the Stationers’ Company, and in 1677 he gave to them two silver mugs,
weight 27 ozs. 3 dwts. In the rear of the altar at St. Bartholemew’s
the Great is this epitaph:—‘M.S. Hic juxta situs est Thomas Roycroft,
armiger, linguis Orientalibus Typographus Regius, placidissimis moribus
et antiquâ probitate ac fide memorandus, quorum gratiâ optimi civis
famam jure merito adeptus est. Militiæ civicæ Vicetribunus. Nec minus
apud exteros notus ob libros elegantissimis suis typis editos, inter
quos sanctissimum illud _Bibliorum Polyglottorum_, opus quam maxime
eminet. Obiit die 10 Augusti, ann. Reparatæ Sal. MDCLXXVII, postquam
LVI ætatis suæ annum implevisset. Parenti optimè merito, Samuel
Roycroft, filius unicus, hoc monumentum pie posuit.’ ”
[329] _Lexicon Heptaglotton_, _Hebraicum_, _Chaldaicum_, _Syriacum_,
_Samaritanum_, _Æthiopicum_, _Arabicum_, conjunctim; _et Persicum_
separatim, _etc._, _etc._ _Authore Edmundo Castello, S.T.D._, _etc._
_Londini, Imprimebat Thomas Roycroft, L.L._ _Orientalium Typographus
Regius, 1669_. Two vols., fol.
[330] _State Papers, Domestic_, 1665. Vol. 142, No. 174.
[331] _State Papers, Domestic_, 1667. _Ent. Book 23_, p. 337.
[332] In the List of Stewards of the _Brotherly Meeting_ of printers
referred to p. 166, Nicholas Nicholls’ name occurs with James Flesher’s
as a Steward at the 42nd Feast.
[333] _Dissertation_, p. 46.
[334] See _ante_, p. 148.
[335] Nicholas Nicholls’ tiny specimen, printed four years earlier,
exhibited only a few lines specially cut, and dedicated privately to
the King.
[336] In 1677 he published _Geometrical Operations_, London, 4to,
translated by himself from Dutch into English.
[337] _Regulæ Trium Ordinum Literarum Typographicarum; or the Rules
of the Three Orders of Print Letters, viz.: the Roman, Italick,
English,—Capitals and Small; showing how they are compounded of
Geometrick Figures and mostly made by Rule and Compass. Useful for
Writing Masters, Painters, Carvers, Masons and others that are Lovers
of Curiosity; by Joseph Moxon, Hydrographer to the King’s Most
Excellent Majesty. London. Printed for Joseph Moxon on Ludgate Hill at
the Sign of Atlas._ 1676. 4to. (Dedicated to Sir Christopher Wren.)
[338] The theory of the proportion of letters had been dealt with by
several foreign authors in the sixteenth century. In 1509 Fra Luca
Pacioli’s book, entitled _De Divinâ Proportione_, was printed at
Venice, containing woodcut illustrations of the various letters of the
alphabet. In 1525 Albert Dürer published in Nuremberg his _Unterweisung
der Messung mit dem Zirkel und Richtscheit_, reducing all letters to
a combination of circles and straight lines. In 1529 Geofroy Tory’s
_Champfleury_ appeared at Paris, an extraordinary treatise, deriving
every letter of the Latin alphabet from the goddess IO, of the letters
of whose name every other letter is formed; and proportioning each to
the human body and countenance in their various poses and aspects.
Fantastic as his work was, it is credited with having revolutionised
the form of the Roman letter in France. Like Moxon, Tory sub-divided
the square of each letter into a number of minute squares, in which he
constructed his model letters. A somewhat similar work was published
at Saragossa, in Spain, in 1548, by Ycair, entitled _Orthographia
Practica_, containing specimens of alphabets, and intended, like all of
the above-named works, more for the use of the caligrapher and sculptor
than for the printer.
[339] _Mechanick Exercises, or the Doctrine of Handy-Works. Began
Jan. 1, 1677. And intended to be Monthly continued. By Joseph Moxon,
Hydrographer to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty. London. Printed for
Joseph Moxon on Ludgate Hill at the Sign of the Atlas._ Two vols., 4to.
Vol. I (14 numbers). _The Smiths, the Joyners, the Carpenters, and the
Turner’s Trades._ 1677–80.
Vol. II (24 numbers). _Applied to the Art of Printing_, 1683–6.
(Dedicated to Dr. Fell, Bishop of Oxford.)
[340] Mores says that before Moxon’s time letter-cutters worked by eye
and hand only, and practised their art by guess-work (_Dissert._, p.
43).
[341] See chap. iv.
[342] Or rather a hair space, of which seven go to the body; so that
one such space divided by six would give a 42nd part!
[343] See _ante_, p. 109.
[344] Of the eighteen letters of the alphabet, the b, c, h, l, m, n, o,
s, u, are in Roman, the _a_ and _e_ in Italic.
[345] A copy of this rare broadside is in the Library of Corpus Christi
College, Cambridge.
[346] The full title of this rare little tract, consisting of
eight leaves only, is translated as follows:—_Aibidil Gaoidheilge
Caiticiosma, etc._ (_The Irish Alphabet and Catechism, precept or
instruction of a Christian, together with certain articles of a
Christian faith which are proper for everyone to adopt who would be
submissive to the ordinance of God and the Queen of this Kingdom.
Translated from Latin and English into Irish by John O’Kearney . .
Printed in the town of the Ford of Hurdles, (Dublin), at the cost of
Master John Ussher, Alderman, at the head of the Bridge, the 20th of
June 1571, with the privilege of the great Queen._ 1571.) 8vo.
[347] _Tiomna Nuadh, etc._ (_The New Testament of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ, faithfully translated from the Greek into the Irish by
William O’Donnell._) _Séon Francke: a mBaile athá Cliath_ (_Dublin_),
1602. Fol. This work was printed in the house of Sir William Ussher,
Clerk of the Council.
[348] _Leabhar na nurnaightheadh gcomhchoidchiond agus
mheinisdraldachda na Sacrameinteadh, etc._ (Translated from the English
by W. Daniel, Archbishop of Tuam), _a dtigh Shéon Francke, alias
Franckton, a Mbaile athá Cliath_ (_Dublin_), 1608. Fol. Not published
till 1609. In his dedication, Daniel says that, “having translated the
book, I followed it to the presse with jealousy and daiely attendance,
to see it perfected; payned as a woman in travell desirous to be
delivered.”
[349] _A B C_, _or the_ _Institution of a Christian_. _Printed by the
Company of Stationers_. Dublin, 1631. 8vo.
[350] _The Catechism, with the Six points of W. Perkins_, _translated
into Irish by Godfrey Daniel_. Dublin, 1652. 8vo.
[351] “The publication of everything valuable in this language by the
fathers of Donegal was unfortunately prevented by the troubles of the
time of Charles I, by Cromwell’s usurpation. These fathers had procured
a fount for this purpose, which, when forced to fly, they carried
with them to Louvain, where some fragments of this fount are yet to
be found” (_Theoph. O’Flanagan on the Ancient Language of Ireland.
Transac. of the Gaelic Soc._ 8vo, Dublin, 1808, p. 212). Others stated
that the fount had been removed to Douay, and there used to print
several Catholic tracts. No Irish work whatever is known to have been
printed at Douay. Respecting the various foreign Irish founts, the
reader is referred to the account given in chapter ii, p. 75.
[352] _Life of William Bedell, D.D._, by H. J. Monck Mason. Lond., 8vo,
1843, p. 287.
[353] In addition to the _A B C_ _and_ _Catechism_, already referred
to as published by Bedell in 1631, some of his biographers record that
he had printed a later edition about 1641, and at the same time the
following tracts in Irish, viz.: Some forms of prayer, a selection of
passages from Scripture, the first three of Chrysostom’s Homilies on
the rich man and Lazarus, and some sermons by Leo. Copies of these have
not been seen.
[354] Most of the copies were stated to have been bought up, like the
type, by Roman ecclesiastics.
[355] Of this work a copy has not yet been seen.
[356] _Tiomna Nuadh._ (_The New Testament of our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ, faithfully translated from the Greek into the Irish by William
O’Donnell_). London. Robert Everingham. 1681. 4to.
[357] “Mr. Everingham and Mr. Whiteledge,” says Dunton (_Life_, p.
331), “were two partners in the trade; I employ’d ’em very much, and
look’d upon ’em to be honest and thriving men. Had they confin’d
’emselves a little sooner to Household Love, they might possibly have
kept upon their own Bottom; however, so it happen’d, that they lov’d
themselves into Two Journey-men Printers again.” Everingham was the
printer, in 1680, of a _Weekly Advertisement of Books_ for some London
publishers.
[358] Writing to Dr. Marsh of Dublin, Jan. 17th, 1681–2, Boyle refers
to a projected Irish Grammar, and offers the use of his type. “I am
glad that so useful a designe as that of frameing a compendious Irish
Grammar has been conceived by one that is so able to execute it well;
but I presume you will want letters for many of the Irish words; in
which case you may please to consider what use may be made of those
I have already, that may be consistent with the printing of the Old
Testament in the language they relate to; for all the designe I had in
having them cut off was, that they might be in a readiness to print
useful bookes in Irish, whether there or here” (Mason’s _Life of
Bedell_, p. 301).
[359] Leabhuir na Seintiomna, etc. (_The Books of the Old Testament
translated into Irish by Dr. William Bedell, late Bishop of Kilmore._
_London._) 1685. 4to.
[360] _An Biobla Naomhtha._ (_W. Bedell’s and W. O’Donnell’s Irish
Bible, revised, and printed at London by R. Everingham._) 1690. 8vo.
[361] Mason’s _Life of Bedell_, p. 305.
[362] _The Book of Common Prayer, Irish and English, with the Elements
of the Irish Language_, by John Richardson. London, 1712. 8vo.
[363] _Practical Sermons._ London, 1711.
[364] _Dissertation_, p. 33. It is worthy of note that at the date when
Mores wrote an almost universal cessation in Irish printing was taking
place at home and abroad. At Louvain no work had appeared since 1663,
at Rome since 1707, or at Paris (with the exception of the specimen in
Fournier’s _Manuale Typographique_, 1764), since 1742. In the few Irish
works issued at home during this period (with the notable exception of
Miss Brooke’s _Reliques of Irish Poetry_, printed by Bonham of Dublin
in 1789, in a new fount, apparently privately cut) the Irish character
is generally rendered in copperplate, or in Roman type. It was not
till Marcel published his _Alphabet Irlandais_, at Paris in 1804, and
Neilson his _Irish Grammar_, at Dublin in 1808, that a revival of Irish
typography took place, both abroad and at home.
[365] _An Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language,
by John Wilkins, D.D., Dean of Ripon. London, printed . . . for the
Royal Society._ 1668. Fol.
[366] _Dissertation_, p. 43. Mores mentions a James Moxon who in 1677
lived near Charing Cross, and sold Joseph Moxon’s books at his house
(p. 44).
[367] Joseph Leigh (_sic_) served at the sixty-fourth Feast (_i.e._,
about 1675), and Thos. Goring at the sixty-seventh (1678). In the same
List occurs the name of John Goring, probably a relative of Thomas
Goring, at the forty-sixth Feast (1657).
[368] His name occurs in the list of Masters and Workmen Printers, as
having served as Steward at the sixty-ninth Feast (1680).
[369] Mores’ _Dissert._, p. 13.
[370] See _ante_, p. 157.
[371] The names of both occur among the stewards who had served office
at the annual Brotherly Meetings of Masters and Workmen Printers;
James Grover at the sixty-first Feast (1672), and Thomas Grover at the
sixty-third (1674).
[372] See _ante_, p. 96.
[373] See _ante_, p. 90.
[374] See _ante_, p. 144.
[375] “The Arabic (of the _Polyglot_) is Great Primer, in our (_i.e._,
James’s) foundery; and it came from Mr. Grover” (Mores’ _Dissert._, p.
13; and again, p. 63). Mores, however, only mentions an imperfect set
of Double Pica matrices in the summary of this foundry, whereas Andrews
possessed a complete fount of Great Primer. A few odd punches of the
_Polyglot_ Arabic are still in existence.
[376] Mores’ _Dissert._, p. 46.
[377] _Ibid._, p. 67.
[378] This distinguished ambassador belonged to an honourable family,
of whom by no means the least worthy member was Miss Elizabeth Rowe,
who in 1785 married Henry Caslon, and subsequently—first with her
mother-in-law, and afterwards by her own exertions—ably conducted the
affairs of the Chiswell Street foundry. See _post_, chap. xi.
[379] See _ante_, p. 144.
[380] _Gent. Magaz._, vol. 56, p. 497. Nichols’ _Lit. Anec._, ix, 9.
[381] Proposuit quidem D. Junius multis antehac annis MS. hoc typis
evulgare, cujus etiam specimen impressum vidi; sed consilium illius,
multis viris doctis merito improbatum, ejus progressum retardavit;
dum multa pro arbitrio ex MS. detruncaret et mutaret, idque cùm nulla
premebat necessitas, prout ex Catalogo satis magno vocabulorum per
pauca _Geneseos_ capita, quæ ipse mutaverat et expunxerat (quem mihi
ostendit Typographus) constat (_Proleg._, sec. ix, § 34).
[382] _Vitæ quorundam eruditissimorum et illustrium Virorum.—Patricii
Junii. Lond._, 1707. 4to. “Utcunque futuri operis specimen, quod
jam præ oculis meis habeo, primum nimirum caput libri _Geneseos_,
una cum doctissimis Scholiis, edere placuit. Omnes illud certamen
arripiunt, avidisque oculis legunt perleguntque, ac optimâ spe de
promissâ editione, quam cum maximo et vix continendo affectu exspectant
efflagitantque, conceptâ, quasi moram pertæsi, Orbem Christianum hoc
eximio thesauro, quod dudum fuisset locupletandus, nimium diu hactenus
caruisse amicè queruntur” (p. 32).
[383] Parr’s _Life of Usher_, 1686, p. 621. Usher to Boate, June 1651:
“ . . . the Alexandrian copy (in the Library of St. James) which he
intendeth shortly to make publick, Mr. Selden and myself every day
pressing him to the work.”
[384] Wood, _Athen. Ox._, 1691, i, 796; also Edwards, _Libraries and
Founders of Libraries_, Lond., 1865, 8vo, p. 168.
[385] _Lansd. MSS._, No. 231, fo. 169.
[386] See _post_, chap. xvi.
[387] The matrices of all these curious founts have survived to the
present day, and, indeed, lie before us as we write. They bear strong
evidence of having been justified and finished by the same hand.
[388] From this assertion we except, of course, the letter of the
first printers, which, if not imitating the actual handwriting of one
particular scribe, was a copy of the conventional book-writing hand
of the period. Some of the earliest scripts, italics and cursives are
also reputed to have been modelled on the handwriting of some famous
caligrapher or artist. One of the first instances of printing with
facsimile types was the copy of the famous Medicean _Virgil_, produced
at Florence in 1741. The types are for the most part ordinary Roman
capital letters with a certain number of “discrepants” or peculiar
characters. The title of this fine work is:—_P. VergiliI Maronis Codex
Antiquissimus . . qui nunc Florentiæ in Bibliotheca Mediceo-Laurentiana
adservatur. Bono publico Typis descriptus Anno MDCCXLI. Florentiæ.
Typis Mannianis._ 8vo.
[389] This is possibly the printer respecting whom Nichols (_Illust.
Lit._, viii, 464) notes that on Nov. 20, 1732, John Mears, bookseller,
was taken into custody for publishing a _Philosophical Dissertation
on Death_ . . . Meares succeeded to the business of Richard Nutt,
and printed the _Historical Register_. Among the Bagford Collections
(_Harl. MS._ No. 5915) is a _Specimen by H. Meere, printer, at the
Black Fryar, in Blackfriars, London_. No date.
[390] Richard Nutt, printer in the Savoy, died March 11, 1780, aged 80
years.
[391] Grover contributed £2 2_s._ in 1712 towards defraying the loss
incurred by the elder Bowyer on the occasion of the fire at his
printing-house.
[392] His name occurs in the List of Masters and Workmen Printers in
1681; see _ante_, p. 166.
[393] See _ante_, p. 149.
[394] Cotton’s _Typographical Gazetteer_. Second Series, 1866, p. 17.
[395] Vol. ii, p. 120.
[396] Some of the matrices are without sides, which were probably
supplied by a peculiar adaptation of the mould.
[397] Bagford (writing in 1714) states that Walpergen “was succeeded by
his son, who has long since been succeeded by Mr. Andrews.” If this be
the case, the Peter Walpergen whose death occurred in 1714 was probably
the son, of whom nothing is known as distinguished from his father.
[398] We are indebted to the kindness of Mr. F. Madan, of the Bodleian
Library, for our transcript.
[399] _The Holy Bible, containing the Old Testament and the New, etc.
Oxford, Printed by John Baskett, Printer to the King’s Most Excellent
Majesty, for Great Britain; and to the University_, 1717, 1716. 2
vols., folio. The running title of Luke xx reads, “_The parable of the
vinegar_.”
[400] This, in all probability, was the fount used for printing the
“Vinegar” _Bible_.
[401] The contents of this very interesting document were communicated
to the _Athenæum_ of September 5, 1885, by Mr. J. H. Round, in whose
possession the original is.
[402] Timperley’s _Songs of the Press_. London, 1833, 8vo, p. 85.
[403] Nichols’ note on the James family (_Anecdotes of Mr. Bowyer_,
pp. 585, 609) is at variance with the account given by Rowe Mores.
According to the former, Thomas, John and George James were all
brothers, and sons of the notorious half-crazy Elianor James,
whose husband, Thomas James, the printer, was a large benefactor
to Sion College, and died in 1711. On this point, however, Mores,
whose relations with the family gave him special opportunities for
information, may be considered as more correct in representing
Thomas and John as sons of the Rev. John James. George James, the
son of Thomas and Elianor, was City Printer in 1724. His office was
in Little Britain, where he wrote and printed the _Post Boy_. He
was Common Councilman for the Ward of Aldersgate Without, and died
in 1735. His greatgrandfather, Dr. Thomas James, Dean of Wells, was
the first Keeper of Bodley’s Library at Oxford in 1605. Portraits
of this Dr. Thomas James, and of Thomas and Elianor, the parents of
George James, are preserved in Sion College, as is also a portrait of
Elizabeth, their daughter, who married Jacob Ilive, the printer, and
who was herself a benefactor to the College. Nichols mentions another
member of the family, one Harris James, who, he says, was originally
a letter-founder, and “formerly of Covent Garden Theatre, where he
represented fops and footmen.”
[404] _Dissertation_, p. 51, _et seq._
[405] Rabbi Joseph Athias, son of Tobias Athias, who printed a Spanish
Bible for the use of the Jews, was a printer, publisher and typefounder
in Amsterdam. He succeeded to the Elzevir foundry as improved and
added to by Van Dijk. In 1662–3 he issued an edition of the _Old
Testament_ printed in Hebrew type, specially cut by Van Dijk, for
the accuracy and beauty of which he received great renown; and in
1667, when a new edition of the _Bible_ was published, the Government
of the United Provinces signified their satisfaction by presenting
him with a gold medal and a massive gold chain. He is said to have
printed a great number of English Bibles. Van Dijk, whose models were
so warmly applauded by Moxon, was a letter-cutter only, and worked
for various foundries. His founder was John Bus, who cast in Athias’
house, as the title of the following specimen-sheet, issued about
1700, indicates:—_Proeven van Letteren die gesneden zijn door Wylen
Christoffel van Dijck, welke gegoten werden by Jan Bus, ten huyse van
Sr. Joseph Athias woonst in de Swanenburg Street, tot Amsterdam_. Demy
broadside (showing five Titlings, sixteen Roman and Italic, eight Black
and two Music). After passing through several hands, Athias’ foundry
was purchased by John Enschedé of Haerlem in 1767, in whose family it
still remains.
[406] This should be Dirk Voskens of Amsterdam, who bought the foundry
of Bleau in 1677, and was the first Dutch founder who kept types for
the Oriental and recondite languages. Like Athias and others, he was a
founder only, his punches and matrices being cut and sunk by Rolij. The
foundry descended to his great-grandson, and was ultimately put up to
auction in 1780, and purchased by the brothers Ploos Van Amstel, and
subsequently became absorbed by the Enschedé foundry.
[407] Rolij seems to be Rowe Mores’ way of spelling Rolu, of whose
types the following specimen-sheet exists:—_Proeven van Letteren
dewelcke gegooten worden by Mr. Johannes Rolu, Letter-Snyder woonende
tot Amsterdam in de laetste Lelydwars-streat_, _c._ 1710 (probably the
specimen referred to by James further on).
[408] Voskens.
[409] “The matter was first composed in the usual way, then the form
was affused with some sort of _gypsum_, which after it was indurated,
became a complication of matrices for casting the whole page in a
single piece” (_Mores_, p. 59). As early as the year 1705 a Dutchman,
named J. Van der Mey, had, with the assistance of Johann Muller, a
German clergyman, devised a method of soldering together the bottoms
of common types imposed in a forme, so as to form solid blocks of
each page. By this method, two Bibles, a Greek Testament and a Syriac
Testament with Lexicon were produced, the plates of all of which,
except the last named, were preserved in 1801. See T. Hodgson’s _Essay
on the Origin and Progress of Stereotype Printing_, Newcastle, 1820,
8vo.
[410] “Being called into our company,” says Ged, in his _Narrative_,
“he bragged much of his great skill and knowledge in all the parts of
mechanism, and particularly vaunted, that he, and hundreds besides
himself, could make plates to as great perfection as I could: which
occasioned some heat in our conversation.”
[411] Hansard (_Typog._ p. 823), shows an impression of two pages of
a _Prayer Book_, from plates which had escaped “Caslon’s cormorant
crucible.”
[412] _C. Crispi Sallustii Belli Catilinarii et Jugurthini Historiæ.
Edinburgi; Guilielmus Ged, Aurifaber Edinensis, non typis mobilibus, ut
vulgo fieri solet, sed tabellis seu laminis fusis, excudebat._ 1739,
8vo (reprinted 1744). According to the account given by Ged’s daughter
in the narrative above referred to, the _Sallust_ was completed in
1736. No copy of that date is, however, known. Some of the plates of
the work are still in existence.
[413] The story may be read in detail in _Biographical Memoirs of
William Ged, including a particular account of his progress in the art
of Block printing_. London, 1781, 8vo. Fenner died insolvent about the
year 1735. James Ged, after working for some time with his father,
engaged in the rebellion of 1745, and narrowly escaped execution. He
ultimately went to Jamaica, a year before his father’s death.
[414] Despite Mores’ prophecy that Ged’s invention, even if at first
successful, would soon have sunk under its own burden, the method was
successfully revived, or rather re-invented, about the year 1781 by Dr.
Tilloch of Edinburgh, in conjunction with Mr. Foulis, printer to the
University of Glasgow, at whose press were printed a stereotype edition
of _Xenophon’s Anabasis_ in 1783, and several chap-books. Messrs.
Tilloch and Foulis did not persevere with their venture, which was
about the year 1800 successfully revived and perfected by Mr. Wilson,
a London printer, aided by Earl Stanhope. In France, Firmin Didot, in
1795, attempted a method similar to that of Van de Mey in 1705; but
abandoning this, succeeded in 1798 in producing good stereo plates by
a system of _polytypage_, as described _ante_, p. 13. The reader is
referred to Hodgson’s _Essay_ for specimens and particulars of the
successive efforts to perfect the stereotype process at home and abroad.
[415] Mores contradicts himself as to this date, giving it as 1738
in one place, and 1736 in another. As, however, he is particular to
mention that John James, in 1736, _after his father’s death_, commenced
his specimen of the foundry, the earlier date may be assumed to be
correct.
[416] Timperley, who quotes this document (_Encycl._ p. 655), gives no
particulars as to the letter in which it is printed.
[417] See _ante_, p. 206.
[418] See _ante_, p. 205.
[419] The Oxford University foundry must, of course, be included as a
fourth foundry existing at this time, but does not rank as a trading
establishment. Cottrell’s foundry was also started in 1757, but it is
doubtful whether he had yet finished cutting his punches. Smith, in
_The Printer’s Grammar_, 1755, in comparing the standard bodies in use
at that time in England, names Caslon and James as the only English
founders.
[420] Smith’s _Printer’s Grammar_, 1755, in referring to the use of
flowers in typography, makes mention of “the considerable augmentation
which Mr. Caslon has made here in flowers, and in which Mr. James
likewise has so far proceeded that we may soon expect a specimen of
them” (p. 137).
[421] Nichols, _Illust. Lit._, viii, 450.
[422] Edward Rowe Mores was born about the year 1729, at Tunstall in
Kent, of which place his father was rector. He was educated at Merchant
Taylors’ School and Queen’s College, Oxford, and being originally
intended for holy orders, took his M.A. degree. He did not, however,
enter the Church, but devoted himself to literary and antiquarian
pursuits. Besides his _Dissertation upon English Typographical
Founders_, he spent some time in correcting Ames, and in other
investigations into the early history of printing. On one occasion, as
he himself narrates, he assisted Ilive in correcting the Hebrew proofs
of _Calasio’s Concordance_ for the press. His latter life was marred
by habits of negligence and intemperance, which hastened his death in
1778 at Low Leyton. His valuable library of books and MSS. was sold by
auction by Paterson in August 1779, on which occasion the eighty copies
of the _Dissertation_, being the entire impression, were bought up by
Mr. Nichols and given to the public with a short Appendix.
[423] _A Dissertation upon English Typographical Founders and
Founderies, by Edward Rowe Mores, A.M. and A.S.S._ (London) 1778. 8vo
(only 80 copies printed).
[424] Consisting of eight founts of Hebrew, four of Samaritan, three of
Arabic, four of Greek, five of Roman or Italic, three of Saxon, one of
Anglo-Norman, and four of Black.
[425] “Such as those which being uniques cannot be perfected without
new punches, and if they were made complete, it would be no more
than _oleum et operam, etc._, because they are either out of use or
the times afford better, as the Antique Hebrew (spec. 7); Leusden’s
Samaritan (spec. 27); 2-line Great Primer Hebrew (spec. 38); the
Runic, Gothic, and some other recondites, the matrices for which
are incomplete or useless. But of the founts which are in daily use
the imperfects will continue, as they mutually aid and help out one
another. For the same reason also will continue those which have been
cast aside (not by their owner) under the name of _waste_.”
[426] In another place Mr. Mores states that the “waste and pye” of the
foundry contained upwards of 6,000 matrices.
[427] This is the old Black from Grover’s foundry; see _ante_, p. 199.
[428] This sly allusion leaves little doubt as to the light in which
Mr. Mores viewed the Coster legend so industriously defended by such
writers of his own day as Meerman, Bowyer and Nichols.
[429] “Excusatos nos habeant eruditi quibus obvenerit typorum
_Jamesianorum_ specimen accuratis perlustrare oculis, quod minus
quam expetendum esset, in linguis præsertim reconditoribus, elimatum
prodeat; in animo erat de dedisse emendatissimum et si sat se fecisse
existiment opifices, si, posthabitis preli, ceterisque maculis,
ostendatur literarum facies—limæ non defuit labor,—at cessante Fusore
cessavit Fornax et defuerunt fusi ad emaculandum typi.”—_Preface to the
Specimen._
[430] _i.e._, [P.] Polyglot, [A.] Andrews, [G.] Grover, [R.] Rolij,
[N.] Nicholls, [S.A.] Sylvester Andrews, [Anon.] “Anonymous.” Of founts
marked *, punches or matrices still exist.
[431] Two sets of Small Pica and two sets of Pearl not shown in
Specimen, were also sold. A Canon, 2-line Great Primer, three Great
Primers, an English, Pica, and Bourgeois, had been lost.
[432] It is to be borne in mind that Andrews’ foundry included that of
Moxon, from whom many of his oldest founts doubtless came.
[433] A Great Primer, Pica, Small Pica and Long Primer had been lost,
but the Long Primer punches remained.
[434] A 2-line English, Double Pica and Pica had been lost.
[435] There were also, not in Specimen, a 2-line Great Primer, Double
Pica, Pica, two Small Picas and a set of 2-line Nonpareil Capitals. A
Paragon, Bourgeois and two sets of Nonpareil had been lost.
[436] This was the fount used in the _Catena on Job_, 1637.
[437] “Remarkably beautifully cut and justified.”
[438] A Double Pica, Pica and Long Primer had been lost.
[439] A 2-line English had been lost.
[440] Also a Double Pica not in specimen.
[441] _i.e._, Black—of which the following sets, not in Specimen,
were also sold:—Double Pica, two Great Primers, two English, four
Small Picas, Long Primer, three Breviers and Nonpareil. A 2-line Great
Primer, Double Pica, Long Primer and Bourgeois had been lost.
[442] Of these, one was a 4-line, to which belonged a set of “leaden”
lower-case matrices.
[443] There is more difficulty in tracing these to their original
sources than in the case of the matrices, as not only are the numbers
not given, but the bodies named may very likely vary from the actual
bodies to which the matrices were justified.
[444] See p. 191. Though the matrices of this fount do not appear in
the Catalogue, they were evidently in James’s foundry, as they are
mentioned in the list drawn up by James in 1767, and are not specified
among the matrices lost. They were acquired at the sale of Dr. Fry, and
may possibly have been included with the Saxons, or with the imperfect
lots.
[445] _Lit. Anec._, iii, 438.
[446] See our facsimiles from the Specimen at pages 200 and 204, _ante_.
[447] In 1703, in the Convocation of Clergy in the Lower House, a
complaint was exhibited against the printers of the _Bible_ for the
careless and defective way in which it was printed by the patentees.
The editions specially complained of were those printed by Hayes,
of Cambridge, in 1677 and 1678, and an edition in folio printed in
London in 1701. The printers continued, however, to print the _Bible_
carelessly, with a defective type, on bad paper; and when printed, to
sell copies at an exorbitant price.
[448] The following sketch of William Caslon is mainly taken, and in
parts quoted, from the interesting particulars of his career preserved
in Nichols’ _Anecdotes of Bowyer_ and the larger work into which that
was subsequently expanded. The elder Bowyer’s intimate connection with
Caslon’s first ventures in letter-founding give Nichols’ work a special
authority in the matter. At the same time there exists a certain
confusion in the earlier part of the narrative which it is difficult
completely to harmonise.
[449] John Watts, a printer of first-rate eminence, for some time
partner with Jacob Tonson II in Covent Garden. It was in Watts’
printing office in Great Queen Street, Lincoln’s Inn, that Benjamin
Franklin worked as journeyman in 1725. Watts died in 1763, aged 85.
[450] William Bowyer, the elder, regarded as one of the foremost
printers of his time, was born in 1663. In 1699 he had his office in
Dogwell Court, Whitefriars. His premises were burnt in 1713, and in
the conflagration he lost all his types and presses. By the liberality
of his fellow-printers, however, this loss (estimated at over £5,000)
was partly made good, and he was enabled to start again and rise
once more to a foremost place in his profession. For all particulars
respecting Mr. Bowyer and his learned son, see Nichols’ _Anecdotes of
William Bowyer_, London, 1782, 4to, and _Literary Anecdotes of the 18th
Century_, London 1812–15, 9 vols., 8vo, a work the foundation of which
is a bibliography of the productions of this celebrated press. See also
_ante_, p. 157.
[451] James Bettenham, husband of the elder Bowyer’s step-daughter, was
born 1683. He printed in St. John’s Lane, and attained to considerable
eminence as a printer, although after sixty years’ labour he left
behind him only £400. “He died,” says Rowe Mores, “in 1774, _ferè
centenarius sanæque mentis et memoriæ_.”
[452] _Anecdotes of Bowyer_, p. 585.
[453] A tradition in the Caslon family that William Caslon began his
career as a letter-founder in 1716, induced the late Mr. H. W. Caslon
to adopt this as the date of the establishment of the Foundry. In the
absence, however, of any testimony in support of the statement, and in
the face of the clear announcement by Caslon himself that his Foundry
was begun in the year 1720, there seems to be no ground for attaching
any importance to the use of this earlier date.
[454] This Society, which was established in 1698, had already
displayed considerable activity in the introduction of printing into
the distant fields of its missionary effort. In 1711 it sent out to
the missionaries of Tranquebar, on the Coromandel Coast, a printing
press furnished with Portuguese types, paper, etc., which, after an
adventurous voyage, in which the vessel was plundered by the French
of all her other cargo, reached its destination and enabled the
missionaries to commence the printing of a Tamulic _New Testament_, of
which the _Gospels_ appeared in 1714, with the imprint “_Tranquebariæ
in littore Coromandelino, typis Malabaricis impressit G. Adler_, 1714.”
It is related that the publication of the remainder of the work was
delayed from a scarcity of paper, their types being very large; till at
length the expedient was adopted of casting a new fount of letter from
the leaden covers of some Cheshire cheeses, which had been sent out to
the missionaries by the Society. The attempt succeeded, and with these
new and smaller types the remainder of the _Testament_ was printed,
the whole being published together in 1719. (Cotton, _Typographical
Gazetteer_, 2nd edit., p. 289.)
[455] _Liber Psalmorum . . una cum decem Præceptis . . et Oratione
Dominicâ . . Arabicè; sumptibus Societatis de Propagandâ Cognitione
Christi apud Exteros._ London, 1725. 8vo.
[456] _Novum Testamentum, Arabicè. Londini. Sumptibus Societatis de
Propagandâ Cognitione Christi apud Exteros._ 1727. 4to.
[457] “This circumstance,” says Nichols (_Anec. Bowyer_, p. 317) “has
lately been verified by the American, Dr. Franklin, who was at that
time a journeyman under Mr. Watts, the first printer that employed Mr.
Caslon.”
[458] Dibdin, in repeating this anecdote, uses rather stronger
language. “Caslon,” he says, “after giving (I would hope) that wretched
pilferer and driveller Samuel Palmer (whose _History of Printing_ is
only fit for chincampane paper) half a dozen good canings for his
dishonesty, betook himself to Mr. Bowyer.” (_Bibl. Decam. II._, 379.)
[459] _Joannis Seldeni Jurisconsulti Opera Omnia, tam edita quam
inedita. In tribus voluminibus. Colligit ac recensuit . . . David
Wilkins, S.T.P. . . . Londini, Typis Guil. Bowyer._ 1726. Fol. (Begun
in 1722.)
[460] Dr. David Wilkins, F.S.A., was Keeper of the Lambeth Library
under Archbishop Wake, and drew up a Catalogue of all the MSS.
and books there in his time. Besides editing the _Selden_ and the
_Coptic Testament_ and _Pentateuch_, he published some important
works in Anglo-Saxon Literature, and edited the learned Prolegomena
to Chamberlayne’s _Oratio Dominica_ in 1715. He died in 1740. Rowe
Mores considers that in his Coptic studies Dr. Wilkins was indebted to
Kircher, the Jesuit, whose _Prodromus Coptus_, published in Rome in
1636, the Doctor had severely handled.
[461] _Quinque Libri Moysis Prophetæ in Linguâ Ægyptiâ. Ex M.S.S. . . .
descripsit ac Latine vertit Dav. Wilkins. Londini_ 1731. 4to. Only 200
copies were printed.
[462] See _ante_, p. 147. Nichols, writing about 1813, mentioned that
the Coptic fount, having escaped the conflagration of his printing
office in 1808, was still in his possession.
[463] _Typographia_, p. 349.
[464] See _ante_, p. 205.
[465] See _ante_, p. 218.
[466] _Anec. Bowyer_, p. 537.
[467] See _ante_, p. 215.
[468] _Psalmorum Liber. (Heb. et Lat.) in Versiculos metrice divisus,
etc. Londini_ 1736. 2 vols., 8vo.
[469] _Moses Choronensis Historiæ Armeniacæ Libri iii. Armeniacè
ediderunt, Latinè verterunt notisq: illustr. Guil. et Geo. Whistoni.
London_, 1736. 4to.
[470] _De Linguâ Etruriæ. J. Swinton. Oxon._, 1738.
[471] This fount may be seen also in Nichols’ Appendix to Rowe Mores’
_Dissertation_, p. 96, and in _Ames’ Typographical Antiquities_, 1st
edit., p. 571.
[472] If these were the matrices which Mores, in his summary of the
Polyglot Foundry (p. 172, _ante_), described as Great Primer, it is
difficult—unless they were duplicates—to determine through whose
foundry they passed into Caslon’s hands. Andrews had a Great Primer,
and Grover a Double Pica and Pica; but all these came to James, in
whose foundry they remained when Mores wrote in 1778.
[473] _Cyclopædia, or an Universal Dictionary of the Arts and Sciences,
etc._, by E. Chambers, F.R.S., London, 1738. 2 vols., fol. (Caslon’s
Specimen faces the article “Letter.”) The first edition of this
valuable work—the first repertory of general knowledge published in
Britain—appeared in 1728. It subsequently formed the basis of Rees’
_Encyclopædia_.
[474] See _ante_, p. 206.
[475] Rowe Mores’ account of the Caslon foundry in 1778, wherein he
attributes several of the founts which originally appeared in the
1734 Specimen to Mitchell, might suggest at first sight that Caslon
had acquired Mitchell’s foundry prior to 1739. Mores is, however,
particular to give the exact date of the purchase, 26th July 1739.
It seems more probable that, finding the bodies in Caslon’s Specimen
corresponding generally with the description of the matrices he was
known to have bought from Mitchell, he concluded hastily that the
founts shown were Mitchell’s, whereas a reference to the Specimen would
have proved that Caslon preferred his own original faces, in most
cases, to those he had bought. See also our notes, _post_, pp. 247, 248.
[476] _Anec. Bowyer_, p. 317.
[477] _Anec. Bowyer_, p. 586.
[478] “Les caractères de Caslon ont été gravés, pour la plus grande
partie, par Caslon fils, avec beaucoup d’adresse et de propreté. Les
epreuves qui on out été publiées en 1749 contiennent beaucoup de sortes
différentes de caractères” (_Man. Typog._, II, xxxviii).
[479] _Typographical Antiquities._ London, 1749, 4to, p. 571. The names
of William Caslon, sen., and William Caslon, jun., letter-founders,
figure among the subscribers to the work; and the plate of facsimiles
of Caxton’s types is dedicated “to Mr. Wm. Caslon, a good promoter of
this work, and as suitable to the principal Letter Founder.”
[480] _An Essay on the Original, Use, and Excellency of the Noble Art
and Mystery of Printing._ London, 1752. 8vo. The work is of little
interest apart from the references to the Caslons, and a curious poem
at the end.
[481] See _post_, chap. xiii.
[482] _The Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure._ London. Vol.
vi. June 1750, p. 274.
[483] See _post_, chap. xvi.
[484] A copy of this Specimen, dated 1763, evidently an advance copy,
is in the library of the American Antiquarian Society, the gift of
Isaiah Thomas, the printer, and is, as far as is known, the only copy
in existence bearing this date. Copies of the 1764 Specimen occur in
8vo and 4to.
[485] Forty-four new founts appear in all, viz.: 2 Titlings, 15 Romans,
4 Greeks, 9 Hebrews, 1 Ethiopic, 1 Etruscan, 2 Saxons, 8 Blacks, and 2
Music, while the Flowers now number 63 varieties.
[486] “ ‘This New Foundery was begun in the year 1720 and finished
1763.’ So we are told by a note at the end of their Specimen published
in 1764, although the same note tells us that though it was finished,
yet it was not finished, ‘but would (with God’s leave) be carried on,
etc.’ Amen!” (_Dissert._, p. 80.)
[487] Among the relics of the Caslon Foundry is a copy of the 1764
specimen book presented by Mr. Caslon to his friend Phil. Thicknesse
the poet. At the end of the book appears Mr. Thicknesse’s letter of
thanks to the donor, execrably printed by the poet himself, in type
given him by Mr. Caslon.
[488] This Concert Room remains at Chiswell Street in pretty much its
old form, and is now the repository of the interesting collection of
portraits and relics, still preserved, of this venerable Foundry.
[489] _A General History of the Science and Practice of Music._ London.
1776. 4to. Vol. v, 127.
[490] The Rev. Dr. Lyttelton writes to Ames, April 25, 1744, “Some
unforeseen business prevents Dr. Pococke and myself dining with
Mr. Caslon to-morrow. I give you this notice that you may defer
your visit till some day next week, when we will endeavour to meet
there.”—_Nichol’s Illustrations of Literature_, iv, 231.
[491] Copies of which he continued to circulate, erasing with pen and
ink the words “and Son” from the title-page and advertisement.
[492] _A Concise History of the Origin and Progress of Printing, etc._
London, 1770. 8vo. Reprinted in the following year with the title:—_The
History of the Art of Printing, in two Parts, etc., J. P. Luckombe,
M.T.A._ London, 1771. 8vo.
[493] _Dissertation_, p. 81.
[494] Mores calls this “excavated” or “Hutter’s leading-string” Hebrew.
A specimen may be seen in _The Scholars Instructor_. _An Hebrew Grammar
of Israel Lyons_, Cambridge, 1735, 8vo. The open Hebrew is here used to
distinguish the servile from the radical letters. Lyons in his preface
deprecates Hutter’s method of printing the entire _Bible_ in this
character, thereby keeping the learners “too long in leading-strings”
(see also _ante_, p. 63).
[495] Mores omits a Small Pica Hebrew, which is the same as the Brevier
shown in the sheet of 1734.
[496] These founts are not Head’s or Mitchell’s, as Mores states, but
were cut by Caslon I, and shown on the 1734 sheet.
[497] The Pica Greek shown on the 1734 sheet was discarded in favour of
this fount.
[498] “But,” adds Mores, “Mr. Caslon is cutting a _Patagonian_ which
will lick up all these diminutives as the ox licketh up the grass of
the field.”
[499] “Supported by arches.” Doubtless cast in sand.
[500] These were not cut, as Mores states, by Caslon II, but by Caslon
I, and appeared on the sheet of 1734, when Caslon II was but 14 years
of age.
[501] “These,” says Mores, “are one and the same. The Acts of
Parliament are printed in them, therefore we call them as Dr. Ducarel
and the Act call them, ‘the common legible hand and character.’ ”
[502] Mores omits here the Pica Black, cut by Caslon I, and shown on
the sheet of 1734.
[503] Not Cartledge, as erroneously given by Nichols. This lady was
the only child of Mr. Cartlitch, an eminent refiner in Foster Lane,
Cheapside, and was born May 31, 1730.
[504] With the addition of the Long Primer Syriac cut for Oxford
University, the “learned” founts in the 1785 Specimen are precisely the
same as those which appeared in the book of 1764.
[505] The address is a literary curiosity: “The acknowledged excellence
of this Foundry, with its rapid success, as well as its unexampled
Productions having gained universal Ecomiums on its ingenious Improver
and Perfecter (whose uncommon Genius transferred the Letter Foundry
Business from HOLLAND to ENGLAND, which, for above Sixty years, has
received, for its beauty and Symmetry, the unbounded praises of the
Literati, and the liberal encouragement of all the Master Printers
and Booksellers, not only in this Country but of all EUROPE and
AMERICA) has excited the Jealousy of the Envious and the Desires of the
enterprising, to become Partakers of the Reward due to the Descendants
of the Improver of this most useful and important Art.
“They endeavour, by every method to withdraw, from this Foundry, that
which they silently acknowledge is its indisputable Right: Which is
conspicuous by their very Address to the Public, wherein they promise
(in Order to induce Attention and Encouragement) that they will use
their utmost Endeavours to IMITATE the Productions of this Foundry;
which assertion, on inspection, will be found impracticable, as the
Imperfections cannot correspond in size.
“The Proprietor of this Foundry, ever desirous of retaining the
decisive Superiority in his Favour, and full of the sincerest Gratitude
for the distinguished Honour, by every Work of Reputation being printed
from the elegant Types of the Chiswell Street Manufactory, hopes,
by every Improvement, to retain and merit a Continuance of their
established Approbation, which, in all Quarters of the Globe, has given
it so acknowledged an Ascendency over that of his Opponents.”
The address prefixed to the 1785 Specimen Book of the Worship Street
Foundry had evidently been the inspiration of this tirade, which in
turn evoked a spirited reply from the Frys in the following year. See
_post_, chap. xv.
[506] The sheets appear (along with some of Fry & Son’s and Wilson’s)
in _Chambers’ Cyclopædia—incorporated in one Alphabet by Abraham Rees,
London_, 1784–86. 4 vols. folio.
[507] These are sometimes (as in the case of the British Museum copy)
bound up with the 1785 8vo specimen book as folding plates.
[508] See _ante_, p. 200. Hansard observes that besides Queen
Elizabeth’s Ambassador, the same family had produced Sir Henry Rowe, a
Lord Mayor of London; and Owen Rowe, the Regicide.
[509] This celebrated typographer was born at Saluzzo, in the Sardinian
States, in 1740. At an early age he visited Rome, and obtained a
situation in the printing office of the Propaganda, where he gained
great credit for his printing. In 1768 he settled at Parma, where he
published many famous works, and established a European reputation.
His _Homer_ in 3 vols. folio, published in 1808, is his most famous
work. He never visited England, although one or two works were printed
by him in our language, viz., Lord Orford’s _Castle of Otranto_, 1791,
8vo, _Gray’s Poems_, 1793, 4to, _Thomson’s Seasons_, 1794, folio and
quarto. He died in 1813, and his widow finished and published in 1818
the _Manuale Tipografico_, 2 vols., royal 4to, a most sumptuous work,
containing upwards of 250 exquisite specimens of type and ornaments.
A monument was erected to him in Saluzzo in 1872. Of Bodoni’s office
at Parma the following interesting particulars are preserved in Dr.
Smith’s _Tour on the Continent_, 2nd edit., vol. iii: “A very great
curiosity in its way, is the Parma printing-office, carried on under
the direction of M. Bodoni, who has brought that art to a degree of
perfection hardly known before him. Nothing could exceed his civility
in showing us numbers of the beautiful productions of his press, of
which he gave us some specimens, as well as the operations of casting
and finishing the letters. The materials of his type are antimony
and lead, as in other places, but he showed us some of steel. He
has sets of all the known alphabets, with diphthongs, accents, and
other peculiarities in the greatest perfection. His Greek types are
peculiarly beautiful, though of a different kind of beauty from those
of old Stephens, and perhaps less free and flowing in their forms.”
[510] _Typographia_, p. 352.
[511]
2-line Gt. Primer—1803
Great Primer—May, 1802
English 1—August, 1802
English 2—April, 1805
Pica 2 and 3—March, 1805
Small Pica 1, 2, and 3—July, 1804
Long Primer 1, 2, and 3—July, 1804.
Bourgeois 1 and 2—July, 1802
Brevier 1 and 2—May, 1805
Minion—May, 1805
Nonpareil 1, 2—October, 1803.
[512] _The Printers’ Grammar, etc., by C. Stower, Printer._ London,
1808. 8vo. The following note is prefixed to the specimen: “A 4-line
Pica, Canon and Double Pica of a bold and elegant shape, were not quite
ready to introduce with these specimens.”
[513] Savage, in his _Hints on Decorative Printing_, London, 1822, 4to,
chapter ii, shows specimens of Mrs. Caslon’s Roman letter contrasted
with the old models of the Foundry on the one hand, and its more recent
developments on the other.
[514] “Chiswell Street, January 19, 1814. Henry Caslon respectfully
informs his friends and the printers in general, that the term of his
partnership with the executors of the late Mr. Nathaniel Catherwood
having expired, he has entered into a new engagement with Mr. John
James Catherwood, brother to his late partner, and that the firm is
now carried on under the firm of Henry Caslon and J. J. Catherwood.
He embraces this opportunity of expressing his grateful sense of
the distinguished patronage the Foundry has received, and the kind
encouragement he has individually experienced from his friends in the
printing business, since the death of his mother and late partner.”
[515] _Typograpia_, p. 353.
[516] See _post_, chap. xvii.
[517] See _post_, chap. xxi, s.v. Bessemer. In the Directory at the end
of Johnson’s _Typographia_, 1824 (ii, 652), a Catherwood is mentioned
among the Letter Founders, Charles’ Sq., Hoxton.
[518] Cut by William Martin.
[519] This beautiful little fount was cut for Pickering’s _Greek
Testament_ 1826, and for clearness and minuteness eclipses both the
Sedan Greek, and that of Blean of Amsterdam. It was also used in the
_Homer_ of 1831. Dibdin (_Introd. to the Classics_, 1827, i, 166) shows
a specimen of the type.
[520] Cut for Dr. C. Wilkins, Oriental Librarian to the East India
Company.
[521] _The Diary of Lady Willoughby, as relates to her Domestic History
in the Reign of King Charles I._ London, 1844. 4to.
[522] _Particulars of a most valuable property for Investment called
the Caslon Letter Foundry; also a most extensive Modern Foundry on
which has been expended upwards of £50,000, which will be sold by
auction by W. Lewis and Son . . . on Wednesday, Dec. 16, 1846, at 11
for 12 precisely (unless previously disposed of by private contract)._
In the list of matrices catalogued, the cutters’ names are added, those
of Hughes, Bessemer, and Boileau being among the most frequent.
[523] _The History of the Art of Printing, containing an Account of
its Invention and Progress in Europe, with the names of the famous
Printers, the places of their birth and the works printed by them, and
a Preface by the Publisher to the Printers in Scotland. Edinburgh,
printed by James Watson. Sold at his shop opposite the Lucken Booths,
and at the shops of David Scot in the Parliament Close, and George
Stewart a little above the Cross_, 1713, 12mo. Watson’s preface is
stated to have been written by John Spotswood, Advocate. The historical
portion is a condensed translation of De la Caille’s _Histoire de
l’Imprimerie_, published at Paris in 1689.
[524] _Specimen of Types in the Printing House of James Watson._ 1713.
48 pp., of which 26 are devoted to Dutch “Bloomers” or Initials, and
the remainder to Romans and Italics from French Canon to Nonpareil,
with a fount of Greek, one of Black, and a few signs, etc.
[525] See _ante_, p. 218.
[526] _Typographia_, p. 362.
[527] Ireland, during a portion of the eighteenth century appears to
have been well supplied with type from native sources. Of the fortunes
of Wilson’s branch foundry here alluded to, we have no further record,
unless we are to connect the following statement with the enterprise of
the Scotch typographers:—Boulter Grierson in 1764 petitioned the Lord
Lieutenant for a renewal of the Patent granted to his distinguished
father George Grierson by George II in 1731, for King’s printer in
Ireland. Among other reasons in support of his prayer, he states: “That
the art of making types for printing was unknown in Ireland until very
lately, when your petitioner’s father encouraged it by laying out
about One Thousand pounds in that article alone, in order to establish
that art in the said kingdom, and there are now as good types made
here as any imported, by which means there is a great saving to the
public, and great part of the money that would be otherwise sent to
foreign country’s is left in this kingdom.” (We are indebted to the
kindness of a lady descendent of George Grierson for this interesting
extract.) According to a note of Lemoine which we quote at p. 264_n_,
Dublin printers in 1797 were getting their types either from Wilson
of Glasgow, or from London. It is therefore probable that, whether
George Grierson’s enterprise may have consisted in the encouragement of
Wilson’s foundry or in the establishment of another foundry of his own,
the art did not long hold its ground in Ireland, and was discontinued
in the latter half of the century, only to be once revived, and that
for a short period only, by Dr. Wilson’s grandsons in 1840. See p. 265.
[528] For an account of Baine’s subsequent career as a type-founder,
see _post_, chap. xix.
[529] These eminent printers, the most elegant typographers of which
Scotland can boast, produced in their day some of the finest editions
ever printed. Robert was originally a barber, but began as a printer
in 1740. In 1743 he was appointed printer to Glasgow University, one
of his first productions being an edition of _Demetrius Phalereus_ in
that year. In 1744 he brought out his famous “immaculate” edition of
_Horace_ in 12mo at Glasgow. Shortly afterwards his brother Andrew, who
had been a teacher of French at the University, joined him, and the two
together, by great industry and excellent artistic taste, produced a
large number of beautifully printed works, some of which will rank with
the finest achievements of Bodoni, or Barbou, or even the Elzevirs.
Their classics, both Greek and Latin, were as remarkable for their
exactness as for their beauty, and it is recorded that the brothers,
following the example of some of the old masters, were in the habit of
publicly exhibiting their proof sheets and offering a reward for the
detection of any error. Andrew Foulis died in 1775, and Robert in the
following year. The business was carried on under the old name of R. &
A. Foulis for some years by Andrew Foulis, son of Robert. This printer
it was who was associated with Tilloch in his patent for stereotype in
1784. He died in 1829 in great poverty.
[530] _Homeri Opera, Græce (ex edit. Sam. Clarke). Glasguæ; in Ædibus
Academicis excudebant Robertus et Andreas Foulis, Academii Typographi
1756–8_, 4 vols., fol. This work is one of the most splendid editions
of Homer ever printed. Each sheet was corrected six times before being
finally worked. Flaxman’s illustrations were designed for the work.
[531] After stating that it was the ambition of the publishers of this
work to rival the finest productions of the Stephani of Paris, the
preface continues (p. viii):—“Omnes quidem tres regios Stephanorum
characteres græcos expresserat jam apud nos, atque imitatione
accuratissimâ repræsentaverat _Alexander Wilson_, A.M., egregius ille
Typorum artifex, quem et hoc nomine adscripserat sibi Alma Mater.
In his autem grandioris formæ characteribus Stephanianis id unum
desiderari quodammodo videbatur, scilicet, si res ita ferre posset,
ut, salvâ tamen ilia solidæ magnitudinis specie quâ delectantur omnes,
existeret una simul elegantiæ quiddam, magis atque venustatis. Rogatus
est igitur ille artifex, ut, in hoc assequendo solertiam suam, quâ
quidem pollet maximâ, strenue exercet. Quod et lubenter aggresus est,
et ad votum usque videtur consecutus vir ad varias ingenuas artes
augendas natus.”
[532] _Poems of Mr. Gray. Glasgow, printed by Robert and Andrew Foulis,
Printers to the University._ 1768. 4to. This edition was published
simultaneously with Dodsley’s first collected edition of _Gray’s
Poems_, in London; and far exceeded it in beauty of typography and
execution. Writing to Beattie in 1768, Gray says, “I rejoice to be in
the hands of Mr. Foulis (the famous printer of Glasgow) who has the
laudable ambition of excelling the Etiennes and the Elzevirs as well in
literature as in the proper art of his profession.”
[533] “This is the first work in the Roman character which they (A.
and R. Foulis) have printed with so large a type, and they are obliged
to DOCTOR WILSON for preparing so expeditiously, and with so much
attention, characters of so beautiful a form.”
[534] _A View of the Various Editions of the Greek and Roman Classics._
London, 1775. 12mo. Improved editions in 1778, 1782, and 1790.
[535] Renouard, speaking of the twenty volume edition of _Cicero_
printed by the Foulis in 1749, prefers its type to that of the
Elzevirs. _Catalogue de la Bibliothèque d’un Amateur._ Paris, 1819. 4
vols. 8vo. ii, 75.
[536] Hansard states that the Long Primer Greek matrices of the foundry
were “from the type cast in which the Elzevirs printed some of their
editions”—(_Typographia_, 404).
[537] In a later specimen is shown a “New Small Pica Italic” cut for
the King’s printer in Edinburgh, 1807.
[538] Lemoine, _Typographical Antiquities_, 1797, says, “Ireland,
by its connection with London and Scotland, produces some very neat
printing; Wilson’s types are much approved of at Dublin. Alderman
George Faulkner may be considered as the first printer in Ireland in
his time; but it must be remembered his letter was all cast in London.”
p. 99.
[539] This fount (according to Savage, _Dict. of Printing_, p. 320)
was cut after the classical and elegant type of Athias, for Mr. Jno.
Wertheimer, of Leman Street, and was used in printing the Rev. D. A. De
Sola’s edition of the _Prayers of the Sphardim_.
[540] “In conformity,” says the preface, “with ancient immemorial
usage, we have in Part I displayed our Founts in the Roman Garb—the
venerable _Quousque tandem_—but lest it should be supposed we had
adopted the flowing drapery of Rome for the purpose of shading or
concealing defects, we have in Part II shown off our founts in a dress
entirely English.” Mr. Figgins was the first to introduce this practice
in his Specimens.
[541] The following extract from the preface to the 1834 Specimen,
announces the removal: “We had the honour some time ago of announcing
the removing of the Glasgow Letter Foundry to London, and we beg leave
to inform you that we have now carried our intentions into execution,
and are prepared to receive your commands in our establishment in Great
New Street, Gough Square, London. The operative department will be
conducted by Mr. John Sinclair, whose integrity of conduct and thorough
knowledge of his profession we now reward by making him a partner in
our business.” London, Aug. 1, 1834. The London Foundry was carried on
under the old name of Alex. Wilson & Sons, or occasionally Wilsons and
Sinclair; the Edinbro’ branch, and that subsequently started in Dublin,
being styled A. & P. Wilson.
[542] See _post_, chap. xxi.
[543] There still exists, in Mr. Timmins’ collection of Baskerville
relics, a slate tablet beautifully engraved with the words “Grave
Stones cut in any of the Hands by John Baskervill, Writing Master,” in
which the admirable models of Roman and Italic for which he afterwards
became famous are clearly prefigured.
[544] “His carriage,” says Nichols, “each panel of which was a distinct
picture, might be considered the pattern-card of his trade, and was
drawn by a beautiful pair of cream-coloured horses” (_Lit. Anec._, iii,
451).
[545] He appears to have continued his original business to the end
of his days. Writing in 1760, Mr. Derrick, in a letter to the Earl of
Cork, dated July that year, after describing Baskerville’s printing
achievements, adds: “This ingenious artist carries on a great trade
in the Japan way, in which he showed me several useful articles, such
as candlesticks, stands, salvers, waiters, bread-baskets, tea-boards,
etc., elegantly designed and highly finished.” The name of Baskerville
had previously been associated with typography, as we find in the lists
of the Stationers’ Company a Gabriel Baskerville, who took up his
freedom in 1622, and a John Baskerville, who took up his freedom in
1639.
[546] Dibdin (_Intr. to Classics_, ii, 555) says £800.
[547] “Towards the end of 1792 died Mr. John Handy, the artist who cut
the punches for Baskerville’s types, and for twelve years was employed
in a similar way at the Birmingham Typefoundry of Mr. Swinney.” (_Gent.
Mag._, 1793, p. 91.)
[548] “John Baskerville proposes, by the advice and assistance of
several learned men, to print from the Cambridge Edition, corrected
with all possible care, an elegant edition of _Virgil_. The work will
be printed in quarto, on a very fine writing Royal paper, and with the
above letter. The price of the Volume in sheets will be one guinea, no
part of which will be required till the Book is delivered. It will be
put to press as soon as the number of subscribers shall amount to five
hundred, whose names will be prefixt to the work. All persons who are
inclined to encourage the undertaking, are desired to send their names
to John Baskerville in Birmingham, who will give specimens of the work
to all who are desirous of seeing them. Subscriptions are also taken
in, and specimens delivered by Messieurs R. and J. Dodsley, Booksellers
in Pall Mall, London.”
[549] Of the two copies in the possession of Mr. S. Timmins, one is
printed on very fine banknote paper, and the other, more heavily, on a
coarse brown.
[550] _Publii Virgilii Maronis Bucolica, Georgica, et Æneis.
Birminghamiæ Typis Johannis Baskerville._ 1757. 4to. As Baskerville
reprinted this work in 1771 with the old date 1757 on the title-page,
it is necessary to note that, in the genuine edition, among other
peculiarities, the 10th and 11th Books of the _Æneid_ are headed
“Liber Decimus. Æneidos”, and “Liber Undecimus. Æneidos”, whereas in
the re-impression they appear, uniform with the other titles, “Æneidos
Liber Decimus.” “Æneidos Liber Undecimus.” A _Virgil_ was printed in
8vo, in 1766.
[551] “I have always considered this beautiful production as one of the
most finished specimens of typography” (Dibdin, _Introduction to the
Classics_, 2nd ed. II, 335).
[552] “My neighbour Baskerville at the close of this month (March 1757)
publishes his fine edition of _Virgil_; it will for _type_ and _paper_
be a perfect curiosity” (_Shenstone’s Letters and Works_, 1791, Letter
88).
[553] Other type was used for this work.
[554] _Lit. Anec._, ii, 411.
[555] “Η Καινη Διαθηκη”. _Novum Testamentum juxta exemplar Millianum.
Typis Joannis Baskerville. Oxonii e Typographeo Clarendoniano._ 1763.
_Sumptibus Academiæ_, 4to and 8vo.
[556] Some of the Punches were exhibited by the University Press at
the Caxton Exhibition in 1877. Since then, thanks to the energy of
the present Controller, Mr. Horace Hart, to whom we are indebted for
the above extracts and specimens, the matrices of the fount have come
to light as well as the punches and matrices of the two-line letters
and figures belonging to it. These were exhibited at the British
Association Meeting at Birmingham in August 1886, being catalogued as
follows:―
“PUNCHIONS of the Great Primer Greek—a large proportion of the fount,
but not the whole.
“MATRICES of the same.
“PUNCHIONS of the Two-line Great Primer, with Initial Letters. Complete.
“MATRICES of the same, also complete.
“PUNCHIONS of one set of Figures, supplied with the above.
“MATRICES of the same.”
Still more recently, Mr. Horace Hart has been fortunate enough
to discover part of the actual type in its original cases. It is
interesting to note that these types, which are of rather a soft metal,
are cast to the Oxford Learned-Side “height-to-paper.”
[557] _Paradise Lost, etc._, _Paradise Regain’d, etc._ Birmingham,
1758. 2 vols., 4to. The work was also published in the same year in
8vo, and again in 4to in 1759. The 4to edition of 1758 appears to be
overlooked by some bibliographers, Hansard, among others, who refers in
the extract here given to the reprint of 1759.
[558] _Typographia_, p. 310. It is worthy of note that the very high
gloss on the paper which characterised most of Baskerville’s later
works, is not always observable either in the _Virgil_ of 1757, or the
_Milton_ of 1758.
[559] _Catalogue de la Bibliothéque d’um Amateur_, i, 310. After
noticing the folio specimen following, he says: “Un autre essai de
Baskerville, sur une plus petite feuille, contient seulment quatre
caractères romains et deux en italique . . . Outre cette épreuve de
grand essai, j’ai l’un et l’autre réunis à la fin de son _Virgile_
in 4.” The only example we have met with is that bound up with Lord
Spencer’s beautiful copy of the _Virgil_ in the Althorp Library.
[560] Writing to Mr. R. Richardson of Durham on Oct. 29, 1758, Dr.
Bedford says: “By Baskerville’s specimen of his types, you will
perceive how much the elegance of them is owing to his paper, which he
makes himself, as well as the types and ink also; and I was informed
whenever they came to be used by common pressmen and with common
materials they will lose of their beauty considerably. Hence, perhaps,
this specimen may become very curious (when he is no more, and the
types cannot be set off in the same perfection), and a great piece of
_vertû_.” (Nichols, _Illust. Lit._, i, 813).
[561] Amongst which should be particularly singled out the _Horace_
in 12mo printed in 1762, which Dr. Harwood describes as “the most
beautiful little book, both in regard to type and paper, I ever beheld.”
[562] _The Press, a poem. Published as a Specimen of Typography by John
McCreery._ Liverpool, 1803, 4to. p. 19.
[563] An interesting notice of Lord Orford’s famous private press at
Strawberry Hill, with a Catalogue of the—many of them—finely printed
works that issued from it, is given in Lemoine’s _Typographical
Antiquities_, p. 91.
[564] The original of this important letter, with the specimen
attached, is in Mr. Timmins’s possession.
[565] _The Holy Bible, containing the Old Testament and the New,
translated out of the Original Tongues, and with the former
translations diligently compared and revised. By His Majesty’s special
command. Appointed to be read in Churches. Cambridge: printed by John
Baskerville, Printer to the University._ 1763. _Cum Privilegio._ Fol.
The prospectus of this work, with a specimen of the type, appeared
in 1760. The folio _Bible_, printed at Birmingham in 1772, is a much
inferior performance.
[566] _The Book of Common Prayer, Cambridge_, 1760, roy. 8vo, (with
long lines); 1760, roy. 8vo, (in double columns); 1761, roy. 8vo; 1762,
roy. 8vo (with long lines): 1762, 12mo.
[567] He appears always to have kept a large number of hot plates of
copper always ready, between which, as soon as printed, just as they
were discharged from the tympan, the sheets were inserted. The moisture
was thus expelled, the ink set, and the smooth, glossy surface put on
all simultaneously. However well the method may have answered at the
time, the discoloration of his books still preserved in the British
Museum and elsewhere, shows that the brilliance thus imparted was most
tawdry and ephemeral.
[568] “Les caractères sont gravés avec beaucoup de hardiesse, les
italiques sont les meilleures qu’il y ait dans toutes les Fonderies
d’Angleterre, mais les romains sont un peu trop larges.” . . And of his
editions he adds, “Quoiqu’elles fatiguent un peu la vue, on ne peut
disconvenir que ce ne soit la plus belle chose qu’on ait encore vue en
ce genre.” (_Man. Typ._, ii, xxxix.)
[569] “Mr. Baskerville . . . made some attempts at letter-cutting,
but desisted, with good reason. The Greek cut by him or his for the
University of Oxford is execrable. Indeed, he can hardly claim a place
amongst letter-cutters. His typographical excellence lay more in trim,
glossy paper to dim the sight.” (_Dissert._, p. 86.)
[570] _The Life of Benjamin Franklin, written by himself, etc._
(Bigelow’s edition). Philadelphia, 1875, i, 413. Nichols, in error,
gives the date of this letter as 1764.
[571] The apparatus was first offered, it is said, to the French
Ambassador in London for £8,000. Subsequently Baskerville wrote, on
Sept. 7, 1767: “Suppose we reduce the price to £6,000. . . . Let the
reason of my parting with it be the death of my son and intended
successor, and having acquired a moderate fortune, I wish to consult my
ease in the afternoon of life.”
[572] The following works were printed by Martin between 1766 and 1769,
viz., _Christians’ Useful Companion_, 1766, 8vo; _Somerville’s Chace_,
1767, 8vo; _Shakespeare_, 9 vols., 1768, 12mo; _Bible with cuts_, 1769,
4to; and editions of the _Lady’s Preceptor_.
[573] Letter dated 21 Sept. 1773. “You speak of enlarging your
Foundery” (_Works_, viii, 88).
[574] The remaining copies of Baskerville’s impressions, were, after
his death purchased for £1,100 by W. Smart, bookseller, of Worcester,
and publisher of the _Worcester Guide_.
[575] Hutton, _History of Birmingham_, 1835, p. 197.
[576] _Biographical History of England_, ii, 362.
[577]
“Stranger,
beneath this cone, in _unconsecrated_ ground,
a friend to the liberties of mankind directed his
body to be inurn’d.
May the example contribute to emancipate thy mind
from the idle fears of _Superstition_,
and the wicked arts of Priesthood.”
Touching this epitaph Archdeacon Nares has the following note:—“I heard
John Wilkes, after praising Baskerville, add, “But he was a terrible
infidel; he used to shock me!”
[578] “On Friday last, Mr. Baskerville, of this town, was married
to Mrs. Eaves, widow of the late Richard Eaves, Esq., deceased”
(_Birmingham Register_, June 7, 1765). Mrs. Baskerville d. 1788. Two
works exist, printed at Birmingham, with the imprint, Sarah Baskerville.
[579] In 1776, Chapman used Baskerville’s type for Dr. W. Sherlock’s
_Discourses concerning Death._ 8vo.
[580] This preference was so marked, that about this time the
proprietors of Fry and Pine’s foundry, who had begun with an avowed
imitation of the Baskerville models, were constrained to admit their
mistake, and discard that fashion for new founts cut on the model of
Caslon.
[581] As early as 1775, Dr. Harwood, in the preface to his _View of
the Editions of the Classics_, had pleaded urgently for the purchase
of Baskerville’s types, and Wilson’s famous Greek, as the nucleus of a
Royal Typography in England.
[582] _Lit. Anec._, iii, 460.
[583] _Proposals for Printing by Subscription a Complete Edition of
the Works of Voltaire, printed with the Types of Baskerville for the
Literary and Typographical Society_, 1782, 12 pp. 8vo, with 2 pp.
specimens of the type. The French proposal appears to have been put
forward in 1780.
[584] _Beaumarchais and His Times. Translated by H. S. Edwards._
London, 1856. 4 vols. 8vo (iii, chap. 24).
[585] _Œuvres Complètes de Voltaire. De l’Imprimerie de la Société
litteraire et typographique_, (Kehl) 1784–1789. 70 vols. in 8vo; and 92
vols. in 12mo.
[586] Renouard mentions having seen at Paris a broadside specimen of
all the Baskerville types transported to Beaumarchais’ establishment:
“Ce sont les mêmes types,” he adds, “mais quelle différence dans leur
emploi!” (_Catalogue_, i, 310).
[587]
_La Virtu Sconosciuta Dialogo_, 1786, 8vo.
_Del Principe e delle Lettere_, 1795, 8vo.
_L’Etruria Vendicata Poema_, 1800, 8vo.
_Della Tirannide_, 1809, 8vo.
[588] _The Treatyse of Fysshynge wyth an Angle. Attributed to Dame
Juliana Berners, reprinted from the Book of St. Albans. London; printed
with the types of John Baskerville for William Pickering._ (Thos.
White, imp.) 1827. 8vo.
[589] A statement that they were acquired at the beginning of the
century for the printing offices of the Imperial Academy of Sciences at
St. Petersburg, appears, after careful inquiry, to rest on no further
foundation than rumour.
[590] See frontispiece. Cottrell is the figure marked 4.
[591] See _ante_, p. 158.
[592] _Dissertation_, p. 82.
[593] _A Specimen of a New Printing Type, in Imitation of the Law-Hand.
Designed by William Richardson, of Castle Yard, Holborn._ London, n. d.
Broadside.
[594] The Double Pica Script sheet occasionally bound in with this
specimen, is evidently an interpolation of a later date, as it neither
has the border round, nor does it conform to the measure or gauge of
theother sheets. It was not finished in 1778 when Mores wrote. See
_Dissert._, p. 83.
[595] _Manuel Typographique_, ii, xxxviii. This whole notice is so
exceedingly incorrect as to call for mention here. “L’Angleterre a
peu de Fonderies, mais elles sont bien fournies en toutes sortes de
caractères: les principales sont celles de Thomas Cottrell à Oxfort; de
Jacques Watson à Edimbourg, de Guillaume Caslon & Fils à Londres, et de
Jean Baskerville à Birmingham”! It would almost appear as if, having
before him the names of Cottrell, Oxford, James, Wilson of Glasgow,
Caslon of London, and Baskerville of Birmingham, the then existing
foundries in this kingdom, Fournier had taxed his ingenuity to make
four foundries out of six and had succeeded, altering Wilson’s name to
that of his long defunct fellow citizen, Queen Anne’s printer, in the
process. This feat has, however, been eclipsed in his notice of the
Voskens’ foundry at Amsterdam, which, after the death of Dirk Voskens,
passed to his widow and sons. “Cette Fonderie” Fournier informs us, “a
passée à sa veuve et au Sieur Zonen”!
[596] Mores (_Dissert._, p. 83), says he was the first to produce
letters of this size.
[597] _Lit. Anec._, ii, 358.
[598] “R. Thorne, Letter-Founder, takes the Liberty of informing the
Trade in general that he has begun business upon his own account, and
intends serving them at the following old-established prices: [here
follows price list]. He respectfully informs those gentlemen that
choose to favour him with their orders, that they may depend upon the
best workmanship and materials. Barbican, July 1, 1794.”
[599] It appears to have been no uncommon practice in the trade to make
use of a predecessor’s book, corrected on the title-page in pen and
ink. Our copy of Cottrell’s specimen is thus altered to the name of a
broker; and the specimens of the Type Street Foundry are many of them
similarly corrected to adapt them for the frequently changing style of
that firm.
[600] In a note, he says, “R. T. informs those gentlemen to whom he is
at present unknown, that the Types of the Barbican Foundry are cast to
the usual Height and Body; and that great care has been taken to have
the Counterpart deeply cut, by which means they will wear much longer
than any hitherto in use.”
[601] Pica, which in 1798 had been 1_s._ per lb., is raised to 1_s._
2 1/2_d._, and Nonpareil is advanced from 5_s._ to 5_s._ 6_d._ The
other sizes are in similar proportion.
[602] “Sir,—Having published a Specimen of Improved Printing Types, I
have taken the liberty of sending you a Copy, which I hope you will
approve of; and be assured that every possible exertion shall be used
in completing those orders you may favor me with.
“Barbican, 1803.
“I remain, your obedient Servant, ROBERT THORNE.”
[603] See _ante_, p. 117.
[604] See _post_, chap. xxi.
[605] In the Directory at the end of _Stower’s Printers’ Grammar_,
1808, Thorne’s name is given without address.
[606] _Particulars of the Lease and Valuable Plant of the Type Foundry
of Mr. Robert Thorne, deceased, situate in Fann’s Street, Aldersgate
Street,.........which will be Sold by Auction by Mr. W. Davies, at
Garraway’s Coffee House, on Wednesday, the 21st of June, 1820, at
Twelve o’clock, in One Lot._ Besides the lease, plant, and fixtures,
the Catalogue comprised 316 lots of matrices and about 340 moulds. The
matrices were as follows:―
_Roman and Italic._―
5-line (3), 4-line (3), Canon (4), 2-line Double Pica (3), 2-line
Great Primer (4), 2-line English (4), 2-line Pica (1), Double Pica
(4), Great Primer (4), English (5), Pica (6), Small Pica (3), Long
Primer (6), Bourgeois (3), Brevier (5), Minion (1), Nonpareil
Roman (2), Pearl (1)
_Black (plain or open)._―
5-line (5), 4-line (2), Canon (2), 2-line Great Primer (5), 2-line
English (2), Double Pica (2), Great Primer (2), English (1), Pica
(1), Small Pica (1), Long Primer (2), Bourgeois (1).
_Shaded._―
5-line to Brevier (21).
_Flowers._―
All bodies (15).
_Ornamented._―
Canon to 2-line Bourgeois (6).
_Egyptian._―
2-line Great Primerto Brevier (6).
_Script._―
2-line Pica, Double Pica, Great Primer.
_Engrossing._―
2-line English.
_German._―
English.
_Two-line Letters, Signs_, etc., etc.
_Sanspareil Founts._―
14-line to 4-line (24).
[607] He had a brother (?) a printer, in Wood Street, Cheapside.
[608] It is curious to note that the matter of not a few of
Thorowgood’s early specimens has reference to the lucky numbers “always
found in great variety in the Grand State Lotteries.” Such gratuitous
advertisements are no doubt so many grateful acknowledgments of his own
obligations to a time-honoured institution.
[609] The address to the printers, prefixed to this specimen, is as
follows: “I cannot omit the opportunity offered in presenting my first
specimen to your notice, to return my most sincere thanks to the
profession for that portion of their patronage which I have received
since my succession to Mr. Thorne. Although some difficulties presented
themselves in redeeming the pledge I made of renovating my small founts
and casting them of metal more durable than those in common use, yet
I flatter myself that those friends who relied on my professions will
bear ample testimony that they have not been disappointed, and that
the superior facilities of manufacturing types possessed by myself in
common with the other founders of the metropolis has been used to their
advantage,” etc.
[610] This famous foundry, which still exists, was established by
Bernard Christopher Breitkopf in 1719. His son, Johann Gottlieb
Immanuel Breitkopf, was the inventor (simultaneously with Haas of
Basle) of the art of map printing with movable types, and is claimed
also as the inventor of movable music types about 1748. Many eminent
punch cutters were employed on the founts of this foundry, which was in
1800 one of the largest in Germany. The first specimen appeared in 1739.
[611] Hugh Owen. _Two Centuries of Ceramic Art in Bristol_, 1873, 8vo.
[612] Of these books we have one before us—_A Collection of Hymns
adapted for Public Worship_. Bristol, (1769), 12mo, in the Long Primer
of the foundry, showing, besides, several varieties of title-letters
and flowers.
[613] _Catalogue_, i, 310, “Grande feuille collée sur une toile ou
batiste fine.”
[614] Rowe Mores, after quoting the above, adds drily: “Their letter is
neat. We _do_ ‘set aside the influence of custom,’ and call it the law
of fools, but we must recommend to the consideration of the proprietors
the difference between scalping and counterpunching.” (_Dissertation_,
p. 84.)
[615] “The Inventors, sensible of the great utility of their
Discovery, have mentioned it to several of the Trade, who have made
very considerable offers to encourage the laying open the Secret:
But as their desire is, that every Printer in the Kingdom might be
benefited by it they propose to make the Discovery as universal as
possible, by making an honourable and generous present of it to the
whole trade: To many of whom they are under some Obligations for the
kind encouragement of their new Foundery. And as that is an object
they desire here to recommend, they would further propose, (as they
have nearly compleated all their founts, and can serve the Trade on
as good Terms as any in the Kingdom, and with Types they will warrant
to wear as long) that every Printer who shall give them an order for
Ten Pounds worth of Type or more (Five Pounds of which to be paid on
ordering and the Remainder on the Delivery) shall be made acquainted
with the above improvements. So that the whole Advantage proposed is
the selling some Founts of Letter which every Printer does or will
want. And as they expect that the Trade in general will approve of
their Plan, they beg that the Encouragers of it would send their orders
with all convenient Speed to the above Foundery; (as they intend as
soon as they have got a sufficient Number to lay open the whole) which
they hope will not be less universal than the desire of being made
Partakers of so interesting a Discovery: for it merits nothing less
than the most cordial Encouragement of every Printer in Europe, though
here so freely offered. And it will appear when laid open to be of such
Service as nothing like it has been discovered in Printing for some
Centuries. . . . The whole expence of altering the present presses to
the above Improvement will be but about forty shillings.” A notice of
this invention, as well as of a patent type-case designed by the same
partners, is found in the _Abridgments of Specifications for Printing,
1617–1857_, London, 1859. 8vo, p. 88.
[616] _History and Art of Printing_, p. 244.
[617] After commending Caslon and Jackson, he says: “As to the
productions of other Founderies we shall be silent, and leave them to
sound forth their own good qualifications, which by an examiner are not
found to exist” (p. 230).
[618] _The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testament, with Notes
Explanatory, Critical and Practical, selected from the Works of several
Eminent Divines. London, I. Moore and Co., Letter Founders and Printers
in Queen Street, near Upper Moorfields._ 1774. Folio.
_The Same_, in 5 vols., 8vo:—_Vols._ 1, 2, 3, 1774; _Vol._ 4, 1776;
_Vol._ 5 (_Apocrypha_) 1775.
[619] _A Commentary on the Holy Bible, containing the Whole Sacred Text
of the Old and New Testaments, with Notes, etc. Bristol, Printed and
Sold by William Pine._ 1774, 12mo.
[620] _The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testament, with Notes
Explanatory, Critical and Practical, selected from the Works of several
Eminent Authors. London. Printed and Sold by J. Fry and Co., Letter
Founders and Printers in Queen Street, near Upper Moorfields._ 1777.
Folio.
_The Same_, 4 vols., 1777. 8vo.
[621] Amongst other works printed by him there is preserved a tract,
entitled _An Answer to a Narrative of Facts . . . lately published
by Mr. Henry Burgum as far as relates to the Character of Wm. Pine.
Bristol. Printed in the year 1775._ 8vo. This is a letter of rejoinder
addressed by Pine to Burgum, repelling charges relating to the
publication of an offensive pamphlet. Pine also printed several works
for the Wesleys.
[622] See p. 226 _et seq._
[623] The pedigree of the matrices is indicated, as far as can be
ascertained, by the initials (see our note 2 at p. 227); but in
several cases, particularly in the case of the Blacks, the origin
is considerably more remote than the foundry named. The error of
inferring anything as to their origin from the names of famous old
printers appearing on the drawers in which they were stored at James’s
foundry has already been pointed out—see _ante_, p. 230. Several of
these founts Dr. Fry appears to have received in a defective state,
necessitating in some cases a complete re-justifying of the matrices,
and in others the cutting of a considerable number of punches, and
casting on bodies which did not always agree with those named in the
sale Catalogue. This circumstance will account for many of the apparent
discrepancies between the original founts and the renovated founts as
they appear in the Type Street specimens.
[624] “It affords them”—the proprietors—“great Satisfaction to observe
that the original Shape of their Roman and Italic Letters continues to
meet the Approbation of the Curious, both in and out of the Printing
Trade: nevertheless, to remove an Objection which the difference in
Shape, from the letters commonly used here, raised in some, whereby
their Introduction into several Capital Offices have been prevented;
they have cut entire new sets of Punches, both Roman and Italic;
and they flatter themselves they have executed the Founts, as far
as they are done, in an elegant and masterly Manner, which in this
Specimen are distinguished by the title NEW, and which will mix with
and be totally unknown from the most approved Founts made by the late
ingenious Artist, William Caslon.” For Caslon’s acknowledgment of this
compliment, see _ante_, p. 249.
[625] “However desirous the proprietor of another Foundery may be to
persuade the public into an idea of a superiority in his own favour,
owing to _Rapid_ improvements for upwards of _Sixty_ years, a little
time may, perhaps, suffice to convince impartial and unbiassed Judges
that the very elegant Types of the WORSHIP STREET MANUFACTORY, though
they cannot indeed boast of their existence longer than about _Twenty_
years ! will yet rank as high in Beauty, Symmetry, and intrinsic Merit
as any other whatever, and ensure equal approbation from the Literati
not only in this Country but in every quarter of the Globe.”
[626] For a short time following Mr. Fry’s death his widow is
said to have been associated with her sons in the conduct of the
letter-foundry. Mrs. Fry lived at Great Marlow, and afterwards in
Charterhouse Square, London, where she died, Oct. 22, 1803, aged 83.
[627] _The Printer’s Grammar. London, printed by L. Wayland._ 1787. 8vo.
[628] We have the following volume very beautifully printed:—_C. Plinii
Cæcilii Secundi Epistolarum Libri x. Sumptibus editoris excudebant M.
Ritchie et J. Samuells. Londini_, 1790. 8vo. At end:—_Typis Edmundi
Fry_.
[629] This excellent artist was a Scotchman, and printed in Bartholomew
Close in 1785. He was one of the first who started in emulation of
Baskerville as a fine printer; his series of Mr. Homer’s Classics
(_Sallust_, 1789; _Pliny_, 1790; _Tacitus_, 1790; _Q. Curtius_;
_Cæsar_, 1790; _Livy_, 1794) established his reputation. His quarto
_Bible_ and the _Memoirs of the Count de Grammont_ are also celebrated.
He printed on Whatman’s paper with admirable ink and most careful
press-work, and is stated to have produced most of his books by his own
personal and manual labour.
[630] From this press the following elegantly printed volume was issued
in 1788:—_The Beauties of the Poets, being a Collection of Moral and
Sacred Poetry, etc., compiled by the late Rev. Thomas Janes of Bristol.
London, printed at the Cicero Press by and for Henry Fry, No. 5 Worship
Street, Upper Moorfields._ 1788. 8vo. At one time Henry Fry appears to
have had a partner named Couchman.
[631] _A New Guide to the English Tongue in five parts by Thomas
Dilworth . . . Schoolmaster in Wapping. Stereotype Edition. London.
Andrew Wilson, Camden Town._ 8vo. Contains portraits, tail piece and 12
fable cuts.
[632] _Pantographia; containing accurate copies of all the known
Alphabets in the World, together with an English explanation of the
peculiar Force or Power of each Letter; to which are added specimens of
all well authenticated Oral Languages; forming a comprehensive Digest
of Phonology. By Edmund Fry, Letter Founder, Type Street, London,
1799._ Roy. 8vo. A few copies were printed on vellum, one of which is
in the Cambridge University Library.
[633] _The Printer’s Grammar or Introduction to the Art of Printing:
containing a concise History of the Art, etc., by C. Stower, Printer.
London. Printed by the Editor._ 1808, 8vo. The same work also shows
extracts and specimens from _Pantographia_.
[634] Hazard was also the designer of a pair of cases, a plan of which
is shown by Stower, p. 463.
[635] The Rev. Samuel Lee, B.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew at
Cambridge, was a constant visitor at Type Street, and personally
directed the cutting of many of the founts.
[636] Dr. Fry’s system was virtually that first introduced by Mr.
Alston, of Glasgow, to which reference is made _ante_, p. 78, where
details are also given as to the other principal systems of type for
the Blind. A “lower-case” was subsequently added to Dr. Fry’s fount
by his successors, and in this form the type was largely used by the
various Type Schools following Mr. Alston’s method. Full particulars of
this award, with specimens, maybe seen in Vol. I of the _Transactions
of the Royal Scottish Society of Arts_.
[637] Hansard mentions a Two-line English Engrossing, two sizes of
Music, and the matrices of Dr. Wilkins’ _Philosophical Character_; none
of which, however, formed part of this Foundry.
[638] Of the supposed antiquity of this interesting fount an
account has already been given at pages 200–5, _ante_. By a curious
confusion of names and dates, Dr. Fry, in his specimens stated that
“this character was cut by _Wynkyn de Worde_, in exact imitation
of the _Codex Alexandrinus_ in the British Museum” ! This absurd
anachronism—the more extraordinary as emanating from an antiquary of
Dr. Fry’s standing—appears to have arisen from the fact that at the
sale of James’ Foundry the matrices lay in a drawer which bore the
name, “De Worde.” This circumstance misled Paterson, the auctioneer,
into advertising the fount as the genuine handiwork of De Worde, a
printer who lived a century before the Codex was brought into this
country. The further coincidence that Dr. Woide of the British Museum
was, at the time of the sale, engaged in producing an edition of
the _Codex_, with facsimile types prepared by Jackson the founder,
doubtless added—by the similarity of the names De Worde and Dr.
Woide—to the confusion. After its purchase, the fount first appeared
in Joseph Fry and Sons’ Specimen of 1786, without note. But, in the
subsequent specimens of the Foundry, bearing his own name, Dr. Fry
introduced the fiction, which remained unchallenged for a quarter of a
century.
[639] In addition to which Dr. Fry possessed, in an imperfect condition
(many of the characters having been recut), the Great Primer Arabic
of Walton’s _Polyglot_. According to Hansard he also had a set of
matrices, English body, from the first punches cut by William Caslon;
but this seems to be an error.
[640] Used in Bagster’s _Polyglot_. The same fount was cast on Long
Primer with movable points. Hansard is in error in stating that Dr. Fry
cut a Nonpareil Syriac.
[641] An error still less explicable than that of the Alexandrian
Greek, but which not only Dr. Fry’s successors, but Hansard himself has
copied. The following seems to be the “good authority” on which the
assertion is based. In 1819, Mr. Bulmer, the eminent printer, printed
for the Roxburghe Club, Mr. Hibbert’s transcript of the MS. fragment of
the translation of _Ovid’s Metamorphoses_, made by Caxton about 1480,
and preserved in the library of Pepys at Magdalen College, Cambridge.
The body of the work was set in the English Black bought by Dr. Fry at
James’ Sale—but in two places a smaller size of type was required to
print passages omitted in Caxton’s translation, but supplied by the
Editor in the original French of Colard Mansion’s edition. For these
passages the Pica Black was selected, and as the French text contained
several accents and contractions, these had to be specially cut. This
task Dr. Fry performed, and understanding that the letter was to be
used for printing a work of Caxton’s, he appears, without further
enquiry, to have assumed that the work in question was a fac-simile
reprint, and that his old matrices had been discovered to bear the
impress of the veritable character used by that famous man. Had he seen
the book in question he would have discovered that not only was it a
transcript from a MS. of which no printed copy had ever been known to
exist, but that the very passages in which the boasted type was used,
were passages which did not even appear in a work of Caxton at all. The
matrices are very old. They were in Andrews’ foundry about 1700, and in
all probability came there from Holland, as they closely resemble the
other old Dutch Blacks in James’ Foundry.
[642] In the Small Pica, No. 2, was printed _The Two First Books of the
Pentateuch, or Books of Moses, as a preparation for learners to read
the Holy Scriptures. The types cut by Mr. Edmund Fry, Letter Founder
to His Majesty, from Original Irish Manuscripts, under the care and
direction of T. Connellan (2nd Edit.) Printed at the Apollo Press,
London, J. Johnson, Brook Street, Holborn, 1819._ 12mo.
[643] Whatever singularity M. Didot may have indulged in in the first
strikes from his famous punches for his own use, the matrices now
in the possession of Dr. Fry’s successors are of most unmistakeable
copper throughout. And it does not appear that more than one set of the
strikes was needed to meet all the demands made upon this complicated
letter by the printers of the day.
[644] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, May, 1836.
[645] Nichols’ _Lit. Anec._, ii, 358–9; and _Gentleman’s Magazine_,
1792, p. 93.
[646] _Dissert._, p. 83.
[647] Probably as a rubber, in which occupation he is represented as
engaged in the View of the Caslon Foundry given in the _Universal
Magazine_ for June 1750 (see frontispiece).
[648] _Dissertation_, p. 83.
[649] Mr. Halhed thus refers to this circumstance in the introduction
to his _Bengal Grammar_ (see post): “That the Bengal letter is very
difficult to be imitated in steel will readily be allowed by every
person who shall examine the intricacies of the strokes, the unequal
length and size of the characters, and the variety of their positions
and combinations. It was no easy task to procure a writer accurate
enough to prepare an alphabet of a similar and proportionate body
throughout, with that symmetrical exactness which is necessary to the
regularity and neatness of a fount. Mr. Bolts (who is supposed to be
well versed in this language) attempted to fabricate a set of types
for it with the assistance of the ablest artists in London. But, as he
has egregiously failed in executing even the easiest part, or primary
alphabet, of which he has published a specimen, there is no reason to
suppose that his project when completed would have advanced beyond the
usual state of imperfection to which new inventions are constantly
exposed.”
[650] This distinguished scholar and self-made typographer was born
in the year 1751. He entered the East India Company’s Civil Service,
where he devoted himself not only to the study of the Oriental
languages, but to the actual production of the types necessary to
extend the study of those languages among his fellow-countrymen, with
extraordinary skill and perseverance. He succeeded in cutting the
punches and casting the types for Halhed’s _Grammar of the Bengal
Language_, published at Hoogly in Bengal in 1778, 4to. In his preface
to that work, Mr. Halhed, after referring to Mr. Bolts’ failure,
in the passage quoted in the preceding note, thus describes the
undertaking:—“The advice and even solicitation of the Governor-General
prevailed upon Mr. Wilkins, a gentleman who has been some years in
the India Company’s Civil Service in Bengal, to undertake a set of
Bengal Types. He did, and his success has exceeded every expectation.
In a country so remote from all connection with European artists, he
has been obliged to charge himself with all the various occupations
of the Metallurgist, the Engraver, the Founder, and the Printer. To
the merit of invention he was compelled to add the application of
personal labour. With a rapidity unknown in Europe, he surmounted all
the obstacles which necessarily clog the first rudiments of a difficult
art, as well as the disadvantages of solitary experiment; and has
thus singly, on the first effort, exhibited his work in a state of
perfection which in every part of the world has appeared to require
the united improvements of different projectors and the gradual polish
of successive ages.” Mr. Wilkins persevered in his noble undertaking
of rendering the Oriental languages available to the English scholar
through the medium of typography. With this view he compiled from the
most celebrated native Grammars and Commentaries a work entirely new to
England on the Structure of the Sanskrita tongue. Of the difficulties
and discouragements attendant on the execution of this self-imposed
task he thus speaks in his Preface:—“At the commencement of the year
in 1795, residing in the country and having much leisure, I began to
arrange my materials and prepare them for publication. I cut letters
in steel, made matrices and moulds, and cast from them a fount of
types of the Deva Nagari character, all with my own hands; and, with
the assistance of such mechanics as a country village could afford, I
very speedily prepared all the other implements of printing in my own
dwelling-house; for by the second of May of the same year I had taken
proofs of 16 pages, differing but little from those now exhibited in
the first two sheets. Till two o’clock on that day everything had
succeeded to my expectations; when alas! the premises were discovered
to be in flames, which, spreading too rapidly to be extinguished, the
whole building was presently burned to the ground. In the midst of
this misfortune, I happily saved all my books and manuscripts, and the
greatest part of the punches and matrices; but the types themselves
having been thrown out and scattered on the lawn, were either lost or
rendered useless.” About ten years afterwards the Directors of the East
India Company encouraged Dr. Wilkins, then Librarian to the Company, to
resume his labours and cast new types, as the study of the Sanskrita
had become an important object in their new College at Hertford. Dr.
Wilkins complied, and the _Grammar of the Sanskrita Language_, London,
1808, 4to, duly appeared from Bulmer’s Press, and was allowed to be a
monument at once of beautiful typography and erudite industry. Dr.,
subsequently Sir Charles, Wilkins died May 13th, 1836, at the advanced
age of 85. Specimens of his Bengali and Sanskrit may be seen in
Johnson’s _Typographia_, ii, 389–94.
[651] _A Vocabulary, Persian, Arabic, and English, containing such
words as have been adopted from the two former of these languages, and
incorporated into the Hindvi; together with some hundreds of compound
verbs formed from Persian or Arabic nouns and in universal use. Being
the seventh part of the new Hindvi Grammar and Dictionary._ London,
1785. 4to.
[652] The Domesday letter of Cottrell and Jackson may be seen in
juxtaposition in Fry’s _Pantographia_, 1799, pp. 50 and 314; also in
Stower’s _Printer’s Grammar_, 1808, p. 253. Jackson’s also appears in
Johnson’s _Typographia_ (ii, p. 248), from which work our account is
chiefly taken.
[653] _Domesday Book seu Liber Censualis Willelmi primi Regis Angliæ
inter Archivos Regni in Domo capitulari Westmonasterii asservatus.
Jubente Rege Augustissimo Georgio Tertio prelo mandatus. Londini. Typis
J. Nichols._ 2 vols. Folio. 1783.
[654] _Domesday Book Illustrated._ London. 1788. 8vo.
[655] Dr. Woide was appointed Assistant Librarian at the British Museum
in 1782.
[656] See _ante_, p. 200–5.
[657] A specimen of this letter may be seen in Dr. Fry’s specimens,
also in his _Pantagraphia_, p. 126.
[658] Gough, writing in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, vol. lvi, p. 497,
says:—“It was reserved, therefore, for the industry and application of
Dr. Woide . . . to rescue this valuable MS. from the fate which befel
a MS. of the Septuagint in the Cottonian Library of equal antiquity,
type, and, value, of which a very few fragments escaped the fire in
1733, by adopting the facsimile mode of reproduction, which, from the
great expense attending it, has unfortunately been adopted in so few
instances.” The facsimile of the Laudian Codex, comprising the _Acts
of the Apostles_, published by Hearne at Oxford in 1715, had been the
only previous successful attempt of this kind in England. Hearne’s
facsimile, however, was engraved, and not from type. A list of the most
important subsequent facsimile reproductions from Codices of the Holy
Text is given in Horne’s _Introduction_ (edit. 1872), iv, pp. 682–3.
[659] _Novum Testamentum Græcum è Codice MS. Alexandrino qui Londini in
Bibliothecâ Musei Britannici asservatur, descriptum a Carolo Godofredo
Woide . . . Musei Britannici Bibliothecaria Londini. Ex prelo Jeannis
Nichols. Typis Jacksonianis, 1786._ Folio.
[660] _Psalterium Græcum è Codice MS. Alexandrino qui Londini in
Bibliothecâ Musei Britannici asservatur Typis ad similitudinem ipsius
Codicis Scripturæ fideliter descriptum. Curâ et labore H. H. Baber.
Londini, 1812._ Folio.
[661] _Vetus Testamentum Græcum è Codice MS. Alexandrino qui Londini
in Bibliothecâ Musei Britannici asservatur, Typis ad similitudinem
ipsius Codicis Scripturæ fideliter descriptum. Curâ et labore H. H.
Baber, Londini, 1816–21._ 4 vols., Folio. Mr. Baber, the better to
preserve the identity of the original in his fac-similes, introduced a
considerable number of fresh types as well as numerous woodcuts.
[662] _Codex Theodori Bezæ Cantabrigiensis, Evangelia et Acta
Apostolorum complectens, quadratis literis, Græco-Latinus. Academia
auspicante summâ qua fide potuit, adumbravit, expressit, edidit,
codicis historiam præfixit, notasque adjecit T. Kipling. Cantabrigiæ è
prelo Academico, impensis Academiæ, 1793._ 2 vols., Folio.
[663] _Gent. Mag._, 1793, p. 733.
[664] Mores’ _Dissert._, Appendix, p. 98.
[665] _Prosodia Rationalis, an Essay towards establishing the Melody
and Measure of Speech by Symbols._ London, 1779. 4to.
[666] _An Essay towards Establishing the Melody and Measure of Speech,
to be expressed and perpetuated by peculiar Symbols._ London, 1775. 4to.
[667] _The Holy Bible, embellished with Engravings from Pictures and
Designs by the most eminent Artists. London: printed for Thomas Macklin
by Thomas Bensley, 1800. 7 vols._ Folio.
[668] See p. 336, _post_. Jackson’s fount is used to the end of
_Numbers_.
[669] _Lit. Anec._, ii, 360.
[670] _The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Cæsar to the
Revolution in 1688. By David Hume. London: printed by T. Bensley, for
Robert Bowyer, 1806._ 10 vols. Folio.
[671] _Gent. Mag._, 1792, p. 166.
[672] John William Pasham, originally of Bury St. Edmund’s, where he
published the _Bury Flying Weekly Journal_. He removed to Blackfriars
in London, where, in 1776, he published a beautiful pocket edition
of the _Bible_ in 24mo, which obtained the title of the _Immaculate
Bible_, on account of the rarity of its errors. It had foot-notes,
which could be cut off in the binding if required. Of this _Bible_,
Lemoine says “it is spoiled by being dried in a kiln, which has
entirely changed the colour of the paper; besides, the colour of the
print is uneven, one side being darker than the other.” This _Bible_
is said to have been printed in a house on Finchley Common. Mr. Pasham
died Dec. 1783.
[673] See _ante_, p. 250.
[674] The prefatory note to this specimen runs as follows:—“Sir, Having
completed my new Specimen, I take the opportunity of sending you a
copy, and flatter myself it will meet with your approbation. I shall
be happy to receive your future orders, and you may be assured of
every possible attention being paid to the execution of those you may
favour me with. I remain, your obedient humble servant, William Caslon.
Salisbury Square, Jan. 1, 1798.”
[675] He made an offer in 1817 to travel on commission for the founders
generally, but his services in this direction were not made use of.
[676] The Circular announcing this improvement is dated Salisbury
Square, Jan. 1, 1810. The new types are offered at 1_s._ 10_d._ per
lb., and, as an encouragement to buyers, 1_s._ per lb. is offered for
old metal.
[677] See _ante_, p. 120. This appears to have been intended as an
improvement on the invention of Nicholson, who was the first (in 1790)
to suggest the casting of types wedge-shaped, for fixing on cylinders.
(p. 119.)
[678] Considerable prominence is naturally given to the large letters
“cast in moulds and matrices” by the new “Sanspareil” method.
[679] See _ante_, p. 281.
[680] George Nicol was born in 1741, and was for many years bookseller
to King George III. He married a niece of the first Alderman Boydell
in 1787. The idea of the Boydell _Shakespeare_ originated with him. He
was a prominent member of the literary clubs of his day, and a personal
friend of the Duke of Roxburghe. He died in 1829, aged 88.
[681] A history of this celebrated Press would almost involve a history
of fine printing in the first quarter of the present century. Dibdin,
in the second volume of his _Bibliographical Decameron_, has given a
list of its most famous impressions. Bulmer was a personal friend of
Thomas Bewick, the engraver, many of whose blocks were cut for his
books. He spared no pains to render the typography of his press the
most correct and beautiful England had hitherto known. He retired in
1819, leaving Mr. Wm. Nicol, only son of his friend George Nicol, to
carry on the business. Mr. Bulmer died Sept. 9, 1830, in his 74th year,
greatly honoured and respected.
[682] _The Dramatic Works of William Shakespeare. Revised by G.
Steevens._ London: 1792–1802. 18 parts in 9 vols. Atlas folio. With 100
engravings.
[683] _Bibl. Decam._, ii, 384.
[684] _The Poetical Works of John Milton, with a life of the Author by
William Hayley._ London: 1794–7. 3 vols. Folio.
[685] See _ante_, p. 251.
[686] _Bibl. Decam._, ii, 384.
[687] _Poems by Goldsmith and Parnell._ London: 1795. 4to. This work
was illustrated with woodcuts by Bewick. It is said that George III
ordered his bookseller to procure the blocks of the engravings for
his inspection, that he might convince himself they were wood and not
copper.
[688] _Typographia_, p. 311.
[689] Nichols, _Illust. Lit._, viii, 485.
[690] _Musæus. The Loves of Hero and Leander. (Greek and English.)
London. Printed by W. Bulmer & Co. Typis Gulielmi Martin._ 1797.
4to. This work was privately printed by Mr. Bulmer for Mr. Grosvenor
Bedford, the translator.
[691] _The Press: a Poem. Published as a Specimen of Typography by John
M^cCreery. Liverpool: printed by J. M^cCreery._ Houghton Street, 1803.
4to.
[692] _Typographical Antiquities, &c., greatly enlarged, with copious
notes, by T. F. Dibdin_, London: 1810–12–16–19. 4 vols. 4to. The work
was not completed. The first volume was not printed at the Shakespeare
Press.
[693] _Bibliotheca Spenceriana; or, a Descriptive Catalogue of Books
printed in the XV Century, and of many valuable First Editions in the
Library of George John, Earl Spencer._ London: 1814–15. 4 vols. 8vo.
[694] _The Bibliographical Decameron; or, Ten Days’ Pleasant Discourse
upon Illuminated Manuscripts, and Subjects connected with early
Engraving, Typography and Bibliography._ London, 1817. 3 vols, 8vo.
[695] Amongst which were the early publications of the Roxburghe Club,
instituted by Earl Spencer, in 1812, for the republication of rare
books or unpublished MSS. M. Renouard censures Bulmer for the use of
worn type in the Edition of _Ben Jonson’s Works_, 1816. 9 vols. 8vo.
“L’habile M. Bulmer aurait dû jeter à la fonte les caractères usés
dont il a fait usage pour cette volumineuse édition, et les libraires
entrepreneurs n’auroient pas dû lui en permettre l’emploi.”
[696] _Illust. Lit._, viii, 485.
[697] An early specimen of Thorowgood’s shows a Black, the matrices of
which, it is stated, “were purchased by Messrs. Fry & Steele at the
breaking up of the Cleveland Row Foundry.” As, however, Messrs. Fry
& Steele’s partnership terminated about 1808, we consider the whole
statement doubtful.
[698] _Lit. Anec._, ii, 361.
[699] Hansard. _Typographia_, 359.
[700] See _ante_, p. 323.
[701] _The Seasons. By James Thomson. Illustrated with Engravings by
F. Bartolozzi, R.A., and P. W. Tomkins, Historical Engraver to their
Majesties, from original pictures painted for the work by W. Hamilton,
R.A. London: Printed for P. W. Tomkins, New Bond Street. The letter
press by T. Bensley. The Types by V. Figgins._ 1799. Folio.
[702] _Typographia_, p. 360.
[703] _Paradise Lost, by John Milton, with Notes and Life of the
Author. . . . By Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Engravings by Heath, &c. London:
Printed for J. Parsons, 1796._ 2 vols. 8vo.
[704] Sir William Ouseley was born in 1771, and accompanied his
brother Sir Gore Ouseley, the ambassador to Persia, to that country as
secretary. He published _Persian Miscellanies_ in 1795, and _Oriental
Collections_ in 1797–1800. In the advertisement at the close of the
1st volume of the latter work, he states, “I have employed a few
leisure hours in superintending the execution of a new Persian Type,
which will, I trust, exhibit as faithful a representation of the
true Taleek character as can be effected by any imitative powers of
the Typographick Art.” Of this new fount he shows a single line as
specimen, which, however, if cut by Mr. Figgins, is not the Paragon
Persian which subsequently appeared in his specimen books. Nor did
it appear, as promised, in the _Oriental Collections_ of 1798, the
quotations in which continued to be printed in Arabic characters.
[705] _The Persian Moonshee, by Francis Gladwin, Esquire. Calcutta.
London, reprinted 1801._ 4to.
[706] This important enquiry was the result of an address of the
House of Commons to the King, in 1800, setting forth the necessity of
a better provision for the arrangement, preservation and use of the
various Public Records scattered among the numerous offices of the
kingdom. The Commission thereupon appointed were empowered to take all
necessary measures to “methodize, regulate and digest the records,
etc.”, preserved in all Public Offices and repositories, and “to
superintend the printing of such calendars and indexes and original
records and papers” as it should be deemed desirable to print. With
this large task before them, the Commissioners went actively to work,
and in 1800 and 1806 published their first Reports. The following
important publication, issued under the Direction of the Commission,
was commenced in 1800:—_Reports from the Commissioners appointed to
execute the measures recommended by a Select Committee of the House of
Commons respecting the Public Records of the Kingdom, etc._, London,
1800–19, 2 vols., folio. The appendix forming the second volume
contains facsimiles of all the Charters (including Magna Charta) and
Inrollments from Stephen to William and Mary, with the Seals inserted
in the several works printed under the Commission. The list of the
subsequent publications of the Commission is very extensive, and
includes verbatim copies, with all abbreviations and contractions, of
the most important documents in the kingdom.
[707] The first important work in connection with the Scotch Record
Commission was _Inquisitionum ad Capellam Domini Regis retornatarum quæ
in publicis Archivis Scotiæ adhuc servantur Abbrevatio cum Indicibus_,
Edinburgh, 1811–16, 3 vols., folio, and a Supplement.
[708] These types perished in the fire of Mr. Nichols’ printing office
in 1808, see _ante_, p. 321.
[709] _Lit. Anec._, ii, 361.
[710] _Biblia Sacra Polyglotta, Textus Archetypos, Versionesque
præcipuas ab Ecclesiâ Antiquitùs receptas complectentia._ London:
1817–28. 5 parts, 4to, 4 vols., 8vo. This Bible comprises the original
Hebrew text of the Old Testament, the Samaritan Pentateuch, the
Septuagint Greek version of the Old Testament, the Vulgate Latin and
the Authorised English version of the entire Bible, the original Greek
of the New Testament, and the venerable Peschito or Syriac version
of it. This _Polyglot_ was republished with the addition of Spanish,
French, Italian, and German versions in 1831, with learned prolegomena
by Dr. Samuel Lee.
[711] See _ante_, p. 308.
[712] _Novum Testamentum Syriace denuo recognitum atque ad fidem
Codicum MSS. emendatum. Impressit R. Watts._ London 1816, 4to.
Dr. Buchanan was born in 1766 and went to India in 1796, where
his researches led to the discovery, among other things, of some
interesting Hebrew Manuscripts of portions of the Bible, on goat skins
and tablets of brass. He died in the year 1815. The Syriac _Testament_
was corrected by him as far as the _Acts_, and completed by Dr. Lee,
Arabic Professor at Cambridge. See _ante_, p. 68.
[713] _Typographia_, p. 360.
[714] The matrices of the Long Primer and Brevier cut for the Scotch
Record Commission were given up to the Government.
[715] Hansard omits the Double Pica Greek cut for Oxford University,
the matrices of which were retained by Mr. Figgins. A specimen appears
in the book of 1823.
[716] The fount for Bagster’s _Polyglot_.
[717] The punches, matrices and moulds of this fount were deposited in
the East India Company’s Library.
[718] It would be an omission not to mention here Mr. Vincent Figgins
II’s interesting reprint of the 2nd Edition of Caxton’s _Game of the
Chesse_, London, 1855, sm. folio. Mr. Figgins cut a fount of type
after the original, “which” he remarks, “is a mixture of black-letter
and the character called secretary,” the black predominating. The
“Caxton Black” so produced has been the only attempt made to approach
a facsimile of Caxton’s letter by means of type. In his remarks, Mr.
Figgins gives his reasons for concluding, from the variety in the
form of the letters, that they were not cast from a matrix but cut
separately by hand. This theory Mr. Blades, in his “_Life of Caxton_,”
disproves, pointing out that the Type No. 2* used in the second edition
of Caxton’s work is really an old fount originally cast from matrices,
and, when worn, trimmed up by hand to form the punches for a new
fount—a circumstance amply sufficient to account for the irregularities
observed. These irregularities are, of course, sufficient to prevent
the absolute possibility of anything like an exact facsimile by means
of type. It is, however, interesting to note that John Whittaker’s
famous restorations of Caxtonian and other early printed works, were to
a certain extent accomplished by means of typography. Mr. Dibdin, in
his _Bibliographical Decameron_ (ii, 415), describes the operation as
follows:—“He has caused to be engraved or cut four founts of Caxton’s
letter. These are cut in the manner of binders’ tools for lettering,
and each letter is separately charged with ink, and separately
impressed on the paper. Some of Caxton’s types are so riotous and
unruly that Mr. Whittaker found it impossible to carry on his design
without having at least twenty of such irregular letters engraved.
The process of executing the text with such tools shall be related in
Mr. Whittaker’s own words:—‘A tracing being taken with the greatest
precision from the original leaf, on white tracing paper, it is then
laid on the leaf (first prepared to match the book it is intended for)
with a piece of blacked paper between the two. Then by a point passing
round the sides of each letter, a true impression is given from the
black paper on the leaf beneath. The types are next stamped on singly,
being charged with old printing ink prepared in colour exactly to
match each distinct book. The type being then set on the marks made
by tracing, in all the rude manner and at the same unequal distances
observable in the original, they will bear the strictest scrutiny
and comparison with their prototype; it being impossible to make a
facsimile of Caxton’s printing in any other way, as his letters are
generally set up irregularly and at unequal distances, leaning various
ways,’ ” etc.
[719] See _ante_, p. 241.
[720] _Printers’ Grammar_, p. 31.
[721] See _ante_, p. 212, _n._
[722] Mr. Ilive the elder is named in Samuel Negus’s list of Printers,
published by Bowyer in 1724, as one of those “said to be high flyers”.
He was a benefactor to Zion College, and printed the classical
catalogue of their library from the letter P.
[723] _Marius de Calasio. Concordantiæ Bibliorum Hebr. et Lat. edente
Guil. Romaine_, 4 vols., Lond. 1747, folio.
[724] _Anecdotes of Bowyer_, p. 130.
[725] “Emboldened by his first adventure, he determined to become the
public teacher of infidelity. For this purpose he hired the use of
Carpenters’ Hall, where for some time he delivered his Orations, which
consisted chiefly of scraps from Tindal and other similar writers”
(Chalmers’ _Biog. Dict._, xix, 228).
[726] _The Book of Jasher. With Testimonies and Notes explanatory
of the Text. To which is prefixed various Readings. Translated into
English from the Hebrew, by Alcuin of Britain, who went a Pilgrimage
into the Holy Land, etc. Printed in the year 1751._ 4to. The fraud
was immediately detected and exposed. The work was reprinted, without
acknowledgment and with some variations, at Bristol in 1829, by a Rev.
C. R. Bond. Both editions are now rare.
[727] _Dissert._, p. 65.
[728] These are enumerated in Gough’s _British Topography_, i, 637.
[729] _British Topography_, i, 597.
[730] See _ante_, p. 260.
[731] _A Specimen of the Printing Types and Flowers belonging to John
Reid, Printer, Bailie Fyfe’s Close, Edinburgh, etc._ Edinburgh, 1768.
8vo. All the other founts shown are either Wilson’s or Caslon’s.
[732] _History of Printing in America. 2nd Edit. Albany_, 1874. i, 31.
[733] The first attempt to introduce type-founding in America had been
made by Mitchelson, a Scotchman, in 1768, and failed. In 1769, Abel
Buel, of Connecticut, succeeded in casting several founts of Long
Primer. Christopher Sower, in 1772, brought over a foundry from Germany
to Germantown in Pennsylvania. John Bay also founded in the same town
about 1774. Benj. Franklin and his grandson Bache brought over a
foundry from France in 1775 to Philadelphia, which, however, had ceased
its operations when Baine and his grandson, some ten years later,
established their foundry in the same city.
[734] See _Abridgments of Specifications relating to Printing_, p. 87.
See also _ante_, p. 78.
[735] _Typog. Antiq._, p. 81. This appears to be the person whom Gough,
in his list of departed worthies of the eighteenth century, includes
among the letter founders, as “Jurisson, d. 1791”. (_Gent. Magaz._,
lxxiii, part i, p. 161.)
[736] See _ante_, p. 269.
[737] “British Foundry. S. & C. Stephenson respectfully submit the
present edition of their Specimen to the public with the hope that they
shall continue to experience the flattering encouragement hitherto
received, and for which they beg to return their most sincere thanks.
“To those of the Trade who have not hitherto used the Types of the
British Foundry, it may be necessary to observe, that they are composed
of the very best Metal, and that they are justified to paper and body
agreeable to the usual standard.
“As the Establishment of this Foundry comprises eminent engravers on
wood and brass, orders in either of these branches will be executed in
the best stile of the Art. _February_, 1797.”
A first part of the specimen appears to have been issued in 1796, and
the whole book in 1797.
[738] _Bibliography of Printing_, ii, 42.
[739] _Typog._, p. 366.
[740] _Ibid._, p. 361.
[741] A specimen of this type “the smallest ever manufactured in this
country,” was exhibited, and contains the whole of Gray’s _Elegy_ in 32
verses, in 2 columns, measuring 3 3/4 inches each in depth.
[742] _Dictionary for the Pocket; French and English; English and
French, &c., by John Bellows, Gloucester, from type cast specially for
the work by Miller and Richard, Type founders to the Queen, Edinburgh._
1873. 24mo.
[743] Sheffield, 3rd edit., 1841, 12mo. A similar proposal, only with
Nonpareil as the standard, was made about 1824 by James Fergusson,
whose scheme is quoted _in extenso_ by Hansard in his _Typographia_, p.
388.
[744] _The Printer’s Assistant, containing a Sketch of the History of
Printing, etc. London, 1810._ 12mo.
[745] _Typog._, p. 382.
[746] See _ante_, p. 253–4; also Johnson’s _Typographia_, ii, 652.
[747] Mr. Branston was an engraver, and resided at Beaufort Buildings,
Strand, in 1824. He attempted a new system of printing music, by
striking the punches deeper than usual in the plate, so that when a
stereo cast was taken from it, the notes appeared sufficiently in
relief to be printed at a type press.
[748] See _ante_, p. 121. M. Didot’s invention had been previously
tried by Henry Caslon, but unsuccessfully.
[749] This appears to be an anachronism. There was no association of
Type Founders between 1820 and 1830.
[750] Hansard, _Typog._, p. 361.
[751] Johnson, in 1824, gives a list of nine founders (including
Pouchée), at that time trading in London. (_Typog._, ii, 652.)
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Original spelling and grammar have generally been retained, with some
exceptions noted below. Original printed page numbers are shown like
this: {52}. Original small caps are now uppercase. Italics look _like
this_. The transcriber produced the cover image and hereby assigns
it to the public domain. Original page images are available from
archive.org — search for “historyofoldengl00reed”. Single superscripted
letters are shown like this: “M^cCreery”. Superscripted groups of
letters (e.g. “er”) are shown like this: “I^{er}”.
Footnotes have been renumbered 1–751 and converted to ENDNOTES. Anchors
and labels for endnotes are shown as numbers within square brackets,
e.g. “[751]”. However, there are two exceptions: on page 256, “[11]”
and “[2]” do not reference footnotes or endnotes, but are shown as
originally printed.
Ditto marks have generally been eliminated, using text replication
when necessary. Large curly brackets “{ }” used as graphic devices to
combine information over two or more lines have been removed from the
text everywhere. Example: in the table on page 35, first column, 9th
and 10th rows, there was a two-row bracket “{” suggesting that “9.”
applies to both rows. Herein, “9.” was simply duplicated to indicate
that fact. The row headed by “17. Pearl” contains in the second
column, in the original printed book, two rows containing “Parisienne
or Sedan.” and “Perle.”, enclosed in two-row brackets “{ }”. Herein,
table-cell borders have been drawn to suggest this combination.
Page xi, CONTENTS. Chapter 3 page reference was changed
to 83, from 13.
Page 32n. “fromer” to “former”.
Page 35. “Grobe” to “Große”, in two places in the table.
Page 38. “Geeek” to “Greek”.
Page 49. The left double quotation mark in ‘observed in 1825, “have
left’ has no closing mark. Several other puzzling usages of quotation
marks elsewhere have also been retained.
Page 51n. The proofreading code “[*pro]” is used herein to represent a
symbol originally printed as a latin small p with a hook, used as an
abbreviation for _pro_.
Page 52. The proofreading code “[*Q]” on this page represents the
stylized Q originally printed.
Page 138. The proofreading code “[*Q]” on this page represents two
glyphs, a Gothic Q, and the same glyph turned about 90° clockwise.
Page 156. The illustration has been changed from number 41
to 31, to agree with the List of Illustrations.
Page 159. The proofreading code “[*AT]” on this page represents a glyph
that appears to be a ligature of T and A.
Page 190n. The phrase _or here (Mason’s_ was changed to _or here”
(Mason’s_, by inserting the missing right double quotation mark.
Page 205n. The phrase “P. VergiliI Maronis Codex” is retained as
printed.
Page 274n. A matching right double quotation mark was inserted after ‘Η
Καινη Διαθηκη’.
Page 320. Changed “emploeyd” to “employed”.
Page 369 INDEX. The use of punctuation, particularly semicolons,
colons, and the 3-em dashes that function as ditto marks, seems often
inconsistent or strange. It is generally retained herein as printed.
The organization and structure of the original index is retained as
well.