passed without any open exhibition of
hostility between the two men; and it seemed likely that no
difficulties would arise while the cold weather continued. The ground
was, however, still covered with snow when several Indians appeared
and asked to be allowed to take up their abode at the east end of the
fort, that they might be ready for trade in the spring. Bailey, with
his customary sagacity in such matters, suspected some treachery in
this; but on the active expostulations of Radisson the simple request
was granted, and the Indians immediately proceeded to erect their
wigwams. On the 25th of March, when the thaw commenced, six savages,
announcing themselves as ambassadors from Kas-Kidi-dah, the chief of
the tribe, (referred to by Bailey's secretary as "King Cusciddidah,")
came to herald the approach of that potentate. It so chanced that both
the Governor and Radisson were absent, having gone out to reconnoitre
and to obtain an addition to their now slender stock of meat. In all
these little expeditions the Governor and Radisson were inseparable.
The former swore privately he could never bring himself to trust the
fort in the hands of a Frenchman; and, although there was no reason
whatever to apprehend such consequences, the Governor constantly acted
as if any such show of confidence on his part would emphatically
jeopardize the interests of the Company.
[Sidenote: Governor Bailey's distrust.]
King Cusciddidah arrived on the following day. "His Majestie brought a
retinue with him," records Thomas Gorst, the Governor's secretary,
"but very little beaver, the Indians having already sent their best to
Canada."
In the absence of the Governor, the occupants of the fort regarded
Captain Cole as their superior. Cole did not place much confidence in
the pacific mien of the savages surrounding the fort, and a guard was
kept up night and day. Under cover of darkness two sailors were
despatched to find the Governor; but scarcely had they departed on
their quest than Cusciddidah proposed that two of his Indians should
go on the same errand. The acting commandant of the fort could not
well decline this offer, and on the 31st of March the second party
returned, bringing with them the Governor. To the surprise of all
Radisson did not accompany him. No explanation was offered; but the
next day the rumour ran that they had quarrelled in the wilderness,
that from words they came to blows, and that finally Radisson had
attempted to shoot the Governor.
Filled with a natural alarm, Groseilliers made several attempts to
obtain from Bailey the true story of the affair, but the Governor
declined to affirm or confirm anything, saying that he had no doubt
Groseilliers knew quite as much of the matter as himself.
Groseilliers' anxiety, however, was considerably lessened when at a
formal conference with the Indian king, held at the latter's wigwams
near the fort, he learnt that the French had made a settlement not
above eight days' journey from Rupert's River. Hither, in effect,
Radisson had repaired; and afterwards from thence made his way back to
Quebec. Of his subsequent adventures mention will be made later in the
narrative.
[Sidenote: First French rivalry.]
Cusciddidah openly demanded the English protection. He declared his
apprehension of being attacked by other Indians, whom the French had
animated against the English and all who dealt with them. He even gave
a description of the fort the French had erected on the banks of Moose
River, and the contents of its store-house. Already the French were
resorting to many artifices to hinder the natives from trading with
the heretic pale-faces; they gave higher value for the furs brought
them, and lost no opportunity of instilling into the minds of the
Indians a far from flattering opinion of their trade rivals, the
English.
One hearer received these tidings with complete equanimity. That which
surprised and confounded his companions, filled the bosom of Chouart
des Groseilliers with a secret joy. The Governor's high-handed
deportment had oppressed, if it had not angered him; and he had,
together with his brother-in-law, begun to suspect that this policy of
enmity was dictated by a desire to rid himself and the Company of
them both. But in the proximity of the French he found a weapon of
great utility in his relations with the Governor, his superior
officer.
On the third of April a council was held, to debate upon the
advisability of the Company's agents removing from Rupert's to Moose
River, thus to prevent their traffic being intercepted by the French.
The Governor adopted a tone of great cordiality towards Groseilliers,
and listened with deference to his advice. Groseilliers boldly
counselled giving up the present fort and establishing themselves
close to the French. Bailey, much to Captain Cole's astonishment,
instantly approved of the plan. In vain did Cole protest against the
course as dangerous; the Governor professed his confidence in
Groseilliers' wisdom, and ordered the sloop to be got ready for the
journey.
[Illustration: BARK CANOE OF INDIANS ON HUDSON'S BAY.]
In the meantime the Indians in the neighbourhood of Fort Charles
continued building their wigwams. They raised their wauscohegein or
fort so near the English that the palisades joined. As their numbers
increased, Groseilliers advised putting off their own expedition until
the savages were gone hunting, so that Fort Charles and those left in
charge might not be surprised in their absence. On the 20th of May,
seven canoes containing more subjects of Cusciddidah arrived, bringing
the news to the English that few, if any, Upland Indians might be
expected to visit them that season, the French having persuaded them
to journey with their goods to Canada instead. Indeed, said they, the
tribes had already left, so that even if the English expedition were
made, it would be fruitless.
At this depressing intelligence Bailey again sought Groseilliers'
advice, and this being still in favour of advancing to Moose River, it
was adopted. Before the departure, on the 27th of May, a band of about
fifty men, women and children appeared, anxious to trade; but instead
of furs they offered wampum, feathers, and a few small canoes, for
none of which merchandise the Company's agents had need. They were of
the nation called Pishapocanoes, a tribe allied to the Esquimaux, and
like them, a "poor, beggarly people; by which," adds one of the party,
"we may perceive the French ran away with the best of the trade."
Everything being now in readiness, the expedition started, but without
Bailey. The Governor, at the last moment, decided to remain behind at
Fort Charles and await their return.
[Sidenote: First visit to Moose River.]
The voyage across the Bay was made in safety, and on the very day of
landing at the mouth of Moose River, a band of Tabiti Indians were
encountered, from whom they obtained about two hundred pelts. The
chief of this band denied that the French had bribed them or the other
Indians not to trade with the English. They declared that as yet their
intercourse had been almost entirely with the Jesuits, one of whom was
Father Albanel, who had merely urged them to live on terms of
friendship with the nations in league with the French. The chief
blamed the English for trading with such pitiful tribes as
Cusciddidah's and the Pishapocanoes, advising them instead to settle
at Moose River, where, he asserted, the Upland Indians would come and
trade with them.
One curious incident occurred in the course of this parley. The Tabiti
chief, who had been for some time looking rather sharply at
Groseilliers, suddenly broke off the intercourse. When Captain Cole
demanded the reason, the chief declared that it was on Groseilliers'
account, whom he had recognized as the Frenchman with whom he had had
dealings many years before. Groseilliers, nothing loth, stepped
forward, and declared that the chief might possess himself in easiness
on that score, as he was now to all intents and purposes an
Englishman; and that he would always trade with the Tabitis as such.
"But you drove hard bargains," returned the chief. "You took our
silkiest, softest and richest furs, and you gave us but beads and
ribbons. You told us the skins of the sable, and marten, and beaver
were of little account to you, whereas the English give us, and the
French traders as well, guns and hatchets in exchange."
This harangue does not seem to have particularly disconcerted
Groseilliers; he was an old Indian trader; he returned a polite
answer, renewing his expressions of amity. Nevertheless, it made a
profound impression upon the other members of the party, who reported
to Bailey on their return that the Indians thought Groseilliers too
hard on them, and refused to deal with him. Indeed, they did not
scruple to assert that the comparative failure of their expedition was
owing to Groseilliers' presence; that both the Tabitis and the
Shechittiwans, hard by, were really possessed of peltries which they
chose to conceal.
[Sidenote: Bailey at Moose River.]
On hearing this intelligence, Bailey himself was induced to set out
for Moose River. By rare good fortune, he found the Tabitis reinforced
by a numerous band of Shechittiwans, who had journeyed thither some
fifty leagues and were eager to trade. From this tribe, the Governor
procured no fewer than fifteen hundred skins on very good terms.
Charmed with his adventure, he decided to pursue his course, discover
the Chechouan River, and thence coast along the west shore of the Bay,
to Port Nelson, where there was, as yet, no fort.
On the 18th of July, he arrived at Chechouan River, "where no
Englishman had been before," but secured little or no beaver. He
treated with the chief of the tribe he found there and with his son,
who exacted from him a promise that he would come with a ship and
trade the next year. In return, they assured him they would provide a
quantity of beaver and induce the Upland tribes to travel thence.
Hardly had the sloop departed than, on the 27th, it ran upon a mass of
floating ice and narrowly escaped foundering. This catastrophe
precipitated the Governor's return to Rupert's River. He arrived to
find Groseilliers and his protégé Gorst at daggers drawn, and the
factors, traders and sailors almost at the point of mutiny, and all
this because they objected to serve under a Frenchman.
[Sidenote: Jesuit priest at Fort Charles.]
Bailey now seems to have made up his mind what course to pursue with
regard to Groseilliers; but if anything were wanting to complete his
decision, he had not long to wait. On the next day but one, that is to
say the 30th of August, a messenger came to him to announce the
arrival of a canoe. In it was a Jesuit missionary, accompanied by one
of Cusciddidah's own sons. The worthy priest was in a sorry condition
with regard to his apparel, most of which he had either been robbed of
or been compelled to barter for food during his long sojourn in the
wilderness. He had left Quebec during the preceding October, but had
been detained for many months owing to the impassability of the route.
He bore with him letters; one of them for Mr. Bailey from the Governor
of Quebec. This epistle seems to have given Bailey a great deal of
pleasure, and as a communication from one great man to another, he
caused it to be publicly read out in the fort. The French Governor
desired Bailey to treat the priest civilly "on account of the amity
between the two crowns"; and the bearer of this letter had no reason
to complain of a lack of hospitality. He was clothed and entertained
with great kindness.
Unhappily, on the very evening of his arrival, the Governor was made
aware that the Jesuit had brought other letters, and that these had
been delivered into the hands of Groseilliers. Always suspicious, he
now became convinced of treachery. He saw in this harmless visit of a
pious missionary a deep-laid plot to capture the fort and allow it to
be pillaged by the hostile Indians. He ordered Groseilliers to appear
before him. But Groseilliers was not to be found, and Gorst returned
to say that both the Frenchmen were out walking together. Bailey,
taking several men with him, now went himself in search of the pair;
he confronted Groseilliers, and hurled a host of accusations at his
head. To these accusations, all ill-founded and ill-advised,
Groseilliers very promptly responded by knocking the Governor down. He
then returned calmly to the fort, demanded his wages and possessions,
and calling three of the Indians to his side, including the young
brave who had accompanied the priest, set off valiantly into the
wilderness. In due time he reached Quebec, where he rendered a
faithful account to the authorities of what had transpired. He also
forwarded to England, by way of New England, a minute account of his
experiences, which was duly read out at one of the meetings of the
Company.
The Jesuit, who had offered to proceed with Groseilliers, had been
detained. He seems to have made himself very useful to the English in
their dealings with the Indians, although he was thoroughly
distrusted, as was to be expected, by the Governor.
[Sidenote: Arrival of the "Prince Rupert."]
On the 24th of September, a sloop was descried in the river, which,
with joy, they soon made out to be the _Prince Rupert_, just arrived
from England. She was commanded by Captain Gillam, and with her came
the new Governor, William Lyddal, to supersede Bailey. Captain Gillam
reported that the sister-ship, the _Shaftesbury_, commanded by Captain
Shepherd, was likewise at the mouth of the river. The new Governor's
commission and instructions being read, all hands were immediately put
to work, with the intention of unloading and reloading the ships for
the return voyage immediately. Bailey seems to have expressed the
greatest anxiety to proceed to London without delay; but at length he
was induced to listen to reason. It was pointed out to him that the
season would be far spent before the work of equipment could be
properly concluded. After several councils, it was resolved that they
should winter at Rupert's River; and no effort was made to unload the
vessels until the following spring. In the meantime, the crews were
not idle. Under Lyddal's direction they found employment in cutting
timber and building houses, more particularly a bake-house and a
brew-house, which latter added greatly to the comfort of the fort.