MR. CHAIRMAN, AND FELLOW CITIZENS: I share the sympathy and sorrow which
have brought us together. Gentlemen who have preceded me have well said
that no wall of separation could here exist. This commanding event which
has brought us together, eclipses all others which have occurred for a
long time in our history, and I am very glad to see that this sudden
interest in the hero of Harper’s Ferry has provoked an extreme curiosity
in all parts of the Republic, in regard to the details of his history.
Every anecdote is eagerly sought, and I do not wonder that gentlemen
find traits of relation readily between him and themselves. One finds a
relation in the church, another in the profession, another in the place
of his birth. He was happily a representative of the American Republic.
Captain John Brown is a farmer, the fifth in descent from Peter Brown,
who came to Plymouth in the Mayflower, in 1620. All the six have been
farmers. His grandfather, of Simsbury, in Connecticut, was a captain in
the Revolution. His father, largely interested as a raiser of stock,
became a contractor to supply the army with beef, in the war of 1812,
and our Captain John Brown, then a boy, with his father was present and
witnessed the surrender of General Hull. He cherishes a great respect for
his father, as a man of strong character, and his respect is probably
just. For himself, he is so transparent that all men see him through.
He is a man to make friends wherever on earth courage and integrity are
esteemed, the rarest of heroes, a pure idealist, with no by-ends of his
own. Many of you have seen him, and every one who has heard him speak
has been impressed alike by his simple, artless goodness, joined with
his sublime courage. He joins that perfect Puritan faith which brought
his fifth ancestor to Plymouth Rock with his grandfather’s ardor in
the Revolution. He believes in two articles,—two instruments, shall I
say?—the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence; and he used
this expression in conversation here concerning them, “Better that a
whole generation of men, women and children should pass away by a violent
death than that one word of either should be violated in this country.”
There is a Unionist,—there is a strict constructionist for you. He
believes in the Union of the States, and he conceives that the only
obstruction to the Union is Slavery, and for that reason, as a patriot,
he works for its abolition. The governor of Virginia has pronounced his
eulogy in a manner that discredits the moderation of our timid parties.
His own speeches to the court have interested the nation in him. What
magnanimity, and what innocent pleading, as of childhood! You remember
his words: “If I had interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful,
the intelligent, the so-called great, or any of their friends, parents,
wives or children, it would all have been right. But I believe that to
have interfered as I have done, for the despised poor, was not wrong, but
right.”[151]
It is easy to see what a favorite he will be with history, which plays
such pranks with temporary reputations. Nothing can resist the sympathy
which all elevated minds must feel with Brown, and through them the whole
civilized world; and if he must suffer, he must drag official gentlemen
into an immortality most undesirable, of which they have already some
disagreeable forebodings. Indeed, it is the _reductio ad absurdum_ of
Slavery, when the governor of Virginia is forced to hang a man whom he
declares to be a man of the most integrity, truthfulness and courage he
has ever met. Is that the kind of man the gallows is built for? It were
bold to affirm that there is within that broad commonwealth, at this
moment, another citizen as worthy to live, and as deserving of all public
and private honor, as this poor prisoner.[152]
But we are here to think of relief for the family of John Brown. To my
eyes, that family looks very large and very needy of relief. It comprises
his brave fellow sufferers in the Charlestown Jail; the fugitives still
hunted in the mountains of Virginia and Pennsylvania; the sympathizers
with him in all the states; and, I may say, almost every man who loves
the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence, like him, and who
sees what a tiger’s thirst threatens him in the malignity of public
sentiment in the slave states. It seems to me that a common feeling joins
the people of Massachusetts with him.
I said John Brown was an idealist. He believed in his ideas to that
extent that he existed to put them all into action; he said ‘he did not
believe in moral suasion, he believed in putting the thing through.’ He
saw how deceptive the forms are. We fancy, in Massachusetts, that we are
free; yet it seems the government is quite unreliable. Great wealth,
great population, men of talent in the executive, on the bench,—all the
forms right,—and yet, life and freedom are not safe. Why? Because the
judges rely on the forms, and do not, like John Brown, use their eyes
to see the fact behind the forms. They assume that the United States
can protect its witness or its prisoner. And in Massachusetts that is
true, but the moment he is carried out of the bounds of Massachusetts,
the United States, it is notorious, afford no protection at all; the
government, the judges, are an envenomed party, and give such protection
as they give in Utah to honest citizens, or in Kansas; such protection
as they gave to their own Commodore Paulding, when he was simple
enough to mistake the formal instructions of his government for their
real meaning.[153] The state judges fear collision between their two
allegiances; but there are worse evils than collision; namely, the doing
substantial injustice. A good man will see that the use of a judge is to
secure good government, and where the citizen’s weal is imperilled by
abuse of the federal power, to use that arm which can secure it, viz.,
the local government. Had that been done on certain calamitous occasions,
we should not have seen the honor of Massachusetts trailed in the
dust, stained to all ages, once and again, by the ill-timed formalism
of a venerable bench. If judges cannot find law enough to maintain the
sovereignty of the state, and to protect the life and freedom of every
inhabitant not a criminal, it is idle to compliment them as learned and
venerable. What avails their learning or veneration? At a pinch, they are
no more use than idiots. After the mischance they wring their hands, but
they had better never have been born.[154] A Vermont judge, Hutchinson,
who has the Declaration of Independence in his heart; a Wisconsin
judge, who knows that laws are for the protection of citizens against
kidnappers, is worth a court-house full of lawyers so idolatrous of forms
as to let go the substance. Is any man in Massachusetts so simple as to
believe that when a United States Court in Virginia, now, in its present
reign of terror, sends to Connecticut, or New York, or Massachusetts,
for a witness, it wants him for a witness? No; it wants him for a party;
it wants him for meat to slaughter and eat. And your _habeas corpus_ is,
in any way in which it has been, or, I fear, is likely to be used, a
nuisance, and not a protection; for it takes away his right reliance on
himself, and the natural assistance of his friends and fellow citizens,
by offering him a form which is a piece of paper.
But I am detaining the meeting on matters which others understand better.
I hope, then, that, in administering relief to John Brown’s family, we
shall remember all those whom his fate concerns, all who are in sympathy
with him, and not forget to aid him in the best way, by securing freedom
and independence in Massachusetts.