AN OPEN LETTER.

I have, this morning, read your review of "A Thoughtless Yes." I wish

to thank you for the pleasant things said and also to make the

connection--which I am surprised to see did not present itself to your

mind--between the title and the burden of the stories or sketches.

It is not so easy as you may suppose to get a title which shall be

exactly and fully descriptive of a collection of tales or sketches,

each one of which was written to suggest thoughts and questions on some

particular topic or topics to which people usually pay the tribute of a

thoughtless yes. With one--possibly two--exceptions each sketch means to

suggest to the reader that there may be a very large question mark put

after many of the social, religious, economic, medical, journalistic, or

legal fiats of the present civilization.

You say that "in 'The Lady of the Club' she [meaning me] does not show

how poverty results from a thoughtless yes. Perhaps she does not see

that it does." I had in my mind exactly that point when I wrote the

story and when I decided upon the title for the book. No, I do not

attempt in such sketches to show _how_, but to show _that_, such and

such conditions exist and that it is wrong. I want to suggest a question

of the justice and the right of several things; but I want to leave each

person free to think out, not my conclusion or remedy, but a conclusion

and a remedy, and at all events to make him refuse, henceforth, the

thoughtless yes of timid acquiescence to things as they are simply

because they are. In the "Lady of the Club" I meant to attack the

impudent authority that makes such a condition of poverty possible,

by calling sympathetic attention to its workings. There are one or two

other ideas sustained by authority, to which, to the readers of that

tale, I wished to make a thoughtless yes henceforth impossible. At least

I hoped to arouse a question. One is taxation of church property. I

wished to point out that by shirking their honest debts churches heap

still farther poverty and burden upon the poor. I hoped, too, to

suggest that the idea of "charity," to which most people give a warmly

thoughtless yes, must be an indignity or impossibility where, even they

would say, it was most needed. I wanted to call attention to the fact

that a physician and a man of tender heart and lofty soul were compelled

to make themselves criminals, before the law, to even be kind to the

dead. That conditions are so savage under the present system that such a

case is absolutely hopeless while the victims live and outrageous after

they are dead. To all of these dictates of impudent authority, to which

most story readers pay the tribute of a thoughtless yes, I wanted to

call attention in such a way that henceforth a question must arise in

their minds. I hoped to show, too, that even so lofty a character

as Roland Barker was tied hand and foot--until it made him almost a

madman--by a system of economics and religion and law which so interlace

as to sustain each other and combine to not only crush the poor but to

prevent the rich from helping along even where they desire to do so.

These were the main points upon which that particular tale was intended

to arouse a mental attitude of thoughtful protest There are other, minor

ones, which I need not trouble you to recall. If you will notice, nearly

all of the tales end (or stop without an end) with an open question for

the reader to settle--to settle his way, not mine. Indeed, I am not yet

convinced that my own ideas of the changes needed and the way to bring

them about are infallible. I am still open to conviction. I have tried

to grasp the Socialist, Communist, Anarchist, Single-tax, Free-land, and

other ideas and to comprehend just what each could be fairly expected

to accomplish if established--to see the _pros_ and _cons_ of these

and other schemes for social improvement. These, and the varying cults

ranged between, each seems to me to have certain strong points and

certain weak ones. Each seems to me to overlook some essential feature;

and yet I have no system to offer that I think would be better or would

work better than some of these. Indeed, I do most earnestly believe that

_the_ inspired way is yet to be struck out, and I do not believe that

I am the one to do it Meanwhile I can do some things. I can suggest

questions, and, sometimes, answers. But I am not a god, and I do not

want all people to answer my way. I do want to help prevent, now and

henceforth, the tribute of a thoughtless yes from being given to a good

many established wrongs.

Since such able thinkers as you are have--in the main--already refused

such tribute, I am perfectly satisfied to let each of these answer the

questions I have suggested or may suggest in my fiction in the way that

seems most hopeful to him.

Meantime, the vast majority of story readers have not yet had their

emotions touched by the dramatic presentation of "the other side."

Fiction has--in the main--worked to make them accept without question

all things as authority has presented them. Who knows but that a lofty

discontent may be stirred in some soul who can solve the awful problems

and at the same time reconcile the various cults of warring philosophers

so that they may combine for humanity and cease to divide for

revenue--or personal pique? I do not believe that the province of a

story is to assume to give the solution of philosophical questions that

have puzzled and proved too much for the best and ablest brains. I have

no doubt that fiction may stir and arouse to thought many who cannot

understand and will not heed essays or argument or preaching, while

it may also present the same thoughts in a new light to those who do.

Personally I do not believe in tacking on to fiction a "moral" or an

"in conclusion" which shall switch all such aroused thoughts into one

channel. Clear thinking and right feeling may lead some one, who is new

to such protest, to solutions that I have not reached. So let us each

question "impudent authority," whether it be in its stupid blindness to

heredity or to environment; and I shall be content that you solve the

new order by an appeal to Anarchism _via_ free land; or that Matilda

Joslyn Gage solve it by the ballot for women and hereditary freedom from

slavish instincts stamped upon a race bom of superstitious and subject

mothers.

Personally I do not believe that all the free land, free money or

freedom in the world, which shall leave the mothers of the race (whether

in or out of marriage) a subject class or in a position to transmit to

their children the vices or weaknesses of a dominated dependent, will

ever succeed in populating the world with self-reliant, self-respecting,

honorable and capable people.

On the other hand, I do not see how the ballot in the hands of woman

will do for her all that many believe it will. That it is her right

and would go far is clear; but after that, your question of economics

touches her in a way that it does not and cannot touch men, and I am

free to confess that as yet I have heard of no economic or social plan

that would not of necessity, in my opinion, bear heaviest upon those who

are mothers. So you will see that when I suggested the desirability in

"For the Prosecution" of having mothers on the bench and as jurors where

a case touched points no man living does or can understand in all its

phases, I do not think that would right all the wrong nor solve all the

questions suggested by such a trial; but I thought it would help push

the car of right and justice in the direction of light which we all hope

is ahead.

You believe more in environment than in heredity; I believe in both, and

that both are sadly and awfully awry, largely because too many people

in too many ways pay to impudent authority the tribute of a thoughtless

yes.

It is one of the saddest things in this world to see the brave and

earnest men who fight so nobly for better and fairer economic conditions

for "Labor," pay, much too often, the tribute of a thoughtless yes to

the absolute pauper status of all womanhood They resent with spirit

the idea that men should labor for a mere subsistence and always be

dependent upon and at the financial mercy of the rich. They do not

appear to see that to one-half of the race even that much economic

independence would be a tremendous improvement upon her present status.

How would Singletax or Free-land help this? You may reply that Anarchism

would solve that problem. Would it? With maternity and physical

disabilities in the scale? To my mind, all the various economic schemes

yet put forward lack an essential feature. They provide for a free

and better manhood, but they pay the tribute of a thoughtless yes to

impudent authority in the case of womanhood, in many things. And so long

as motherhood is serfhood, just so long will this world be populated

with a race easy to subjugate, weak to resist oppression, criminal

in its instincts of cruelty toward those in its power, and humble and

subservient toward authority and domination. Character rises but little

above its source. The mother molds the man. If she have the status, the

instincts, and the spirit of a subordinate, she will transmit these,

and the more enlightened she is the surer is this, because of her

consciousness of her own degradation.

Look at the Kemmler horror. People all marvel at his "brutish nature

and his desire to kill." No one says anything about the fact, which was

merely mentioned at his trial, that his "father was a butcher and his

mother helped in the business." Did you know that this is also true of

Jesse Pomeroy; the boy who "from infancy tortured animals and killed

whatever he could?"

Would all this sort of thing mean absolutely nothing to women of the

same social and scientific status enjoyed by the men who assisted at the

trials of these two and at the legal murder of one? In ordinary women,

of course, it would not stir very deep thought But these were not

ordinary men. They were far more than that, Almost all the women who

have spoken or written to me of the Kemmler horror have touched that

thought Have you heard a man discuss it? Is there a reason for this? Do

we pay the tribute of a thoughtless yes to all that clusters about the

present ideas on such subjects and about their criminal medicolegal

aspects? But this letter grows too long.

With great respect and hearty good wishes,

A Thoughtless Yes · 第 17 / 50 题