have revived the case the following year in the new reign. But,
unfortunately for him, the new sovereign from the first showed decided
favour to these special players, and, among the first acts he performed
in his reign, patented them to be his own Royal Servants and Grooms of
the Chamber. Exit “Giles Alleyn, Armiger.” After that, the troubles
were ended concerning the transportation of the Theatre over the water
to Southwark and its transformation into the Globe, though the losses
crippled the company for long.
This paper acts as the second part of my answer to the Baconian query,
“Where did Shakespeare learn his law?”
_“Athenæum,” Oct. 16, 1909._
PS.--These latter two articles and several lectures on the same subject
were expanded into a volume called “Burbage and Shakespeare’s Stage,”
delayed by my printers until July 1913, and then delayed by my wish in
publication till 8th September 1913. Later in the same year came out
Dr. Wallace’s “Nebraska University Studies,” where he gives many of the
documents _in extenso_, along with some interesting depositions from
the Uncalendared Court of Requests which he was permitted to see in
advance of others. He has chosen to add a note that “_he told me_,” in
1908, of all these papers above-mentioned. He is mistaken. If he ever
told anybody it must have been somebody else. Neither then, nor at any
time, did he ever tell me anything that I wished to know. I had all my
papers before he began his work, which I can prove.
FOOTNOTES:
[89] I have been unable to find the Information, but another case in
the same court, 38 Eliz., concerns the same property and the same
tenants.
[90] See my article “Burbage’s Theatre,” “Fortnightly Review,” July
1909.
XIX
EARLY PICCADILLY
The exact locality of early Piccadilly, the date of the first
appearance of the name, and its derivation from a “collar,” a
“gaming-house,” or a “hill-peak,” have been frequently discussed by
London topographers and by writers in “Notes and Queries.”[91] I do not
pretend to be able to decide the third question, but I have collected
some definite facts concerning the first and second which are worth
preserving, as they may prevent futile discussions and may hereafter
help to the elucidation of the derivation.
Many writers, stating that the name was first used by Gerard in his
“Herbal,” assume that he did so in his first edition of 1597. This is
an error. It first appears in the edition of 1633. I have, however,
found the word used at least ten years earlier than that, not in
connection with “Higgins the draper,” as Walford suggests (who really
lived at “the Mearemaide”), but in connection with “Robert Baker,
Gent., of Piccadilly Hall, St. Martin-in-the-Fields.” “Piccadilly,”
like many other names and things, has travelled considerably westward
in its day. There is no mention of the name in any book, nor, so far
as has yet been discovered, in any manuscript, of Elizabeth’s reign.
Having found Mr. Baker first associated with it, I worked back on his
traces.
In Aggas’s map, which shows the appearance of the neighbourhood at
the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth, there is a mass of building
about the royal mews, facing St. Martin’s Church (on the present
site of the National Gallery), and open fields stretching beyond to
the country. The wall of Convent Garden formed the eastern boundary
of St. Martin’s Lane, or, as it was then called, Church Lane. There
were a few buildings about St. Giles’s, and _one_ at the end of St.
Martin’s Lane, commonly described as “_over_ the Church Lane.” The
district does not seem to have changed much in the early years of
James’s reign. The churchwardens of St. Martin-in-the-Fields regularly
entered receipts for the rent of “the house _over_ Church Lane,” but
the first sign of an enclosure of the Fields appears in the books of
1612, when they stated they had “received from Roger Haighton, steward
of the Right Hon. Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of England, on
February 17th, 1611, 50s, for a yeares rent of five acres of ground
in the Lammas Common, heretofore called Swanne Close, whereuppon the
new buildings are erected to the west of St. Martin’s Lane.” In the
following year, 1612-3, there is a similar entry and the record of a
new tenant:
Item, receved of Robert Baker Tayler, for the Lammas ground which he
built uppon neare the Windmill, for one year ended Lammas Day, 1612,
30_s._
The next year similar rents are recorded, and a topographical entry:
Received of Francis Gilford, Inholder, towards the charges of throwing
up the ditch, and amending the highway of the upper corner of St.
James’s Fields, near the Windmill, 16_s._ 6_d._
In 1614-5 the churchwardens admit a third encloser:
Received of Jeffrey Culsheth, gent., for one yeares rent of the Lammas
ground, which he enclosed with a brick wall for a bowling alley, 10_s._
Ten shillings appears to be the ground rent of an acre of ground in
that neighbourhood then! The three rents reappear in the following
account, with the exception that “for a bowling alley” is scratched out
and is not repeated. Other temporary enclosures near the almshouses in
1616 seem to have been recalled later. In 1619 the Earl of Salisbury,
Jeffrey Culsheth, and Robert Baker are still tenants, and the last is
described as “gent.” In 1621 the name of Jeffrey Culsheth is omitted.
In 1622-3 William Warden is allowed “the gravel pitts hitherto demised
to Thomas Warden, 10_l._” The Earl of Salisbury is still in possession,
but
Receyved of the Executors of Robert Baker, gent., for the Lammas
Common of certain grounds lyeing at the Causeway-head, near the
Windmill, builded uppon by him, 30_s._, in lieu of the said Lammas
Common, &c., 30_s._
Here we may turn to another authority. The Overseers of the Poor of St.
Martin’s acknowledge in the record of the same year 1622-3, “Landside
... Of Robert Baker, _of Pickadilly Hall_, given by him by will, 3_l._”
This then, is the first entry of the name that has yet been found, and
it is important to note that the term “Hall” is used. This “Robert
Baker, gent.,” made his will on 14 April 1623, and it was proved on
8 May of the same year. He left Samuel Baker sole executor, to sell
all leases, pay all debts, and provide for the liberal education and
endowment of his children and his wife. His daughters Judith and Mary
were to have £600 each. His wife Mary to have the house where he then
dwelt, with the garden and the cowhouse in St. Martin’s, and “2 houses
in the High Street neere against Brittaine’s Burse.” To his son Samuel
he left
a peece of ground divided into several parcels, and in part built
upon, containing about 2 acres, situated behind the muse of St.
Martin’s, which I lately enclosed with a brick wall, together with all
walls, stables, howses and edifices thereupon.
He also provided for his son Robert, and an unborn child, who was to
have “a close called Conduit Close” and the reversion of the mother’s
houses. The name Piccadilly nowhere appears in the will, so it would
seem not to have been a name selected by himself. As Samuel was to have
two acres, doubtless the house and garden of Mr. Baker occupied the
other acre, thirty shillings being regularly paid for the whole. With
this will in memory, we may go back to the churchwardens’ accounts, and
find in the following year, 1623-4:
Item, received of the executors of Samuel Baker, gent., deceased, who
was executor of Robert Baker, deceased, the some of thirty shillings
in lieu of the Lammas Common neare the Windmill, builded upon by him
in his lifetime, and _lately called Pick a dilly_, 30_s._
In 1624-5 the same entries continue, with only slight variations. The
Earl of Salisbury,
for the _Swanne Close_ upon which many faire dwelling houses have been
erected, and gardens belonging to them taken out of it, 50_s._
Of the heirs or executors of Robert Baker ... for certain ground near
the Windmill at Causeway-head, and _usually_ called Pick a dilly,
30_s._
Item, received of John Johnson for a piece of ground heretofore
enclosed by Jeffrey Kelsey and used for a Bowling Alley, 10_s._
The entries of 1625-6 remain the same, but in 1626-7 “Mrs. Marie Baker,
Widdowe,” pays for the ground
neare the Windmylne at the Causewayhead builded uppon in the lyfetime
of Robert Baker, her late husband, deceased, and _usually now_ called
Pick a dillie, 30_s._
No Johnson or representative was charged for the bowling alley. In
1628-9, other entries remaining the same, a new tenant was admitted:
The Hon. Sir William Howard, Knight, in lieu of the Lammas Common of
a certayne piece of ground called _the Swanne Close_, whereuppon the
same Sir William hath lately erected a faire dwelling house, with a
garden thereunto adjoyning taken out of the same Close, and is the
first yeares rent for the same, 10_s._
In 1631-2 to this small list is added another encloser:
The Right Honble, the Earl of Leicester, for the Lammas Common of a
piece of ground adjoyning to the military garden, newely enclosed with
a brick wall, 30_s._
In 1632-3 the entries remain the same, Mrs. Marie Baker’s lot being
described as “usually nowe called Pickadilly.” To the Earl of
Leicester’s entry is added “and faire buildings thereuppon erected,”
and his rent raised to £3. In 1634-5 the Earl of Newport held the land
built on by Sir William Howard, and an adjoining close. This small list
of enclosers remains the same. In 1638 the churchwardens’ books cease
to record the rents, a special book after that date being used for the
Lammas lands.
Returning to the overseers’ books, we find Mrs. Mary Baker assessed
16_s._ 4_d._ in 1623-4, and 17_s._ in 1625-6. The following year the
residents are classified by their addresses, and for the first time
is mentioned “Pecadilly, Mrs. Mary Baker, widow, 11_s._, John Woode,
2_s._, Isabell Ridley, 3_s._ 4_d._,” which entries imply subletting.
In 1634-5 she was only charged 6_s._ 6_d._, but no streets were named.
In 1636, under the wider address of “Brick hill, near Soho,” we find
“Mrs. Mary Baker, 18_s._,” and “Symon Osbalston, Esq., 4_s._” which
assessments in the following year are raised to 26_s._ and 34_s._
8_d._ In 1637, under the heading “Brick Hill, near Soho,” is specified
“Pickadilly,” which now contains nine names:
The Widow Camell, 2_s._ 2_d._, William Vaugh, 2_s._ 2_d._, Thomas
Heylock, 2_s._ 2_d._, Mrs. Mary Baker, 3_s._ 6_d._, Sir Richard
Grymes, Knight, 9_s._ 6_d._, William Larke, 3_s._ 4_d._, Widow
Bedwell, 2_s._ 2_d._, Symme Osbaldston, 8_s._ 6_d._, Anthony Walter,
6_d._
This certainly implies lodgers or subletting of houses on her own or
her son’s property, as the ground rent is still paid in Mrs. Baker’s
name. It is an important list, for it shows that “the gaming-house”
must have been very near, or part and parcel of the Bakers’ lands.
In another book, entitled “An Abstract of Rents in St.
Martin’s-in-the-Fields,” there are entries concerning the Earl of
Salisbury and others which show that, though undated, it commences
about 1633. Mrs. Mary Baker has to pay for “the Lammas common of the
_land neere Pick a dillie_ where his buildings are erected, 30_s._” The
next folio is dated 1635, where her ground is “_usually now_ called
Pick a dilly.” In that list appears “Of Symon Osbalston, Esq., for
ground built upon sence, neere Pick a dilly, the some of 4_l._” There
is some reverse writing on p. 1 of this volume, which reads:
Item of Mr. Fox for the Bowling Greene and Bear _in Swanne Close_
yearely 10_l._
Rents due yearely from these undernamed for the ground rent of the
ground added to the ends of their gardens out of _Swanne Close_, Mr.
Dobbins, 1_l._, Mr. Boulton, 12_s._, Mr. Cooke, 4_s._, Mr. Temple,
1_l._, Mr. Plunkett, 15_s._, the Lady Vane, 1_l._, the Lady Armin,
2_l._, Mr. Bull, 6_s._
A marginal reference adds, “The Earl of Leicester hath these now.”
On p. 4, also reversed and without date:
Of the owners of Pickadilly House and Bowling Greens, 4_l._ Of Mrs.
Mary Baker, for the Lammas Common of grounds whereon she hath houses
at Pickadilly, 1_l._
These notices clearly show that the name was first applied to the
Bakers’ property, and the title of “Pickadilly Hall” only applied to
their house; that the neighbouring building of Simon Osbaldistone’s,
which became the “gaming-house,” was built either partly on their
ground or in close proximity to it (probably including the old bowling
alley of Culsheth or Kelsey), and that it was therefore called
“Pickadilly House.”
The earliest notice of the name in the State Papers occurs in “Dom.
Ser. St. Pap. Car. I, 178 (43), 1630 (?),[92] note of priests and
Jesuits now in England: ‘John Blundeston, a priest, son to Blundeston
in Fetter Lane, is now much at Pecadily Hall at the Countess of
Shrewsbury’s’”; and in the same series, S. P. D. C. Car. I, 195 (3),
on 24 June 1634, Rich. Wainwright and others, writing to Secretary
Dorchester, say:
This day at Lady Shrewsbury’s house at Piccadilly Hall, Parish
of St. Martin’s, Mass was said by Captain George Popham, Priest.
Richard Wainwright apprehended him, by the aid of Edward Corbett the
Constable, and took him to Somerset House, whence he escaped, and was
received by the Friars.
Evidently the countess at the time must have been renting Mrs. Baker’s
“Hall.”
An important description is preserved in a letter written by the Rev.
George Garrard, Master of the Charterhouse, to the Earl of Strafford:
Since the spring garden was put down (1634), we have, by a servant
of the Lord Chamberlain’s, a new spring garden erected in the fields
beyond the Mews, where is built a fair house and two bowling greens
made to entertain gamesters and bowlers at an excessive rate, for I
believe it hath cost him above 4,000_l._, a dear undertaking for a
gentleman barber. My Lord Chamberlain much frequents that place, where
they bowl great matches. June 24, 1635.
Garrard, writing to Edward, Viscount Conway, 30 May 1636, adds:
Simme Austbiston’s house is newly christened. It is called Shaver’s
Hall, as other neighbouring places are named Tart Hall, Pickadell
Hall. At first, no conceit there was of the building being a barber’s,
but it came upon my Lord of Dunbarr’s loosing 3,000_l._ at one
sitting, whereon they said a northerne Lord was shaved there; but now,
putting both togeather, I feare it will be a nickname of the place,
as Nicke and Frothe is at Petworth, so long as the house stands. My
Lord Chamberlain knows not of it yett, but will chafe abominably when
he comes to know it. My neighbours at Salisbury House are all gone to
Hatfield.--Dom. Ser. St. Pap. Car. I, 323 (41).
The barber was Simon Osbaldistone, servant to Philip, Earl of Pembroke
and Montgomery, Chamberlain of the Royal Household.
Clarendon, in “The History of the Rebellion,” mentions the place:
Mr. Hyde going to a House called Piccadilly, which was a fair house
for entertainment and gaming, with handsome gravel walks with shade,
and where is an upper and lower bowling green, whither many of the
best quality resorted for exercise and recreation.
A description of the building is found in an estimate of 1650.
Mr. H. B. Wheatley in “Round about Piccadilly” gives a full account
of the later fortunes of Piccadilly. “The house commonly called
Pickadilly House” was assigned as soldiers’ quarters on 1 August 1650
(“Interregnum Order-Book”). Faithorne’s map (1658) shows it as “The
Gaming House.” Evelyn mentions the locality in his “Diary” (1662)
saying that “orders had been given to pave the way from St. James’s
North, which was a Quagmire, and the Haymarket, and Piquadillo.”
Colonel Thomas Panton seems to have purchased it in 1671, and
petitioned for leave to build on it, which was granted.
All this throws very little light on the derivation of the name, except
that it dissociates it from “the gallants of the gaming house,” which
was not built until Piccadilloes were out of fashion. Among the annals
of 1612 we find mention of “yellow starch, and great cut-work bands and
piccadillies (things that hath since lost the name),” said to have been
imported or contrived by the notorious Mrs. Turner (Kennet’s “England,”
ii, 638). Barnabe Rich in his “Honesty of the Age,” 1614, satirizing
the tailors and “body-makers,” says, “he that some forty or fifty years
sithens should have asked after a Pickadilly, I wonder who, could have
understood him, or could have told what a Pickadilly had been, either
fish or flesh.” Ben Jonson, in undated lines in “Underwoods,” says:
And then leap mad on a neat Pickardill.
In 1615 the Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge promulgated an injunction
against excess in apparel and the use of “strange peccadillies”; and in
that same year, “4th November, 1615, Mrs. Anne Turner, who was executed
at Tyburne, for poysoning of Sir Thomas Overbury, Knight, was buried
at St. Martin’s,” and the churchwardens received 17_s._ 8_d._ for her
grave. An effort to discredit her invention was made by “hanging her in
yellow ruffles,” and the piccadillies shortly went out of fashion too.
Butler in his “Hudibras” styles the collars of the pillory
“Peccadilloes.” Cotgrave, 1611; Minsheu, 1627; Nares’s “Old Glossary,”
Blunt’s “Glossographia,” 1656, explain the word as a stiff collar or
hem round a garment.
Seeing that Robert Baker was originally a tailor, it is quite possible
that his aristocratic neighbours threw scorn on his ambitious house
by nicknaming it after his collars “Pickadilly Hall,” a possibility
supported by Garrard’s letter. But there is another possibility which
I may suggest. Seeing that it was in the immediate neighbourhood of
“Swanne Close,” held by the Earl of Salisbury, and seeing that the
district was marshy, full of ditches, and pools formed in old gravel
pits, it is just possible that a breed of plebeian ducks throve there.
Down to the present time children in East Essex, calling these to their
meals, cry,
Dilly Dilly, cuddilly, cuddilly, cuddilly,
Cud, Cud, Cud, Pick a dilly, dilly, dilly,
which words are probably a survival of the old original of the
mocking parody “Dilly Dilly, come and be killed.” It is also possible
that some specimens of dill, or of daffodils, frequently called
dillies, grew there abundantly. The churchwardens’ clerk of St.
Martin’s-in-the-Fields, in early years, carefully dissociated the
parts of the word as “Pick a dilly.” It remains at least a fact for
us that the word as a place name first enters literature associated
neither with collars, tailors, nor gaming-houses, but with the botanist
John Gerard, who found the blue buglosse “growing in a dry Ditch at
Pickadilla” some time before 1633.
_“Athenæum,” July 27th, 1901._
FOOTNOTES:
[91] “Notes and Queries,” First Series, viii, 467; Third Series, ix,
176, 249; Fourth Series, i, 292; iii, 415.
[92] The doubtful date of the calendar should be rendered 1633-4.
XX
LITERARY EXPENSES IN ST. MARGARET’S, WESTMINSTER, 1530-1610
The important historical information given in the accounts of the
Churchwardens justifies the reproduction of those selections which
testify to the rapid changes in religion and education. William Russell
and Thomas Cloudesley were churchwardens from 2nd June 1530 till 11th
May 1532, and they “Payd for a Prick Song book xxᵈ.” The next Wardens
“payd for the covering of the Pryksong book ijˢ.” Thurston Amere and
William Combes 1538-40, in their “first yere” “payd for a book to
registre in the names of the Buryalls Weddynges and Cristeninges ijˢ.”
This entry is exceedingly interesting for many reasons. Archbishop
Cranmer and Thomas Cromwell issued a set of Injunctions dated 11th
October 1538; of which a contemporary copy is preserved in the Public
Record Office, (uncalendared Papers of Henry VIII, 253). The second of
these ordained
The Bible in English to be sett up in the churches Royal et
parrochim.... Sixth, A sermon to be preached at least every
quarter.... Twelfth, Register-bookes to be kept of weddings
Cristenings and Burialls, and for safe keeping thereof, the Parish
to finde a cheste with two locks and two Keyes to be taken out every
Sunday and the Parson in the presence of the Wardens to write.... etc.
For every omission a fine of 3_s._ 4_d._ to be levied.
St. Margaret’s is one of the few churches whose Registers are preserved
from this early date. This entry proves promptness in obedience, as the
books themselves show carefulness in preserving. In their second year
these Wardens “payd for the halfe parte of the Bybell accordingly after
the King’s injuncions ixˢ ixᵈ, Item payd for a desk for the Bybell iijˢ
viiiᵈ. Item payd for a Quire of Paper for a parucker booke for this 2ⁿᵈ
yere ijᵈ.” Among the Foren payments are repairs to the organ, and “payd
for two hympnalls for pdco, ijˢ viiiᵈ.” The “accompt of Robert Smalwood
gent, and William Heynings, grome of the King’s most honourable
Chamber,” wardens from 1540 to 1542; in relation to pew-letting
mentions “the purchase of a book for the pewes of freemen xiᵈ.” Passing
over the regular items of quires of paper for their “particular books”;
of “parchment for their general book” and of help “in the writing of
the same; in the Accompte of John Kenet and Thomas Massy 36ᵗʰ to 38ᵗʰ
Hen. VIII,” we find amid the “foren payments of the first yere,” “Also
payd for VI Bookes of the Lattony in Englyshe xviiiᵈ.”
In the account of Nicholas Ellys and Richard Dod, 12th June, 38th Henry
VIII to 17th May, 2nd Edward VI, after mentioning the dirge for Henry
and the expenses contributed to his funeral, recorded in the second
year.
Also payd in Christemas quarter to Goodman Beyton for makynge of
the stone in the body of the churche for the priest to declare the
pistolls and gospells, ijˢ.
... to Thomas Stokedale for xxxv ells of clothe for the fronte of the
Rode Lofte where as the X commaundements be wrytten, price of the ell
viiiᵈ, xxiiiˢ iiiiᵈ.
... to hym that dyd wryght the said X commaundements and for the
drynkynge, lxviˢ ixᵈ.
Also payd for the hangyng of the same clothe, vˢ ijᵈ.
Also payd for a Byble for to rede the pystell and the gospell, xˢ.
Also payd for ij wayscotte bords for the hie Alter, xijᵈ.
Also payd for the wryghtynge of the Scriptures upon the same bords, vˢ.
The Account of Richard Babbye and John Buckherde, 2nd Ed. VI to 4th Ed.
VI. In the first year is entered a dated purchase,
Also payd for the half pte of the paphyrice of Erasmus the xᵗʰ August,
vˢ.
After Christmas they bought and
Also payd for viii salters in Englyshe, xiijˢ iiijᵈ.
Also payd to Hansforthe for the Inventory that was deliuered to the
Kyngs commyssioners, iiijˢ viiiᵈ.
In the second year
Also paid for the searching of the records in the Kynges Exchequer,
ijˢ vᵈ.
Also paid to Nicholas Poole for wryttyng and prykynge of Songs for the
Quyer, iijˢ iiijᵈ.
Also payd to William Curlewe for mendynge of divers pewes that were
broken when Doctor Lattymer dyd preache, xviiiᵈ.
Forren payments. First payd for iiij books of the Service in the
church, xviᵈ.
... to Nicolas Poole for pryking of divers songs, iijˢ iiijᵈ.
Also payd for the taking up of the foundation of the Crosse at the
west door, viijᵈ.
The Book of Thomas Duffield and John Curtesse from 4th to 6th Ed. VI is
written on paper, while all the others have used parchment.
They note an energetic sale of tabernacles and Popish ornaments;
the introduction of a communion table and communion cups after the
Protestant fashion.
Also payde to a Carpenter for a dayes workynge for to set up the
Skaffolde for hym that dyd wryght the vi chapter of St. Johns Gospell
in the quire, viijᵈ.
... for nailes to the same, iijᵈ.
Also payde to hym that did paynte and wryghte the vi chapter of Saynt
Johns Gospel in ye quyre, xlˢ.
Also payd to hym for wrytynge of certeyne chapitres more in the quyre
as appereth, xiijˢ iiijᵈ.
Also paid to him for wrytynge and trymmynge of the north yle and the
sowthe yle, iiiˡⁱ ixˢ viiiiᵈ.
Also payd for the makyng of our bill to put in at the Bishopp’s
visitacyon, iiijᵈ.
Also payd for a boke of the Artycles, ijᵈ.
Also payde for a supplicacyon that was put to Mr. Chanceloure of the
Augmentation for his patent, ijˢ.
Nicholas Ludforde and Rychard Castell occupied the responsible position
from 6th Ed. VI to 1st Mary.