ADDRESS TO KOSSUTH

SIR,—The fatigue of your many public visits, in such unbroken succession

as may compare with the toils of a campaign, forbid us to detain you

long. The people of this town share with their countrymen the admiration

of valor and perseverance; they, like their compatriots, have been hungry

to see the man whose extraordinary eloquence is seconded by the splendor

and the solidity of his actions. But, as it is the privilege of the

people of this town to keep a hallowed mound which has a place in the

story of the country; as Concord is one of the monuments of freedom; we

knew beforehand that you could not go by us; you could not take all your

steps in the pilgrimage of American liberty, until you had seen with your

eyes the ruins of the bridge where a handful of brave farmers opened our

Revolution. Therefore, we sat and waited for you.

And now, Sir, we are heartily glad to see you, at last, in these fields.

We set no more value than you do on cheers and huzzas. But we think

that the graves of our heroes around us throb to-day to a footstep that

sounded like their own:—

“The mighty tread

Brings from the dust the sound of liberty.”[199]

Sir, we have watched with attention your progress through the land, and

the varying feeling with which you have been received, and the unvarying

tone and countenance which you have maintained. We wish to discriminate

in our regard. We wish to reserve our honor for actions of the noblest

strain. We please ourselves that in you we meet one whose temper was long

since tried in the fire, and made equal to all events; a man so truly in

love with the greatest future, that he cannot be diverted to any less.

It is our republican doctrine, too, that the wide variety of opinions is

an advantage. I believe I may say of the people of this country at large,

that their sympathy is more worth, because it stands the test of party.

It is not a blind wave; it is a living soul contending with living souls.

It is, in every expression, antagonized. No opinion will pass but must

stand the tug of war. As you see, the love you win is worth something;

for it has been argued through; its foundation searched; it has proved

sound and whole; it may be avowed; it will last, and it will draw all

opinion to itself.

We have seen, with great pleasure, that there is nothing accidental in

your attitude. We have seen that you are organically in that cause you

plead. The man of Freedom, you are also the man of Fate. You do not

elect, but you are elected by God and your genius to the task. We do not,

therefore, affect to thank you. We only see in you the angel of freedom,

crossing sea and land; crossing parties, nationalities, private interests

and self-esteems; dividing populations where you go, and drawing to your

part only the good. We are afraid that you are growing popular, Sir; you

may be called to the dangers of prosperity. But, hitherto, you have had

in all centuries and in all parties only the men of heart. I do not know

but you will have the million yet. Then, may your strength be equal to

your day. But remember, Sir, that everything great and excellent in the

world is in minorities.[200]

Far be from us, Sir, any tone of patronage; we ought rather to ask yours.

We know the austere condition of liberty—that it must be reconquered over

and over again; yea, day by day; that it is a state of war; that it is

always slipping from those who boast it to those who fight for it: and

you, the foremost soldier of freedom in this age,—it is for us to crave

your judgment; who are we that we should dictate to you? You have won

your own. We only affirm it. This country of workingmen greets in you

a worker. This republic greets in you a republican. We only say, ‘Well

done, good and faithful.’—You have earned your own nobility at home.

We admit you _ad eundem_ (as they say at College). We admit you to the

same degree, without new trial. We suspend all rules before so paramount

a merit. You may well sit a doctor in the college of liberty. You have

achieved your right to interpret our Washington. And I speak the sense

not only of every generous American, but the law of mind, when I say that

it is not those who live idly in the city called after his name, but

those who, all over the world, think and act like him, who can claim to

explain the sentiment of Washington.

Sir, whatever obstruction from selfishness, indifference, or from

property (which always sympathizes with possession) you may encounter,

we congratulate you that you have known how to convert calamities into

powers, exile into a campaign, present defeat into lasting victory. For

this new crusade which you preach to willing and to unwilling ears in

America is a seed of armed men. You have got your story told in every

palace and log hut and prairie camp, throughout this continent. And,

as the shores of Europe and America approach every month, and their

politics will one day mingle, when the crisis arrives it will find us all

instructed beforehand in the rights and wrongs of Hungary, and parties

already to her freedom.

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