all agree is the best thing for us all, because there is just one thing
that no man in this company can ever afford to have happen again, be he
stockholder, officer, or employee, or whatever his position, and that
is, another strike.
I know we are all agreed about that, every last man of us, and I
propose to stay here if it takes a year, until we have worked out among
ourselves, right in our own family, some plan that we all believe
is going to prevent any more disturbances, any more interruption of
the successful operation of this great company in which we are all
interested.
I have been hoping that the votes in all the camps could be taken early
next week, so that we would know without delay what the spirit and
wish of the men and the directors is. I speak of this point so that in
explaining the matter to the men in your camps you representatives will
make it clear to them why we are proceeding a little more rapidly than
we would if I lived here all the time, and if I was not so desirous of
seeing some agreement reached before I go away.
There will be a meeting of the Board of Directors on Monday next, and
if this meeting should accept this plan and recommend its adoption, the
Board will act on that day. I should hope that meetings could be held
in the various camps on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday. You men can
explain the plan to the men in the camps privately and in little groups
so that they will be ready to consider it fully and then vote on it by
the middle or toward the latter part of next week.
FOOTNOTE:
[5] Address at the joint meeting of the officers and representatives of
the employees of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, Pueblo, October 2,
1915.
VI
TO THE PEOPLE OF COLORADO[6]
Of all the many cordial receptions which have been accorded me since I
was so fortunate as to enter your hospitable State, none has been more
gratifying or more deeply appreciated than the one which you citizens
of Denver have to-day tendered me. And I count it a most gratifying
climax to my visit to Colorado that I should have this opportunity of
meeting so splendid a gathering of the representative business men and
citizens of this fair State.
As I have traveled about Colorado the past three weeks I have been
charmed with the beauty and grandeur of the scenery; I have been
inspired by the invigorating climate, the clear air, the blue sky. I
have been impressed with the fertility of your soil, with the vast
extent and richness of your mineral wealth. But above all, I have been
captivated by the cordiality of your people.
And so I am very happy to have this opportunity to-day of expressing
to you, and through you to the people of Colorado, my deep appreciation
of the many kindnesses and courtesies which have been shown me during
my stay among you.
These I have accepted as intended partially for myself, but largely for
my father, whose representative I am, and in whose name as well as my
own I thank you.
My father has been for many years a good friend of the people and State
of Colorado. His friendship for you, his belief in you, his confidence
in the future of this State, have been clearly shown by his having put
considerable sums of money into the steel and coal industries of the
State through his investments in the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company;
and, as many of you know, during the fourteen years since he made his
first investment in that company, except for one payment made on the
preferred stock on account of an accumulation of dividends, there has
not come back to him or the common stockholders one single cent of
return.
And yet my father has not lost his faith in the State of Colorado nor
in the people of Colorado; he believes in you, and the fact that his
interest in this company continues to be a very substantial one is a
sure proof of his attitude.
I wish very much that he were here to-day himself. I have often had
that wish as I have gone among you during these weeks.
Some of the papers have mentioned my democratic spirit. If my father
had been among you as I have been, no comment in regard to my attitude
would have been made, for of all men he is most democratic and
approachable, as hundreds of those who know him will testify, and in
that atmosphere of democracy I have been reared. Born and brought up in
the country, at an early age he learned what hard work meant.
When his period of schooling had been completed he went into active
business for himself, and during the many years following, when he was
actively engaged in business, he was constantly in close personal touch
with the working classes, among whom he found many of his best and
truest friends.
At his country place on the Hudson there are constantly employed
several hundred men of different nationalities; many of these employees
he knows by name; he is constantly mingling with them in their work,
interested in their progress and in their home life, and it is not an
infrequent sight, at the close of the day’s work, to see him returning
home in his automobile with half a dozen or a dozen Italian and
Hungarian workingmen crowded about him on the seats and standing on the
running board as he gives them a lift on their way home.
When motoring about the country he may frequently be found talking with
a group of men at the country store in a little village, and when he
comes upon school children returning from their school he delights to
load as many of them into his automobile as possible and give them a
ride on their way.
I recall not long since the death of a colored teamster who had for
some years been in my father’s employ. My father was among the first to
visit the bereaved family in their humble home above the work stable,
that he might express his sympathy with them in their sorrow, and as he
stood at the grave his tears were mingled with the tears of the other
mourners as he paid his last tribute of respect to a faithful employee
and a true friend.
When called as a witness in New York by the Industrial Relations
Commission last winter, my father stated very clearly his attitude
toward workingmen.
Briefly, these were the three points that he made:
That he believed that Labor and Capital were partners, not enemies.
That in any industry with which he was connected he would gladly
welcome the workers as stockholders, and further:
That it would be his wish that those who work with their hands be given
representation upon the Board of Directors, so that they might come to
have a closer knowledge of the problems with which the management of
the corporation is confronted.
The word “fear” is not found in my father’s vocabulary, nor does he
know what the sensation is, and yet he has the gentleness and the
tenderness of a woman.
Although he has been accustomed to think in world terms in the
development of the business and philanthropic enterprises to which his
life has been devoted, there is no person in his household too humble
to receive his frequent kindly and personal thought.
Criticized, maligned, and condemned these many years, not only for his
business success achieved through his ability to gain the confidence
and coöperation of men, to bring all parties into harmony and to effect
economies in every possible way, but also because of his philanthropic
endeavors, there is still not the slightest trace of bitterness in his
character and he holds in his heart nothing but good-will toward every
man.
And if, in their kindness of heart, the people of Colorado have found
in me anything that may have seemed admirable, that, and whatever else
I am or may be, I owe to my sainted mother and my honored father,
whose training and example I regard as a priceless heritage. And so
again I say I wish that my father were here that he might meet you men
personally and be confirmed in the view which he has held during past
months of unrest and conflict, to the effect that many of the evil and
censorious reports which have been spread about the country in regard
to this great State and its people are untrue; that you, on the other
hand, coming to know him, might realize the injustice and the cruelty
of the things that have been said and written about him during these
many years.
And again, in his absence, on his behalf, as well as for myself, I
thank you for your kindness and the evidences of your friendship to
him and to me, which have been countless during these days of my happy
residence among you.
There has been so much said with regard to the views which my father
and I have held and do hold in regard to the organization of labor, and
also in regard to the relations which should exist between the various
parties in any company or corporation, that it is perhaps not unfitting
for me to state in a few words just what those views are.
The position I took when called before the Subcommittee of Mines and
Mining of the House of Representatives in Washington two years ago,
in regard to the right of every American workingman to work for whom
he pleased and upon such terms as he pleased, has been frequently
misunderstood and misrepresented.
It has been construed as indicating that my father and I were not only
opposed to the organization of labor, but that we were persistently and
continually fighting it. No such inference is correct, for absolutely
the contrary is the fact.
I can, perhaps, present in the briefest and clearest way the views
which we hold on these two subjects by referring to several paragraphs
from a statement which I read before the Industrial Relations
Commission in New York last January:
“First, with reference to my attitude toward labor unions: I believe
it to be just as proper and advantageous for labor to associate itself
into organized groups for the advancement of its legitimate interests,
as for capital to combine for the same object.
“Such associations of labor manifest themselves in promoting
collective bargaining, in an effort to secure better working and
living conditions, in providing machinery whereby grievances may
easily and without prejudice to the individual be taken up with the
management. Sometimes they provide benefit features, sometimes they
seek to increase wages; but whatever their specific purpose, so long
as it is to promote the well-being of the employees, having always due
regard for the just interests of the employer and the public, leaving
every worker free to associate himself with such groups or to work
independently, as he may choose--I favor them most heartily.
“Combinations of capital are sometimes conducted in an unworthy manner
contrary to law and in disregard of the interest both of labor and the
public. Such combinations cannot be too strongly condemned nor too
vigorously dealt with.
“Although combinations of this kind are the exception, such publicity
is generally given to their unsocial acts that all combinations of
capital, however rightly managed or broadly beneficent, are thereby
brought under suspicion.
“Likewise, it sometimes happens that combinations of labor are
conducted without just regard for the rights of the employer or the
public, and methods and practices adopted which, because unworthy
or unlawful, are deserving of public censure. Such organizations of
labor bring discredit and suspicion upon other organizations which are
legitimate and useful, just as is the case with improper combinations
of capital, and they should be similarly dealt with.
“I should be the last, however, to allow the occasional failure in the
working of the principle of the organization of labor to prejudice me
against the principle itself, for in that principle I strongly believe.
“In the further development of the organization of labor and of large
business, the public interest, as well as the interest of Labor and
Capital alike, will, it seems to me, be best advanced by whatever
stimulates every man to do the best work of which he is capable; by a
fuller recognition of the common interest of employers and employed;
and by an earnest effort to dispel distrust and hatred and to promote
good-will.
“I believe that the ultimate object of all activities in a republic
should be the development of the manhood of its citizens; that such
manhood can be developed to the fullest degree only under conditions
of freedom for the individual, and that industrial enterprises can and
should be conducted in accordance with these principles.
“I believe that a prime consideration in the carrying on of industry
should be the well-being of the men and women engaged in it, and that
the soundest industrial policy is that which has constantly in mind the
welfare of the employees as well as the making of profits, and which,
when the necessity arises, subordinates profits to welfare.
“A business to be successful must not only provide to labor
remunerative employment under proper working conditions, but it must
also render useful service to the community and earn a fair return on
the money invested.
“The adoption of any policy toward labor, however favorable it may
seem, which results in the bankruptcy of the corporation and the
discontinuance of its work, is as injurious to labor which is thrown
out of employment, as it is to the public which loses the services of
the enterprise, and to the stockholders whose capital is impaired.
“I believe it to be the duty of every citizen to do all within his
power to improve the conditions under which men work and live. I
believe that that man renders the greatest social service who so
coöperates in the organization of industry as to afford to the largest
number of men the greatest opportunity for self-development, and the
enjoyment by every man of those benefits which his own work adds to the
wealth of civilization.
“In order to live, the wage-earner must sell his labor from day to day.
Unless he can do this, the earnings from that day’s labor are gone
forever. Capital can defer its returns temporarily in the expectation
of future profits, but labor cannot. If, therefore, fair wages and
reasonable living conditions cannot otherwise be provided, dividends
must be deferred or the industry abandoned.
“I believe that a corporation should be deemed to consist of its
stockholders, directors, officers and employees; that the real
interests of all are one, and that neither Labor nor Capital can
permanently prosper unless the just rights of both are conserved.”
It was in line with these views that the plan of industrial
representation recently proposed by the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company,
and already adopted by the directors and by a majority vote of the
employees of the different camps, was developed.
The underlying principle is that of coöperation, the theory being that
the interests are common interests, and this leads to the development
of the committees called for in the plan, as joint committees, on each
of which the representatives of the workers have equal place with the
representatives of the officers of the company.
In contrast with this spirit of coöperation is the spirit which too
often has been in evidence in some organizations of labor. There,
seemingly, labor is arrayed against capital. It is war! And apparently
success cannot come to either party except failure or harm comes to the
other.
I need not point out to you men the fact that in this day and
generation we cannot hope for industrial peace, we cannot hope for
prosperity in this fair land, until labor and capital join hands and
recognize that their interest is a common interest, that what hurts one
hurts the other, that what develops the well-being and the prosperity
of one must of necessity develop the well-being and prosperity of the
other.
May I also point out the spirit of democracy which underlies this
plan? All of the employees in the corporation are entitled to join in
it, regardless of whether they are or are not members of any society,
fraternity or union, as contrasted with any plan, where only those who
elect to join an organization are eligible to the benefits which come
from it.
Every man in the camps of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company is
considered in this industrial plan, is represented and can be heard,
and his complaint, be it great or small, can be carried from one
officer to another until it reaches the ear of the president of the
company.
Those who have coöperated in the development of this plan recognize
that it is far from perfect, that it will have to be changed and
adapted to the requirements of the company in which it has been adopted.
On the other hand, it is the earnest hope of all who are associated in
the plan that it may point the way toward a closer coöperation between
the employees and the other parties in interest in this company, that
it may so establish relations of friendship and of mutual confidence,
that it may so benefit the workers, the officers and the stockholders
of the company, that there may never come a day when there will be
repeated the industrial disorders which have occurred in the past in
this company and in other companies in this State.
And it is our hope that toward that end all of the citizens of the
State will coöperate, for, as I have said to the representatives of
the workers of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, to many of the men
themselves, as well as to the officers and directors of the company,
there is one thing which must never happen again in that company, and
that is a strike. Wantonly wasteful of human life and human property,
no parties in interest are benefited thereby, but all seriously and
permanently harmed as well as the public and the citizens of the State.
The way to prevent war is to cultivate and develop those qualities of
head and heart which promote happiness and peace, and it is with that
purpose in mind that this plan, to which I have referred, has been
developed.
The time has come when the business man of this State and county must
think in terms of the laboring man, and the laboring man must think in
terms of the business man; when each must strive to imagine himself in
the other’s place; when the teaching that every man is his brother’s
keeper should no longer be a dead letter but a living reality; when
coöperation and not conflict should be the watchword.
The opportunity to lead the nation in the permanent establishment of
industrial peace is yours; if you will lay hold upon it, the name of
this fair State will be written large in the history of the nation; if
you let it pass, you and your children and your children’s children,
will never cease to regret this day.
And if in any smallest way my coming to Colorado may prove to have been
of service to you in approaching the solution of this world problem
of industrial relations, I shall feel a sense of satisfaction and
gratitude beyond expression.
FOOTNOTE:
[6] Address at the Chamber of Commerce Luncheon, Denver, October 8,
1915.
APPENDIX
THE INDUSTRIAL CONSTITUTION
PLAN OF REPRESENTATION OF EMPLOYEES IN THE COAL AND IRON MINES OF THE
COLORADO FUEL AND IRON COMPANY OF COLORADO AND WYOMING
I
REPRESENTATION OF EMPLOYEES
_1. Annual meetings for election of employee’s representatives._
Employees at each of the mining camps shall annually elect from among
their number representatives to act on their behalf with respect to
matters pertaining to their employment, working and living conditions,
the adjustment of differences, and such other matters of mutual concern
and interest as relations within the industry may determine.
_2. Time, place and method of calling annual meetings, and
persons entitled to be present and participate in the election of
representatives._
The annual meetings of employees for the election of their
representatives shall be held simultaneously at the several mining
camps on the second Saturday in January. The meetings shall be
called by direction of the president of the company. Notices of the
meetings, indicating their time and place, as well as the number of
representatives to be elected, shall be publicly posted at each camp a
week in advance, and shall state that employees being wage-earners in
the employ of the company at the time of the meeting and for at least
three months immediately preceding, but not salaried employees, shall
be entitled to be present and vote. Special meetings shall be similarly
called when removal, resignations, or other circumstance occasions a
vacancy in representation.
_3. Method of conducting meetings, and reporting election of
representatives._
Each meeting for the election of employees’ representatives shall
choose its own chairman and secretary. At the appointed hour,
the meeting shall be called to order by one of the employees’
representatives, or, in the absence of a representative, any employee
present, and shall proceed to the election of a chairman and secretary.
The chairman shall conduct, and the secretary record, the proceedings.
They shall certify in writing to the president of the company the
names of the persons elected as the employees’ representatives for the
ensuing year.
_4. Basis and term of representation._
Representatives of employees in each camp shall be on the basis of one
representative to every one hundred and fifty wage-earners, but each
camp, whatever its number of employees, shall be entitled to at least
two representatives. Where the number of employees in any one camp
exceeds one hundred and fifty, or any multiple thereof, by seventy-five
or more, an additional representative shall be elected. The persons
elected shall act as the employees’ representatives from the time of
their election until the next annual meeting, unless in the interval
other representatives may, as above provided, have been elected to take
their places.
_5. Nomination and election of representatives._
To facilitate the nomination and election of employees’
representatives, and to insure freedom of choice, both nomination
and election shall be by secret ballot, under conditions calculated
to insure an impartial count. The company shall provide ballot boxes
and blank ballots, differing in form, for purposes of nomination and
election. Upon entering the meeting, each employee entitled to be
present shall be given a nomination ballot on which he shall write the
names of the persons whom he desires to nominate as representatives,
and deposit the nomination ballot in the ballot box. Each employee may
nominate representatives to the number to which the camp is entitled,
and of which public notice has been given. Employees unable to write
may ask any of their fellow employees to write for them on their
ballots the names of the persons whom they desire to nominate; but in
the event of any nomination paper containing more names than the number
of representatives to which the camp is entitled, the paper shall not
be counted. The persons--to the number of twice as many representatives
as the camp is entitled to--receiving the highest number of nomination
votes shall be regarded as the duly nominated candidates for employees’
representatives, and shall be voted upon as hereinafter provided. (For
example: If a camp is entitled to two representatives, the four persons
receiving the largest number of nominating votes shall be regarded
as the duly nominated candidates. If the camp is entitled to three
representatives, then the six persons receiving the largest number,
etc.)
_6. Counting of nomination and election ballots._