AT THE BANQUET IN HONOR OF THE CHINESE EMBASSY

MR. MAYOR: I suppose we are all of one opinion on this remarkable

occasion of meeting the embassy sent from the oldest Empire in the world

to the youngest Republic. All share the surprise and pleasure when

the venerable Oriental dynasty—hitherto a romantic legend to most of

us—suddenly steps into the fellowship of nations. This auspicious event,

considered in connection with the late innovations in Japan, marks a new

era, and is an irresistible result of the science which has given us the

power of steam and the electric telegraph. It is the more welcome for the

surprise. We had said of China, as the old prophet said of Egypt, “Her

strength is to sit still.” Her people had such elemental conservatism

that by some wonderful force of race and national manners, the wars and

revolutions that occur in her annals have proved but momentary swells

or surges on the pacific ocean of her history, leaving no trace. But in

its immovability this race has claims. China is old, not in time only,

but in wisdom, which is gray hair to a nation,—or, rather, truly seen,

is eternal youth. As we know, China had the magnet centuries before

Europe; and block-printing or stereotype, and lithography, and gunpowder,

and vaccination, and canals; had anticipated Linnæus’s nomenclature

of plants; had codes, journals, clubs, hackney coaches, and, thirty

centuries before New York, had the custom of New Year’s calls of comity

and reconciliation. I need not mention its useful arts,—its pottery

indispensable to the world, the luxury of silks, and its tea, the cordial

of nations. But I must remember that she has respectable remains of

astronomic science, and historic records of forgotten time, that have

supplied important gaps in the ancient history of the western nations.

Then she has philosophers who cannot be spared. Confucius has not yet

gathered all his fame. When Socrates heard that the oracle declared that

he was the wisest of men, he said, it must mean that other men held that

they were wise, but that he knew that he knew nothing. Confucius had

already affirmed this of himself: and what we call the GOLDEN RULE OF

JESUS, Confucius had uttered in the same terms five hundred years before.

His morals, though addressed to a state of society unlike ours, we read

with profit to-day. His rare perception appears in his GOLDEN MEAN, his

doctrine of Reciprocity, his unerring insight,—putting always the blame

of our misfortunes on ourselves; as when to the governor who complained

of thieves, he said, “If you, sir, were not covetous, though you should

reward them for it, they would not steal.” His ideal of greatness

predicts Marcus Antoninus. At the same time, he abstained from paradox,

and met the ingrained prudence of his nation by saying always, “Bend one

cubit to straighten eight.”

China interests us at this moment in a point of politics. I am sure that

gentlemen around me bear in mind the bill which the Hon. Mr. Jenckes of

Rhode Island has twice attempted to carry through Congress, requiring

that candidates for public offices shall first pass examinations on their

literary qualifications for the same. Well, China has preceded us, as

well as England and France, in this essential correction of a reckless

usage; and the like high esteem of education appears in China in social

life, to whose distinctions it is made an indispensable passport.

It is gratifying to know that the advantages of the new intercourse

between the two countries are daily manifest on the Pacific coast. The

immigrants from Asia come in crowds. Their power of continuous labor,

their versatility in adapting themselves to new conditions, their stoical

economy, are unlooked-for virtues. They send back to their friends, in

China, money, new products of art, new tools, machinery, new foods, etc.,

and are thus establishing a commerce without limit. I cannot help adding,

after what I have heard to-night, that I have read in the journals a

statement from an English source, that Sir Frederic Bruce attributed to

Mr. Burlingame the merit of the happy reform in the relations of foreign

governments to China. I am quite sure that I heard from Mr. Burlingame

in New York, in his last visit to America, that the whole merit of it

belonged to Sir Frederic Bruce. It appears that the ambassadors were

emulous in their magnanimity. It is certainly the best guaranty for the

interests of China and of humanity.

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