CHAPTER IX.

THE LATER FOUNDERS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

THOMAS GORING, 1668.     JOSEPH LEE, 1669.

Of these two founders nothing is known beyond what is recorded in two

short entries on the books of the Stationers’ Company, viz.:―

1668. The Master and Wardens requested to certify to the

Archbishop of Canterbury that Thomas Goring, a member of this

Company, is an honest and sufficient man, and fit to be one of the

_four_ present founders; there being one now wanting, according to

the Act of Parliament.

1669. Mr. Joseph Lee and Mr. Goring to give at the next Court an

account in writing, what sorts of letter they have made, and for

whom, since the Act of Parliament in that case was provided.

The names of both these founders occur in the list, already referred

to, of former Stewards of the Brotherly Meeting of Masters and Workmen

Printers, issued in 1681.[367] {194}

ROBERT ANDREWS, 1683.

This founder, who was born in 1650, succeeded Joseph Moxon, probably

about the year 1683,[368] and transferred his foundry to Charterhouse

Street, where he continued in business till 1733. His foundry, of

which, Mores informs us, Moxon’s matrices formed the most considerable

part, was, next to that of the Grovers, the most extensive of its day;

and it would appear that, for some time at any rate, these two shared

between them the whole of the English trade. Andrews’ foundry consisted

of a large variety of Roman letter and Titlings; and in “learned”

founts was specially rich in Hebrew, of which there were no less than

eleven founts, and five Rabbinical. Of peculiar sorts, he possessed the

matrices of Bishop Wilkins’ “Real Character,” also the correcting-marks

used by Moxon in his _Mechanick Exercises_, and other symbols, besides

three or four founts of square-headed music.

[Illustration: 47. Nonpareil Rabbinical Hebrew, from R. Andrews’

Foundry. (From the original matrices.)]

[Illustration: 49. Old Blacks from R. Andrews’ Foundry, 1706. (From the

original matrices.)]

He also possessed the Hebrews and the Ethiopic[369] used in Walton’s

_Polyglot_; the Irish cut by Moxon for Boyle’s _New Testament_, and a

curious alphabet of Great Primer Anglo-Norman; besides a fine specimen

of old Blacks (two of which are here shown), probably handed down

from some of the early English {195} printers, whose character they

strongly resemble. His son, Silvester Andrews, as we shall notice later

on, founded at Oxford, whither he appears to have taken matrices of

some of the Romans and one fount of Hebrew from his father’s foundry.

The following is the list of matrices in the foundry in 1706, as

given by Mores. Founts of which the punches or matrices are still in

existence are distinguished by an asterisk; those descended from the

_Polyglot_ foundry are marked [P.], and those from Moxon’s [M.]:―

“Mr. ROBERT ANDREWS’ FOUNDERY, 1706.

ORIENTALS.

_Hebrew._―

2-line English, 32. [P.?]

Double Pica, 68. [P.?]

Great Primer, 35.

English (the common German face), 47.

English, 73. [P.?]

Pica, 65.

Long Primer, 35.

Brevier, 35.

Small Pica, old, 42.

Small Pica, another, 77.

Small Pica, another, 73.

Nonpareil, 35.

_Rabbinical Hebrew._―

English (German), 30.

Rashi, Pica, 29.

Rashi, Long Primer,* 30.

Rashi, Brevier,* 29.

Rashi, Nonpareil,* 29.

Large face points, 42.

Accents, 27.

Small face points, 28.

_Samaritan._―

(Leusdenian), 21.

_Syriac._―

Great Primer, 47; Points, 13.

_Arabic._―

Great Primer, 104.

English, 62.

MERIDIONALS.

_Æthiopic._―

Great Primer,* 212. [P.]

OCCIDENTALS.

_Greek._―

English.§

Long Primer.§

Brevier.§

Long Primer, 457.

Brevier, 331.

Nonpareil, 329.

§ “These three were purchased by Thos. James, 20th April 1724,

ten years before the sale of the foundery.”

_Roman and Italic._―

2-line English full face caps, 31.

2-line English Roman, 147.

2-line English Italic, 108.

Double Pica large face Roman, 122.

Double Pica small face Roman, 115.

Double Pica Italic, 107.

Double Pica 2, Roman, 118.

Double Pica 2, Italic, 66.

Another, 126.

Great Primer 1, Roman, 114.

Great Primer 1, Italic, 102.

Great Primer 2, Roman, 110.

Great Primer 2, Italic, 66.

English Roman and Italic, ...

English 2, Roman, 92.

English 3, Roman, 96.

English Roman lower-case, 32.

Pica Roman, 117.

Pica Roman, lower-case, 27.

Pica Roman, and Italic, long face, ...

Long Primer Roman, 84.

Long Primer Italic, 80.

Long Primer Roman lower-case, 42.

Long Primer Roman lower-case, another, 38.

Long Primer Italic capitals and double-letters, 45.

Brevier Roman lower-case, 57.

Brevier Roman lower-case, another, 57.

Brevier Italic, ...

_Title Letters and Irregulars._―

4-line Pica full face caps, 30.

Canon Roman, 27. [M.]

Canon Italic, 74. [M.]

2-line Double Pica Roman, 127.

2-line Great Primer full face caps, 31. {196}

_Title Letters and Irregulars._―

2-line Pica full face caps, 31.

2-line Pica Roman lean face, 58.

Paragon Roman, 122.

Paragon Italic, 100.

Small Pica Roman, 76.

Small Pica Italic, 82.

Small Pica Italic, another, 98.

Small Pica Italic, another, 80.

Small Pica Roman and Italic, ...

Bourgeois Italic, 72.

Nonpareil Roman, 80.

Pearl Roman, 2 sets.

SEPTENTRIONALS.

_Anglo-Saxon._―

Pica, 16.

Pica, another, 21.

_Anglo-Norman._―

Great Primer capitals, 24.

_English._―

Great Primer with law, 116.

English* with law, 106.

Pica with law, 125.

Pica small face, 71.

Long Primer,* 78.

Brevier with law, 118.

Small Pica* with law, 120.

Small Pica,* 58.

Nonpareil,* 43.

_Secretary._―

Great Primer capitals, 15.

_Hibernian._―

Pica,* 60. [M.]

Bishop Wilkins’ Real Character, English, 160. [M.]

Mr. Adam’s symbols, 20. [M.]

Mr. Moxon’s correcting marks, English, 16. [M.]

Mathematical Characters, English and Small Pica, 42. [M.]

Astronomical and Astrological, 31. [M.]

_Music._―

2-line Great Primer, 54.

Paragon, square-headed, 44.

Large old square-headed, 61.

Sundry old square-headed, 155.

[Illustration: _Elstob Saxon._

48. Saxon cut by R. Andrews for Miss Elstob’s _Grammar_, 1715. (From

the original matrices.)]

Although he accumulated a large quantity of matrices, Robert Andrews

does not appear to have been a good workman. The very indifferent

manner in which he cut the punches for Miss Elstob’s Saxon _Grammar_

has been elsewhere recorded,[370] and the fact that his apprentice,

Thomas James, after quitting his {197} service and setting up for

himself, furnished his new foundry entirely with foreign matrices,

speaks somewhat unfavourably for the merits of the English letter then

in common use.

Three of the Greek founts, however, James did subsequently purchase,

in 1724, for his own use; and nine years later, on Andrews’ retirement

from business, he purchased the whole of his foundry, and that of his

son, with the exception of the Canon Roman and Italic, which were

acquired by Mr. Caslon.

Robert Andrews was one of the Assistants of the Stationers’ Company. He

only survived his retirement two years, and died November 27th, 1735,

at the age of 80.

His name appears as a contributor of £5 5_s._ towards the subscription

raised by Mr. Bowyer’s friends in 1712, after the destruction by fire

of that eminent printer’s office.

JAMES GROVER, _circ._ 1675.     THOMAS GROVER, his son.[371]

This foundry, which, according to Rowe Mores, was supposed to include

founts formerly belonging to Wynkyn de Worde, was the most extensive,

and in many respects the most interesting of the later seventeenth

century foundries. It seems probable that James and Thomas Grover began

business in partnership, about the year 1674, in succession to one of

the “Polyglot” founders, whose matrices they appear to have acquired.

Their foundry was situated in Angel Alley, Aldersgate Street; and,

about 1700, at which date Rowe Mores fixes his summary, was evidently

of considerable extent.

Although many of the founts are of little importance, it is worthy

of note that among the Roman and Italic matrices is included, for

the first time, a Diamond; and that a Pica and Long Primer are

distinguished as “King’s House” founts, and were probably reserved

for the service of the Royal press at Blackfriars. The large-face

Double Pica Roman and Italic, there is reason to suppose, is the

famous fount cut by John Day about 1572, which had subsequently

been in the possession of one of the Polyglot founders.[372] In

Scriptorials, Cursives and other fancy letters, as well as in peculiar

and mathematical sorts, the foundry was unusually rich. The Great

Primer and 2-line Great Primer Black matrices are those reputed to have

belonged to De Worde; and from these {198} founts, says Mores, were

taken the two specimens shown on page 343 of Palmer’s _General History

of Printing_.[373]

Among the “learned” founts, the English Samaritan matrices were those

from which had been cast the type for Walton’s _Polyglot_, in 1657,

as were also those of the larger Syriac; while the Double Pica large

and small faced Greek claim a still earlier origin, being the founts

in which was printed Patrick Young’s _Catena on Job_, in 1637, the

matrices having been procured from the proceeds of the fine on the

King’s printers for their scandalous errors in the printing of the

“Wicked” _Bible_, as detailed in a former chapter.[374] The smaller

face, as we have noticed, bears the strongest resemblance to the Greek

of the Eton _Chrysostom_. Mores states that the Great Primer Arabic of

the _Polyglot_ was in this foundry, but omits to include the matrices

in his summary.[375]

The following is the full list of the matrices in the foundry, _circ._

1700, as given by Mores:―

“THE FOUNDERY OF THE TWO MR. GROVERS, _circ._ 1700.

ORIENTALS.

_Hebrew._―

Great Primer, 30.

Pica, 80.

Long Primer, 60.

Brevier, 130.

_Samaritan_ (with English face).―

English,* 32. [P.]

_Syriac._―

Double Pica, 60. [P.]

Pica, 80.

_Arabic._―

Double Pica, 30. _Great Primer_, [P.?]

MERIDIONALS.

_Coptic_ (the new hand),* 81.

“This seems to be a mistake of the cataloguers, who had fallen

upon something which they did not understand; we suppose the

Alexandrian fount, which from the semblance they took to be

Coptic; the number 81 was made up with something else they were

strangers to; and so are we. But whatever it was (it is in the

foundry) it is now in its proper place.”

OCCIDENTALS.

_Greek._―

Double Pica large face, 183. [Royal.]

Double Pica small face, ... [Royal.]

Great Primer, 144.

English, 350.

_Greek._―

Pica, 380.

Pica, another, 120.

Long Primer, 120.

Brevier, 426. Very fine.

Brevier, another, imperfect.

2-line full face capitals, 23.

_Roman and Italic._―

2-line English full face capitals, 31.

2-line English Roman, 100.

2-line English Italic, 77.

Double Pica Roman large face, 120. [Day?] [P.?]

Double Pica Italic, 98. [Day?] [P.?]

Double Pica Roman small face, 126.

Double Pica Italic, 98.

Great Primer Roman large face, 102.

Great Primer Italic, 105.

Great Primer Roman small face, 153.

Great Primer Italic, 105.

Great Primer small capitals, 27.

English Roman, 159.

English Italic, 114. {199}

_Roman and Italic._―

Two other English Roman and Italic. (One called the _Old English_.)

English small capitals, 27.

Pica Roman broad face, 85.

Pica Roman, 146. (Called _King’s House_.)

Pica Roman and Italic, 292.

Pica Italic, 42.

Pica small capitals, 27.

Long Primer Roman and Italic, 177.

Long Primer another, 226. (Called _King’s House_.)

Long Primer another, 219.

Long Primer two others.

Small capitals, 27.

Brevier Roman large face, 96.

Brevier Roman and Italic, 241.

Brevier Roman and Italic, small face.

Brevier Italic.

_Title Letters and Irregulars._―

5-line Pica full face capitals, 31.

Canon Roman, 87.

Canon Italic, 70.

Canon Roman lean face capitals, 57.

2-line Double Pica full face capitals, 26.

2-line Great Primer full face capitals, 31.

2-line Great Primer Roman, 86.

2-line Great Primer Italic, 68.

2-line Pica full face capitals, 31.

2-line Pica Roman, 83.

2-line Pica Italic, 77.

2-line Small Pica full face capitals, 27.

2-line Long Primer full face capitals, 31.

2-line Brevier full face capitals, 21.

Paragon Roman, 106.

Paragon Italic, 38.

Small Pica Roman and Italic, 175.

Small Pica Roman and Italic, another, 233.

Small Pica small capitals, 27.

Minion Roman and Italic, 175.

Nonpareil Roman and Italic, 174.

Nonpareil Roman and Italic, another, 175.

Pearl Roman and Italic, 167.

Diamond Roman and Italic, 94.

SEPTENTRIONALS.

_Anglo-Saxon._―

Great Primer, ...

Pica, 30.

_English._―

Double Pica, 69.

Great Primer, 66. [De Worde?]

Great Primer, another, with law, 73.

English, 82.

English, another, with law, 128.

Long Primer 1, 74.

Long Primer 2, 89.

Long Primer 3, 74.

Brevier, 73.

2-line Great Primer, 69. [De Worde?]

Small Pica, 70.

Nonpareil, 88.

_Scriptorial._―

Double Pica Court, 80.

English Court,* 100.

Great Primer Secretary, 105.

Double Pica Union Pearl,* 61.

_Cursive._―

Double Pica, ...

Great Primer, 69.

English 1, 68.

English 2, 57.

Pica,* ...

Long Primer, 68.

Geometrical and Algebraical Symbols.

Astronomical, Astrological, and Pharmaceutical Characters.―

English, 55.

Figures struck in circles and squares.―

English, 22.

Pica Astronomical Characters belonging to Pica _King’s House_, 22.

Pica Algebraical and Pharmaceutical Marks, and cancelled figures, 3 sets.

Long Primer Dominical Letters, Astronomical and Pharmaceutical Marks and

Characters.

Long Primer Fractions, 20.

Music.―

Great Primer, 176.

Flowers, 200.

Space Rules, Metal Rules, Braces, 150.

_Punches._―

Some for Pica, Long Primer and Nonpareil Greek.

Long Primer and other Punches.

Respecting one of the founts in this foundry a special interest exists,

which calls for particular reference here. Among the “Meridionals” in

the list is included a “Coptic (the new hand) 81 matrices,” an entry

which Mores considers {200} to be “a mistake of the cataloguers,

who had fallen upon something they did not understand—we suppose the

Alexandrian fount, which from the semblance they took to be Coptic. The

number 81 was made up with something else which they were strangers

to, and so are we.”[376] Later on, in noting the various founts

missing in the collection of John James, he again refers to this “New

Coptic,” adding, “it certainly was the Alexandrian which they called

New Coptic”;[377] and a specimen of this Alexandrian Greek duly appears

in the catalogue of James’s foundry, prepared by Mores in 1778. This

fount, which we are thus enabled to trace back with tolerable certainty

to an earlier date than 1700, is interesting as being the first attempt

at facsimile reproduction by means of type. The history of its origin

is vague, but there seems reason to believe that it may have been in

existence at least half a century before coming into the hands of the

Grovers.

[Illustration: 50. Alexandrian Greek in Grover’s Foundry, _ante_, 1700.

(From the Catalogue of James’s Foundry, 1782, p. 10.)]

In the year 1628 Cyrillus Lucaris, a native of Crete and Patriarch

of Constantinople, sent to King Charles I, by the hand of Sir Thomas

Rowe,[378] English ambassador to the Grand Seignor, a manuscript of

the Bible in four volumes, written in Greek uncial or capital letters,

without accents or marks of aspiration, and supposed to be the work of

Thecla, a noble Egyptian lady who lived in the {201} sixth century.

This precious work was received by Charles I and deposited in the Royal

Library of St. James, of which at that time Patrick Young was the

Keeper.

Young applied himself with enthusiasm to the work of collating and

examining the Manuscript, with a view to putting forward a literal

transcript of its contents in print. Having published at Oxford, in

1633, an edition of the first epistle of _Clemens Romanus to the

Corinthians_, in Greek and Latin, the text of which is included in the

Alexandrian MS., he was encouraged to put forward, in 1637, his _Catena

on Job_, which contained the entire text of that book transcribed from

the same Codex. This book was printed in the Greek types of the Royal

printing office, purchased under the peculiar circumstances already

detailed.[379] After this, says Gough, Young “formed the design of

printing the entire text of the Codex in facsimile type, of which,

in 1643, he printed a _Specimen_, consisting of the first chapter of

_Genesis_, with notes, and left behind him scholia as far as to the

fifteenth chapter of _Numbers_.”[380]

Of this specimen, unfortunately, no copy can be discovered; although as

to the existence of such a document there is no lack of contemporary

evidence. In his Prolegomena to the _London Polyglot_ of 1657, Bishop

Walton, who had made a careful study of the Codex, and availed himself

freely of Young’s notes, distinctly states that he had seen the

specimen, and that the proposal to carry through the work had been

discouraged by the advice of Young’s friends.[381] Walton shows a few

words of the Alexandrian Greek, poorly cut in wood, among the specimens

in his Prolegomena: a circumstance which would suggest that in 1657 the

matrices used for Junius’ facsimile, if in existence, were not then

available.

Walton’s statement was confirmed by Grabe, Mill, and others, who made

a study of the Codex and its history; and in 1707 Young’s biographer

and successor in the task of preparing the Codex for print, Dr. Thomas

Smith, repeated it with the authority of one who had also personally

inspected the Specimen.[382] {202}

It has been assumed by later writers that both Walton and Thomas Smith

made reference to a proposed _facsimile_ reprint of the Manuscript;

and Gough’s circumstantial statement, already quoted (which is adopted

by Nichols and copied by others, such as Horne, Edwards, etc.), leaves

little doubt that the chapter of _Genesis_ was actually put forward in

1643, in facsimile type, as a specimen of the forthcoming work. The

evidence as to the existence of the types receives further countenance

from the presence of these matrices in Grover’s foundry, certainly

before the year 1700.

Anthony à Wood states that Young’s project excited much curiosity

and expectation, and that in 1645 an ordinance was read for printing

and publishing the _Septuagint_, under the direction of Whitelock

and Selden. The troublous times which ensued, however, as well as

certain doubts as to the fidelity with which the original text was

being treated by the transcriber, led to the abandonment of the scheme

during Young’s tenure of office, which ceased in 1649. In that year

Bulstrode Whitelock became Library Keeper, and consequently custodian

of the MS. It would appear, however, from a sentence in one of Usher’s

letters,[383] that as late as 1651 Young retained his purpose of

publishing the Bible from the text of the Codex, but his death in the

following year finally stopped the enterprise.

What became of the specimen chapter of _Genesis_ it is impossible to

say. Bishop Walton, as he himself states, acquired possession of the

scholia to the end of _Numbers_ and the remainder of Young’s Greek

and Latin MSS., Wood informs us, came to the hands of Dr. Owen, Dean

of Christ Church, Oxford. Assuming the matrices to have existed,

their natural location would be either the Royal Printing Office, or

the foundry in which already had been deposited the Greek types and

matrices used in the _Catena on Job_. If, however, they remained in the

St. James’s Library, it is possible to conceive of their disappearance

for a considerable period, as Whitelock’s principal duties during his

term of office appear to have been to check the depredations which

in Young’s own time had already deprived the Library of many of its

treasures.[384] {203}

At the Restoration, the Keepership of the Library was bestowed

on Thomas Rosse, by whom was once more revived the suggestion of

reproducing the Alexandria Codex in facsimile, not this time by means

of type, but by copper-plate. This circumstance is thus related by

Aubrey in his inedited _Remains of Gentilism and Judaism_, preserved

among the Lansdowne MSS. in the British Museum.[385]

“. . . . y^e Tecla MS. in S^t James Library . . . was sent as a

Present to King Charles the First, from Cyrillus, Patriark of

Constantinople: as a jewell of that antiquity not fit to be kept

among Infidels. Mr. . . . Rosse (translator of Statius) was Tutor

to y^e Duke of Monmouth who gott him the place (of) Library-Keeper

at S^t James’s: he desired K. Cha. I (_sic_) to be at y^e chardge

to have it engraven in copper-plates, and told him it would cost

but £200; but his Ma^{ty} would not yeild to it. Mr. Ross sayd

‘that it would appeare glorious in History, after his Ma^{ty’s}

death.’ ‘Pish,’ sayd he, ‘I care not what they say of me in

History when I am dead.’ H. Grotius, J. G. Vossius, Heinsius,

etc., have made Journeys into England purposely to correct their

Greeke Testaments by this Copy in S^t James’s. S^r Chr. Wren sayd

that he would rather have it engraved by an Engraver that could

not understand or read Greek, than by one that did.”

The Manuscript was subsequently handed, in 1678, to Dr. Thomas Smith to

collate and edit, with a view to its reproduction; but once again the

scheme fell through, and (with the exception of Walton’s _Polyglot_) it

was not till Grabe, in 1707, published his _Octateuch_ (accompanying

his preface by a small copper-plate specimen of the MS.), that any

considerable portion of the Bible appeared from this ancient text.

Of the subsequent successful attempt to produce the entire Manuscript

in facsimile type we have spoken elsewhere.[386] Meanwhile, we find

from the facts here given, that in 1643 a specimen of a portion

of the text of the Codex is said to have been issued in facsimile

type; that constant efforts had been made during the latter half

of the seventeenth century to carry out Patrick Young’s purpose of

reproducing the entire Bible in this form; that in 1657 Bishop Walton

was presumably unaware of the existence of any matrices from which

to exhibit a specimen of the uncial Greek of the Codex; that Grabe,

similarly ignorant, made use of copper-plate in 1707 for a similar

purpose; but that prior to the year 1700, concealed under the erroneous

name of “Coptic—the new hand,” there existed in the foundry of the

Grovers (where already were deposited several of the “King’s House”

matrices, as well as those of the Greek fount used in Junius’ _Catena

on Job_ in 1637) a set of matrices consisting of a single alphabet of

the Alexandrian Greek, which apparently lay undetected until 1758, when

that foundry came into the hands of John {204} James, or more probably

until 1778, when Rowe Mores applied himself to the task of arranging

and cataloguing the various matrices of interest in that miscellaneous

collection.

[Illustration: 51. Scriptorial in Grover’s Foundry, 1700. (From the

original matrices.)]

[Illustration: 52. Court Hand in Grover’s Foundry, 1700. (From the

Catalogue of James’s Foundry, 1782, p. 16.)]

[Illustration: 53. Union Pearl in Grover’s Foundry, 1700. (From the

original matrices.)]

It may be added that the letters of this fount (like those of the old

Greek, Court Hand, Scriptorial and Union Pearl in the same foundry)

are struck inverted in the copper[387]; a peculiarity which may be

due either to their foreign execution, or to the ignorance of the

English striker, and which, in either case, goes far to account for the

confusion which existed respecting their identity.

Unfortunately, the link which might definitely connect these

Alexandrian matrices with the facsimile types of Patrick Young is,

in the absence of any copy of the specimen chapter of _Genesis_ of

1643, wanting. But, apart even {205} from this, the fount undoubtedly

claims the distinction of being the first attempt at facsimile by means

of type[388]; on which account this somewhat lengthy note as to its

history will, perhaps, be pardoned.

Thomas Grover had several daughters, one of whom, Cassandra, was the

wife of Mr. Meres[389]; and Mr. Meres’ daughter Elizabeth was the wife

of Mr. Richard Nutt.[390] On Thomas Grover’s death[391] his foundry

became the joint property of all his daughters, who attempted to

dispose of it by private contract in 1728, when it was appraised by

Thomas James and William Caslon. Mr. Caslon actually made an offer

for its purchase, but at so low a figure that it was not accepted.

The foundry therefore remained locked up in the house of Mr. Nutt,

who appears to have been a printer, and to have provided himself with

type for his own use during his tenure of the matrices. Finally, on

the death of all Grover’s daughters, the foundry became Mr. Nutt’s

absolutely, and was by him sold on the 14th September 1758 to John

James.

GODFREY HEAD, 1685,[392]

was one of the authorised founders in 1685, when the following record

against him was entered on the Court minutes of the Stationers’

Company:―

“The next dividend of the Stock of Mr. Godfrey Head to be detained

in the treasurer’s hand until further order, for his not giving a

due account of the letter he is to cast, as the Act of Parliament

prescribes.—1685.

“Godfrey Head’s dividend paid on his submission, and giving 20_s._

to the poor’s box.” {206}

His foundry, Mores informs us, was in St. Bartholomew’s Close. Whether

Head succeeded to it or established it, we are unable to ascertain. Of

his productions, two founts only can be traced with any certainty, the

Pica Greek and the English Black, both of which subsequently passed

into Mr. Caslon’s foundry. He was succeeded by

ROBERT MITCHELL,

who had formerly been servant to Mr. Grover. Mitchell removed the

foundry first to Jewin Street, and afterwards, says Mores, “lived over

Cripplegate, and afterwards in Paul’s Alley, between Aldersgate Street

and Red Cross Street. His foundry, containing nothing very curious,

unless it were the Blacks, was on the 26th July 1739 purchased by

William Caslon and John James jointly, and divided between them.”

The following is Mores’ summary of the contents of this foundry, at its

partition:―

“Mr. ROBERT MITCHELL’S FOUNDERY.

MR. CASLON’S CHOICE.

_Greek._―

Pica.

_Roman and Italic._―

4-line Pica§

2-line Great Primer§

2-line English§

2-line Pica§

and Great Primer, English, Long Primer, Brevier, and Nonpareil.

§full-face capitals.

_English_ (Black).―

Great Primer, English, Pica, Long Primer, Brevier, Small Pica.

The _Music_ matrices. The _Flower_ matrices.

MR. JAMES’S SHARE.

_Roman and Italic._―

Canon, 2-line Great Primer, 2-line English, Double Pica (small

faced), Great Primer (3 founts), English (large face), Pica,

Brevier (3 founts), Small Pica, Minion, Pearl (2 founts).

_Algebra._―

English.

_Cancelled Figures._―

Pica.

_Almanac matrices._―

Long Primer.

THE “ANONYMOUS” FOUNDRY.

Over and above the foundries described by Mores as having been absorbed

by that of Thomas and John James, there remained in his possession a

certain number of matrices—some of them of some importance—of whose

former owners he was unable to give us an account. “These may be

considered as a distinct foundery,” he says, “and distinguished by the

title of ‘anonymous,’ for we know not whence they came. Our account of

Mr James’s purchases is accurate, and these are not included amongst

them, but at the end of our scrutiny remained unclaimed. Let them be

called ‘The Anonymous Foundry’.” {207} We do not presume to step in

where Rowe Mores fears to tread, and therefore leave the matrices, of

which the following is his list, still unappropriated:―

“THE ANONYMOUS FOUNDERY, _absq. dat._

ORIENTALS.

_Arabic._―

Double Pica.

_Æthiopic._―

English.

OCCIDENTALS.

_Greek._―

Great Primer.

_Roman and Italic._―

Great Primer.

English.

Long Primer.

Brevier.

2-line Double Pica full face capitals.

2-line Great Primer full face capitals.

2-line English full face capitals.

2-line Pica full face capitals.

Small Pica.

Bourgeois.

Nonpareil.

Pearl.

SEPTENTRIONALS.

_Gothic._―

Pica.

_Anglo-Norman._―

Pica.

_English._―

English.

Pica.

Long Primer.

Small Pica.

(“of all of which a more full account will be given in the ensuing

catalogue.”)

OXFORD FOUNDERS.

PETER WALPERGEN, or Walberger, as we have stated in our account of the

Oxford Foundry, was doubtless the individual alluded to by Bagford

when, in recounting Fell’s services to Oxford, he says: “The good

Bishop provided from Holland . . . a Letter Founder, a Dutchman by

birth, who had served the States in the same quality at Batavia in the

East Indies.”[393] Bagford, it is true, does not name this founder, but

as there exists in the Bodleian Library a copy of a Portuguese version

of _Æsop’s Fables_, edited by Jo. Ferreira d’Almeida, and printed at

Batavia by Pedro Walberger in 1672,[394] we have no hesitation in

identifying our founder with this Dutch typographer, and in fixing his

settlement at Oxford somewhere about the above date, which, it will

be remembered, was the year in which Fell and others took upon them

the charge of the University Press, and furnished from abroad all the

necessaries for its use and advancement.

That he was well known at Oxford in 1683 is also apparent from a

casual reference to “Mr. Walberger of Oxford” in Moxon’s _Mechanick

Exercises_,[395] where the writer dwells with some minuteness on a

peculiar and elaborate tool, called the “Joynt-Flat-Gauge,” contrived

by this founder for polishing the faces of his punches after hardening

them, and before striking them into the copper. {208}

It was doubtless from this casual notice that Rowe Mores derived his

scant reference to Walpergen, of whom he knows nothing, save that he

founded at Oxford in 1683, was sometimes called Walperger, and by name

appears to have been a foreigner, therefore probably a “transient,” by

means of his countryman Michael Burghers, the University engraver.

Of Walpergen’s work little is known beyond the fact that he appears to

have devoted his attention chiefly to the production of Music type,

impressions of which appear in the University _Specimen_ of 1695. The

punches and matrices of this interesting fount are still preserved at

Oxford, and are singular relics of the old letter-founders’ art.[396]

[Illustration: 54. Music, cut by Walpergen, Oxford, _circ._ 1695. (From

the original matrices.)]

Although the Music was the only fount cut by Walpergen of which we

have any certain knowledge, it is probable that the experienced Dutch

artist, whom Bagford describes as an excellent workman, did not confine

his labours to that class of work. What were his exact relations with

the University Press is also a matter of conjecture. But it seems

probable, from the manner in which he is spoken of by Moxon, and in the

Oxford _Specimen_, that he practised as a letter-founder on his own

account, and not wholly as an official of the University.

He died in 1714.[397] Among the University archives is preserved an

inventory of his chattels, which, if a full account of his earthly

possessions, speaks {209} poorly for the profits of the profession of

letter-founding in those days. This highly interesting document runs as

follows[398]:―

_An inventory of the Chattels of Peter De Walpergen, deceased, taken

the tenth day of January 1714–5._

Being the Moiety of a Fount of Musick.

£ _s._ _d._

Two hunderd and two pounds weight of Mettal (? cast type)

at four pence per pound his part is 1 13 8

One hunderd fourty seven Matrices at one Shilling per

piece his part is 3 13 6

Nine quadrats at two pence per piece his part is 0 0 9

Four moulds at two shillings six pence per piece his part 0 5 0

Sixty three puncheons at five shillings (_i.e._, for the

lot) his part 0 2 6

Four cases at four shillings his part 0 2 0

Two galleys at two shillings his part 0 1 0

A box at sixpence his part 0 0 3

Appraised by us, LEONARD LICHFIELD.

RICHARD GREEN.

The extraordinarily low value of the punches is quite consistent with

the esteem in which these now precious steel originals were held at the

time, after once being struck.

Walpergen’s music matrices were secured by the University Press, in

whose _Specimens_ the type had already figured for some years; but we

have, so far, been unable to discover any important works in which the

character was used.

SYLVESTER ANDREWS, who succeeded to Walpergen’s foundry before the year

1714, was the son of Robert Andrews, the London founder. His foundry,

which, with the exception of one alphabet of Hebrew, consisted entirely

of Roman and Italic, was, Rowe Mores informs us, nothing compared

with that of his father, and was indeed a part of his father’s. The

following is the list of his matrices:―

“MR. SILVESTER ANDREWS’ FOUNDERY; _furtim_:

_Hebrew._

Brevier (at first 33) 30

_Roman and Italic._

2-line English Capitals ...

Great Primer Roman, large face 125

Great Primer Italic 82

English Roman 148

English Italic 98

Pica Roman, large face 153

Pica Roman, small face 148

Pica Italic 110

Pica Roman, lower case 27

Long Primer Roman 119

Long Primer Italic 102

Brevier Roman, large face 130

Brevier Roman, small face 135

Brevier Italic (2 sets of Capitals) 105 {210}

2-line Pica Italic ...

Small Pica Roman 146

Small Pica Italic 28

Minion Roman and Italic ...

Nonpareil Roman, large face 140

Nonpareil Italic 105

Nonpareil Roman, small face 94

Pearl Roman 98

Pearl Italic 38

Although his stock of matrices was limited, he appears to have done a

considerable business, not only with the University, in whose service

he was probably retained, but also with other printers practising in

Oxford, notably with John Baskett, the king’s printer, to whom, with

two others, the “Chancellor, Masters and Scholars of the University,”

leased their “privilege and interest in printing” for twenty-one years

from March 1713.

In the year 1719 Baskett, who had two years previously produced the

magnificent “Vinegar” _Bible_[399] at Oxford, mortgaged his stock and

privilege at the University to James Brooks, stationer, of London,

as security for a loan of £3,000. And in a schedule attached to an

indenture, dated May 23, 1720, having reference to this transaction,

occurs an inventory of the type at that time in the printer’s

possession, which is highly interesting, not only as throwing light on

Andrews’ business, but as indicating the contents of a large office of

the period, and the extent to which Dutch type at that time competed in

this country with English. The schedule is as follows:―

_An Account of the Letter Presses and other Stock and Implements of and

in the Printing house at Oxford belonging to John Baskett, Citizen and

Staconer of London_:―

A Large ffount of Perle Letter Cast by Mr. Andrews.

A Large ffount of Nonp^l Letter, New-Cast by ditto.

Another ffount of Nonp^l Letter, Old, the whole standing and Sett up in

a Com’on Prayer in 24mo Compleat.

A large ffount of Min^n Letter, New-Cast by Mr. Andrews.

Another Large ffount of Min^n Letter, New-Cast in Holland.

The whole Testament standing in Brev^r and Min^n Letter, Old.

A Large ffount of Brev^r Letter, New-Cast in Holland.

A very Large ffount of Lo. Prim^r Letter, New-Cast by Mr. Andrews.

A Large ffount of Pica Letter, very good, cast by ditto.

Another Large ffount of ditto, never used, Cast in Holland.

A small Quantity of English, New-Cast by Mr. Andrews.

A small Quantity of Great Prim^r, New-Cast by ditto.

A very Large ffount of Double Pica, New, the largest in England.[400] {211}

A Quantity of Two Line English Letters.

A Quantity of ffrench Cannon.

Two line Letters of all Sorts and a Sett of Silver Initiall Letters.

Cases, Stands, etc.

ffive Printing Presses, very good, with other Appurtenances, etc.

The schedule is signed “Jno. Baskett.”[401]

In 1733 Sylvester Andrews’ foundry was purchased, at the same time

with that of his father, by Thomas James, and removed to London. His

epitaph remains, and gives an amusing glimpse of his character and the

reputation he bore at Oxford.

_On a Letter-Founder at Oxford._

“Underneath this stone lies honoured Syl

Who died, though much against his will;

Yet, in his fame he will survive―

Learning shall keep his name alive;

For he the parent was of letters,―

He founded, to confound his betters;

Though what those letters should contain

Did never once disturb his brain.

Since, therefore, reader, he is gone,

Pray let him not be trod upon.”[402]

[Illustration]

{212}

[Illustration]

A History of the Old English Letter Foundries with Notes, Historical and Bibliographical, on the Rise and Progress of English Typography. · 第 9 / 23 章