AUCHINLECK (NOVEMBER 2-8).

[Sidenote: LORD AUCHINLECK.]

On Tuesday, November 2, our travellers having ordered a chaise from

Kilmarnock, drove to Auchinleck, where they arrived in time for dinner.

“We purpose,” wrote Johnson that same evening, “to stay here some days,

more or fewer, as we are used.” He said “we” advisedly, for he knew

that not only between Lord Auchinleck and himself there was little in

common, but that also between the father and son there was no freedom

of intercourse. “My father,” Boswell once complained, “cannot bear that

his son should talk with him as a man.”[768] How uncomfortable was his

position at home is shown by a letter which he wrote to his friend the

Rev. Mr. Temple in September, 1775:

“I came to Auchinleck on Monday last, and I have patiently

lived at it till Saturday evening.... It is hardly credible

how difficult it is for a man of my sensibility to support

existence in the family where I now am. My father, whom I

really both respect and affectionate (if that is a word, for

it is a different feeling from that which is expressed by

_love_, which I can say of you from my soul), is so different

from me. We _divaricate_ so much, as Dr. Johnson said, that

I am often hurt when, I dare say, he means no harm: and he

has a method of treating me which makes me feel myself like

a _timid boy_, which to _Boswell_ (comprehending all that my

character does in my own imagination and in that of a wonderful

number of mankind) is intolerable. His wife too, whom in my

conscience I cannot condemn for any capital bad quality, is so

narrow-minded, and, I don’t know how, so set upon keeping him

under her own management, and so suspicious and so sourishly

tempered that it requires the utmost exertion of practical

philosophy to keep myself quiet. I however have done so all

this week to admiration: nay, I have appeared good-humoured;

but it has cost me drinking a considerable quantity of strong

beer to dull my faculties.”[769]

It can scarcely be doubted that he is describing the position which he

himself held at home, in an essay which he published in the _London

Magazine_ in 1781 (p. 253):

“I knew a father who was a violent Whig, and used to attack his

son for being a Tory, upbraiding him with being deficient in

‘noble sentiments of liberty,’ while at the same time he made

this son live under his roof in such bondage, that he was not

only afraid to stir from home without leave, like a child, but

durst scarcely open his mouth in his father’s presence. This

was sad living. Yet I would rather see such an excess of awe

than a degree of familiarity between father and son by which

all reverence is destroyed.”

[Illustration: AUCHINLECK.]

Lord Auchinleck had taken unto himself a second wife on the very day

of his son’s marriage. She was, in all likelihood, in the house at the

time of Johnson’s visit, but neither by him nor Boswell is she once

mentioned. She remained, no doubt, silent and insignificant. With their

reception they must have been satisfied on the whole, as they prolonged

their stay till the sixth day, in spite of the famous altercation which

Boswell’s piety forbade him to record at any length. That only one such

scene should have occurred speaks well for the self-control both of

host and guest. To Boswell Johnson had quickly become attached. “Give

me your hand,” he said to him in the first weeks of their acquaintance,

“I have taken a liking to you.” A month or so later he added, “There

are few people to whom I take so much as to you.” But Lord Auchinleck,

though he might have respected he never could have liked. No men were

more unlike in everything but personal appearance, than Boswell and his

father. The old man had none of that “facility of manners,” of which,

according to Adam Smith, the son “was happily possessed.”[770] Whence

he got it we are nowhere told—perhaps from his mother. It certainly

was not from his paternal grandfather, the old advocate, “who was a

slow, dull man of unwearied perseverance and unmeasurable length in

his speeches. It was alleged he never understood a cause till he had

lost it thrice.”[771] [Sidenote: BOSWELL’S DUTCH BLOOD.] There were

those who attributed Boswell’s eccentricities to his great grandmother,

Veronica, Countess of Kincardine, a Dutch lady of the noble house of

Sommelsdyck. “For this marriage,” writes Ramsay of Ochtertyre, “their

posterity paid dear, for most of them had peculiarities which they had

better have wanted.” He adds that “Boswell’s behaviour on the occasion

of the riots in Edinburgh about the Douglas cause, savoured so much of

insanity, that it was generally imputed to his Dutch blood.”[772] Why

madness was supposed to come from Holland I do not know. Sir William

Temple, writing of that country, says: “In general all appetites and

passions seem to run lower and cooler here than in other countries

where I have conversed. Their tempers are not airy enough for joy or

any unusual strains of pleasant humour, nor warm enough for love. This

is talked of sometimes among the younger men, but as a thing they have

heard of rather than felt; and as a discourse that becomes them rather

than affects them.”[773] All this was the very reverse of Boswell’s

eager and wild youth, though perhaps not unlike the character of his

father and grandfather. [Sidenote: AUCHINLECK LIBRARY.] There was one

thing in common between Johnson and the old judge, both were sound

scholars. At Auchinleck there was a library “which,” says Boswell,

“incurious editions of the Greek and Roman classics is, I suppose, not

excelled by any private collection in Great Britain.”

Here Johnson found an edition of Anacreon which he had long sought in

vain. “They had therefore much matter for conversation without touching

on the fatal topics of difference.” In all questions of Church and

State they were wide as the poles asunder. In the perfect confidence

which each man had in his own judgment there was nothing to choose

between them.

[Sidenote: LORD AUCHINLECK.]

“My father,” writes Boswell, “was as sanguine a Whig and

Presbyterian as Dr. Johnson was a Tory and Church-of-England

man: and as he had not much leisure to be informed of Dr.

Johnson’s great merits by reading his works, he had a partial

and unfavourable notion of him, founded on his supposed

political tenets; which were so discordant to his own, that

instead of speaking of him with that respect to which he was

entitled, he used to call him ‘_a Jacobite fellow_.’ Knowing

all this, I should not have ventured to bring them together,

had not my father, out of kindness to me, desired me to invite

Dr. Johnson to his house. I was very anxious that all should

be well; and begged of my friend to avoid three topics, as to

which they differed very widely; Whiggism, Presbyterianism,

and—Sir John Pringle. He said courteously, ‘I shall certainly

not talk on subjects which I am told are disagreeable to a

gentleman under whose roof I am; especially, I shall not do so

to _your father_.’”

Yet with all Lord Auchinleck’s gravity and contempt of his son’s

flightiness, he had known what it was not only to be young, but to be

foolish. Like so many of the young Scotchmen of old, he had been sent

to Holland to study civil law. Thence he had made his way to Paris,

where he had played the fop. Years afterwards one of the companions

of his youth, meeting his son at Lord Kames’s table, “told him that

he had seen his father strutting abroad in red-heeled shoes and red

stockings. The lad was so much diverted with it that he could hardly

sit on his chair for laughing.”[774] His appointment as judge he owed

to that most corrupt of Whig ministers, the Duke of Newcastle,[775]

and he was as Whiggish as his patron. King William III., “one of the

most worthless scoundrels that ever existed,” according to Johnson,

was to him the greatest hero in modern times. Presbyterianism he loved

all the more because it was a cheap religion, and narrowed the power

of the clergy. He laid it down as a rule that a poor clergy was ever a

pure clergy. He added that in former times they had timber communion

cups and silver ministers, but now we were getting silver cups and

timber ministers.[776] According to Sir Walter Scott he carried “his

Whiggery and Presbyterianism to such a height, that once, when a

countryman came in to state some justice business, and being required

to make his oath, declined to do so before his lordship, because he

was not a _covenanted_ magistrate—‘Is that a’ your objection, mon?’

said the judge: ‘come your ways in here, and we’ll baith of us tak the

solemn league and covenant together.’ The oath was accordingly agreed

and sworn to by both, and I dare say it was the last time it ever

received such homage.”[777] He would have nothing to do with clearing

his tongue of Scotticisms, or with smoothing and rounding his periods

on the model of the English classical authors. “His Scotch was broad

and vulgar.”[778] In one thing at all events he was sure of receiving

Johnson’s warm approval. He was a great planter of trees. “It was,”

he said, “his favourite recreation. In his vacations he used to prune

with his own hands the trees which he himself had planted. Beginning

at five in the morning, he wrought with his knife every spare hour. Of

Auchinleck he was passionately fond.”[779] He was not the man to prefer

Fleet Street to the beauties of Nature. “I perceive some dawnings of

taste for the country,” wrote his son on one of his visits to his

old home. “I will force a taste for rural beauties.”[780] He never

succeeded in the attempt, and though he often boasted of “walking among

the rocks and woods of his ancestors,” it was from a distance that he

most admired them.

Rarely were two men more unlike. The old man had in excess that

foresight which in Boswell was so largely wanting. He had built

himself a new house, which Johnson describes as “very magnificent and

very convenient;” but he had proceeded “so slowly and prudently that

he hardly felt the expense.”[781] Across the front of it he put the

inscription—

“Quod petis hic est,

Est Ulubris, animus si te non deficit æquus.”[782]

“It is,” writes Boswell, “characteristic of the founder; but

the _animus æquus_ is, alas! not inheritable, nor the subject

of devise. He always talked to me as if it were in a man’s

own power to attain it; but Dr. Johnson told me that he owned

to him, when they were alone, his persuasion that it was in a

great measure constitutional, or the effect of causes which do

not depend on ourselves, and that Horace boasts too much when

he says, _æquum mi animum ipse parabo_.”

[Sidenote: JAMES BOSWELL.]

He had, too, that sobriety of character in which his son was so

conspicuously wanting. “His age, his office, and his character, had

given him an acknowledged claim to great attention in whatever company

he was, and he could ill brook any diminution of it.” He was by no

means deficient in humour, and in this respect father and son were

alike. “He had a great many good stories, which he told uncommonly

well, and he was remarkable for ‘humour, _incolumi gravitate_,’ as Lord

Monboddo used to characterize it.”

The contrast between his dignity and gravity, and Boswell’s bustling

and most comical liveliness, must have been as amusing as it was

striking. His ignorance of his son’s genius, and the contempt for him

which he did not conceal, heightened the picture. Johnson’s presence

would have greatly added to the interest of the scene, for Boswell must

have constantly wavered between his admiration of his idol and his awe

of his father. A few years later Miss Burney met Boswell at Streatham,

and thus describes him, no doubt with a good deal of exaggeration:

“He spoke the Scotch accent strongly. He had an odd mock

solemnity of manner, that he had acquired imperceptibly from

constantly thinking of and imitating Dr. Johnson. There was

something slouching in his gait and dress, that wore an air,

ridiculously enough, of purporting to personify the same model.

His clothes were always too large for him; his hair or wig was

constantly in a state of negligence; and he never for a moment

sat still or upright upon a chair. When he met with Dr. Johnson

he commonly forbore even answering anything that was said,

or attending to anything that went forward, lest he should

miss the smallest sound from that voice to which he paid such

exclusive homage. His eyes goggled with eagerness; he leant his

ear almost on the shoulder of the Doctor; and his mouth dropt

open to catch every syllable that might be uttered. The Doctor

generally treated him as a schoolboy, whom without the smallest

ceremony he pardoned or rebuked alternately.”[783]

It is probable that this description is heightened by Miss Burney’s

wounded vanity. Boswell had not read her _Evelina_, and when he was

reproached by Johnson with being a Brangton—one of the characters

in the novel—he did not know what was meant. She was as careful in

recording the conversation that was about herself as Boswell was in

recording Johnson’s. Her great hero was herself. The voices to which

she paid her homage were those in which she was praised and flattered.

In another place she describes “the singularity of his comic-serious

face and manner.”[784] He himself has more than once drawn his own

character. He was, he flattered himself, a citizen of the world; one

who in his travels never felt himself from home. In that impudent

_Correspondence_ which he and his friend Andrew Erskine published when

they were still almost lads, he thus describes himself:

“The author of the _Ode to Tragedy_ is a most excellent man;

he is of an ancient family in the west of Scotland, upon which

he values himself not a little. At his nativity there appeared

omens of his future greatness. His parts are bright; and his

education has been good. He has travelled in post-chaises miles

without number. He is fond of seeing much of the world. He eats

of every good dish, especially apple-pie. He drinks old hock.

He has a very fine temper. He is somewhat of an humorist, and a

little tinctured with pride. He has a good manly countenance,

and he owns himself to be amorous. He has infinite vivacity,

yet is observed at times to have a melancholy cast. He is

rather fat than lean, rather short than tall, rather young

than old. His shoes are neatly made, and he never wears

spectacles.”[785]

We have a later description of him again by his own hand, as he was at

the time of his tour with Johnson.

“Think, then (he says), of a gentleman of ancient blood, the

pride of which was his predominant passion. He was then in

his thirty-third year, and had been about four years happily

married. His inclination was to be a soldier; but his father, a

respectable judge, had pressed him into the profession of the

law. He had travelled a good deal, and seen many varieties of

human life. He had thought more than anybody supposed, and had

a pretty good stock of general learning and knowledge. He had

all Dr. Johnson’s principles, with some degree of relaxation.

He had rather too little, than too much prudence; and, his

imagination being lively, he often said things of which the

effect was very different from the intention. He resembled

sometimes

‘The best good man, with the worst natur’d muse.’”

Johnson celebrated his good humour and perpetual cheerfulness, his

acuteness, his gaiety of conversation, and civility of manners. “He

was,” he said, “the best travelling companion in the world.” According

to Burke, “his good nature was so natural to him that he had no merit

in possessing it. A man might as well assume to himself merit in

possessing an excellent constitution.” Reynolds loved him so well that

“he left him £200 in his will, to be expended, if he thought proper,

in the purchase of a picture at the sale of his paintings, to be kept

for his sake.”[786] In a memoir of him in the _Scots Magazine_ he is

described as “a most pleasant companion, affectionate and friendly;

but, particularly in his latter days, he betrayed a vanity which

seemed to predominate.”[787] Tytler praises “his sprightly fancy

and whimsical eccentricity,” which “agreeably tempered the graver

conversation” of Adam Smith or Hugh Blair at the small and select

parties given by Lord Kames.[788]

[Sidenote: THE COLLISION IN THE LIBRARY.]

He was welcome everywhere but at his own father’s house. Neither was he

the better thought of by the old man on account of the great Englishman

whom he brought with him. Everything however went off smoothly for a

day or two, but the host and his guest at length came in collision over

Lord Auchinleck’s collection of medals. The scene is thus described by

Boswell, who witnessed it:

“Oliver Cromwell’s coin unfortunately introduced Charles the

First and Toryism. They became exceedingly warm and violent,

and I was very much distressed by being present at such an

altercation between two men, both of whom I reverenced; yet I

durst not interfere. It would certainly be very unbecoming in

me to exhibit my honoured father and my respected friend, as

intellectual gladiators, for the entertainment of the public;

and, therefore, I suppress what would, I dare say, make an

interesting scene in this dramatic sketch—this account of the

transit of Johnson over the Caledonian Hemisphere.”

Ramsay of Ochtertyre says, that the year after this famous altercation,

Lord Auchinleck “told him with warmth that the great Dr. Johnson, of

whom he had heard wonders, was just a dominie, and the worst-bred

dominie he had ever seen.”[789] The account which Sir Walter Scott

gives is very dramatic, though no doubt somewhat embellished.

“Old Lord Auchinleck (he writes) was an able lawyer, a good

scholar, after the manner of Scotland, and highly valued his

own advantages as a man of good estate and ancient family;

and, moreover, he was a strict Presbyterian and Whig of the

old Scottish cast. This did not prevent his being a terribly

proud aristocrat; and great was the contempt he entertained and

expressed for his son James, for the nature of his friendships

and the character of the personages of whom he was _engoué_ one

after another. ‘There’s nae hope for Jamie, mon,’ he said to

a friend. ‘Jamie is gaen clean gyte.[790] What do you think,

mon? He’s done wi’ Paoli—he’s off wi’ the land-louping[791]

scoundrel of a Corsican; and whose tail do you think he has

pinned himself to now, mon?’ Here the old judge summoned up a

sneer of most sovereign contempt. ‘A _dominie_, mon—an auld

dominie: he keeped a schŭle, and cau’d it an acaadamy.”

[Sidenote: SCOTCH DOMINIES.]

The full force of Lord Auchinleck’s contempt is only seen when

we understand the position of a _dominie_. The character of a

schoolmaster, generally, according to Johnson, was less honourable

in Scotland than in England.[792] But the dominie, or tutor in a

family, was still less esteemed. “He was raised,” writes Sir Walter

Scott, “from a humble class to a society where, whatever his personal

attainments might be, he found himself placed at a humiliating distance

from anything like a footing of equality. His remuneration was scanty

in the extreme, and consisting (as if to fill up the measure of

his dependence) not entirely of a fixed salary, but partly of the

precarious prospect of future preferment in the Church. The Scotch

_dominie_ was assuredly one of the most pitiable of human beings.”[793]

It is a curious and perhaps a somewhat suspicious fact, that a very

few years before Sir Walter supplied Mr. Croker with this amusing

story about the old judge, he had put on record in the pages of the

_Quarterly Review_ the following anecdote: “When the old Scots judge

Lord Auchinleck first heard of Johnson’s coming to visit him at his

rural _castellum_, he held up his hands in astonishment, and cried

out, ‘Our Jeemy’s clean aff the hooks now! would ony body believe it?

he’s bringing down a _dominie_ wi’ him—an auld dominie.’”[794] This

looks like a different version of the same story. Moreover, Boswell

tells us that his father had desired him to invite him to his house.

When Johnson called his school at Lichfield an academy, he does not

seem to have used the term pretentiously, for in his _Dictionary_ he

defines the word under one of its meanings as “a place of education in

contradistinction to the universities or public schools.” It does not

seem likely, moreover, that Lord Auchinleck had any feeling of contempt

for Pascal Paoli, a man of good family, who for years had headed a

rebellion against the tyranny first of Genoa and afterwards of France.

He had visited Auchinleck two years before Johnson, and had been well

received. Boswell, writing to Garrick on September 18, 1771, said: “I

have just been enjoying the very great happiness of a visit from my

illustrious friend, Pascal Paoli. He was two nights at Auchinleck,

and you may figure the joy of my worthy father and me at seeing the

Corsican hero in our romantic groves. Count Burgynski, the Polish

ambassador, accompanied him.”[795] Poland’s days of sending ambassadors

had nearly drawn to an end, for the first partition of the country was

made in the following year. It was a strange chance which brought the

last Corsican patriot and the last Polish ambassador to this Ayrshire

mansion. One thing only was wanting. Would that Burns that day had

played truant and had wandered up “Lugar’s winding stream” as far as

Auchinleck! It would, indeed, have formed an interesting group—the

stiff old Scotch judge and his famous son, the great Corsican patriot

and the Pole, with the peasant-lad gazing at them with his eyes full

of beauty and wonder. Paoli’s name is well-nigh forgotten now, but

he and his Corsicans deeply stirred the hearts of our forefathers.

Boswell, by a private subscription in Scotland, had sent out to him in

one week £700 worth of ordnance—“a tolerable train of artillery.”[796]

His account of his tour in that island had been widely read. Even his

father “was rather fond of it. ‘James,’ he said, ‘had taken a _tout_

on a new horn.’”[797] Whether Lord Auchinleck abused Paoli “as a

land-louping scoundrel of a Corsican,” or admired him as he admired

other great patriots, the rest of Sir Walter Scott’s account of the

great altercation may be true enough:

[Sidenote: THE “LITH” IN THE NECKS OF KINGS.]

“The controversy between Tory and Covenanter raged with great

fury, and ended in Johnson’s pressing upon the old judge the

question, what good Cromwell, of whom he had said something

derogatory, had ever done to his country; when, after being

much tortured, Lord Auchinleck at last spoke out, ‘God, Doctor!

he gart kings ken that they had a _lith_ in their neck’—he

taught kings they had a _joint_ in their necks.”

This story did not, I believe, appear in print till the year 1831, when

it was given as a note by Scott in Mr. Croker’s edition of _Boswell_.

Fifty years earlier it had been told in somewhat different words of

Quin the player, who had said that “on a thirtieth of January every

king in Europe would rise with a crick in his neck.” Davies, who

records the anecdote, says that it had been attributed to Voltaire,

but unjustly.[798] It is possible, and even not unlikely, that we have

but a Scotch version of an English saying. Cromwell himself, in his

letter to the governor of Edinburgh Castle, had shown that he too saw

this consequence of his great deed. “The civil authority,” he writes,

“turned out a Tyrant in a way which the Christians in aftertimes

will mention with honour, and all Tyrants in the world look at with

fear.”[799]

In one happy though impudent retort, Lord Auchinleck was very

successful.

[Sidenote: DURHAM ON THE GALATIANS.]

“Dr. Johnson challenged him (writes Boswell) to point out any

theological works of merit written by Presbyterian ministers

in Scotland. My father, whose studies did not lie much in that

way, owned to me afterwards, that he was somewhat at a loss

how to answer, but that luckily he recollected having read

in catalogues the title of _Durham on the Galatians_; upon

which he boldly said, ‘Pray, Sir, have your read Mr. Durham’s

excellent commentary on the Galatians?’ ‘No, Sir,’ said Dr.

Johnson. By this lucky thought my father kept him at bay, and

for some time enjoyed his triumph; but his antagonist soon made

a retort, which I forbear to mention.”

In the long list of Durham’s theological works in the British Museum

catalogue I find no mention of this book on the Galatians. The old

judge, it is clear, had not forgotten in the years which he had sat on

the bench the arts of the advocate. In Rowlandson’s Caricatures there

is a humorous picture of _The Contest at Auchinleck_. Johnson is drawn

felling his opponent with a huge liturgy, having made him drop two

books equally big, entitled _Calvin_ and _Whiggism_. On the floor are

lying the medals over which the dispute had begun, while Boswell is at

the door in an attitude of despair, with his _Journal_ falling from his

hands.

One figure was wanting to make the picture complete. Of the three

topics on which Johnson had been warned not to touch only two had been

introduced. “In the course of their altercation,” writes Boswell,

“Whiggism and Presbyterianism, Toryism and Episcopacy, were terribly

buffeted. My worthy hereditary friend, Sir John Pringle, never having

been mentioned, happily escaped without a bruise.” We could have wished

that he had been mentioned, for though we know of the dislike which

existed between the two men, yet as he has never “hitched” in one of

Johnson’s strong sayings, he has scarcely attained that fame which he

deserved.

Towards Lord Auchinleck Johnson bore no resentment. With him the heat

of altercation soon passed away, but not the memory of the hospitality

which he had received in his house. In not a single word spoken or

written has he attacked him. On the contrary, in his _Journey to the

Western Islands_, he only mentions him to praise him. When, six years

later, he published the first four volumes of his _Lives of the Poets_,

he wrote to Boswell: “Write me word to whom I shall send sets of

_Lives_; would it please Lord Auchinleck?” A few months after this he

wrote to him: “Let me know what reception you have from your father,

and the state of his health. Please him as much as you can, and add no

pain to his last years.” The old lord was not so placable. He had that

“want of tenderness which,” said Johnson, “is want of parts.” This part

of his character is seen in the following anecdote recorded of him by

his son:

“I mentioned to Johnson a respectable person of a very strong

mind, who had little of that tenderness which is common to

human nature; as an instance of which, when I suggested to him

that he should invite his son, who had been settled ten years

in foreign parts, to come home and pay him a visit, his answer

was, ‘No, no, let him mind his business.’ JOHNSON. ‘I do not

agree with him, Sir, in this. Getting money is not all a man’s

business: to cultivate kindness is a valuable part of the

business of life.’”

[Sidenote: LORD AUCHINLECK’S RESENTMENT.]

He had what Boswell calls “the dignified courtesy of an old Baron,”

and when Johnson left “was very civil to him, and politely attended

him to his post-chaise.” But he was not in the least soothed by the

compliments which he paid him in his book. Boswell had hoped that he

might be moved. Writing to Johnson just after it had been published,

he said: “You have done Auchinleck much honour, and have, I hope,

overcome my father, who has never forgiven your warmth for monarchy

and episcopacy. I am anxious to see how your pages will operate upon

him.”[800] His anxious wish was grievously disappointed. A few months

later he wrote to his friend Temple: “My father is most unhappily

dissatisfied with me.... He harps on my going over Scotland with a

brute (think how shockingly erroneous!) and wandering (or some such

phrase) to London. How hard it is that I am totally excluded from

parental comfort! I have a mind to go to Auchinleck next autumn, and

try what living in a mixed stupidity of attention to common objects and

restraint from expressing any of my own feelings can do with him.”[801]

When his father and Johnson were both dead he indulged in the pious

hope that “as they were both worthy Christian men, they had met in

happiness. But I must observe,” he adds, “in justice to my friend’s

political principles and my own, that they have met in a place where

there is no room for _Whiggism_.” Johnson, it is true, “always said the

first Whig was the Devil,” but on the other hand, some Presbyterian who

drew up an epitaph on Lochiel, declared in it that he “is now a Whig in

heaven.”[802]

That pride in his ancient blood, which Boswell boasted was his

predominant passion, was very strong in the old lord. In the son, if it

really existed in any strength, it was happily overpowered by a host

of other and better feelings. He had travelled widely, he had seen a

great variety of men, some of them among the most famous of their age,

and had learnt to value genius without troubling himself about its

pedigree. His successors at Auchinleck had something of the narrowness

of the old judge. [Sidenote: SIR ALEXANDER BOSWELL.] “His eldest son,

Sir Alexander Boswell,” wrote Sir Walter Scott, “was a proud man, and

like his grandfather, thought that his father lowered himself by his

deferential suit and service to Johnson. I have observed he disliked

any allusion to the book or to Johnson himself, and I have heard that

Johnson’s fine picture by Sir Joshua was sent upstairs out of the

sitting apartments.”[803] He was not too proud a man to write a poem

on the anniversary of the Accession of George IV., and what is George

IV. now? It was not from any dulness of mind that he did not value his

father’s book. “He had,” says Lockhart, “all _Bozzy’s_ cleverness,

good-humour, and joviality, without one touch of his meaner qualities,

wrote some popular songs, which he sang capitally, and was moreover a

thorough bibliomaniac.”[804] It was due to him and a friend, that the

Burns monument at Ayr was erected. They summoned a public meeting,

but no one attended except themselves. Little daunted they appointed

a chairman, proposed resolutions, carried them unanimously, passed a

vote of thanks, and issued subscription lists. More than £2,000 was

subscribed, and the monument was opened by Sir Alexander shortly before

his death. That he was not wanting in tenderness of heart is shown by

some of his poems. How pretty is the following verse in an address by

an aged father to his children:—

“The auld will speak, the young maun hear,

Be cantie, but be gude and leal;

Your ain ills aye hae heart to bear,

Anither’s aye hae heart to feel.

So, ere I set, I’ll see ye shine;

I’ll see ye triumph ere I fa’;

My parting breath shall boast you mine—

Good night, and joy be wi’ ye a’.”[805]

Lockhart goes, however, too far when he exalts him in comparison with

his father. Boswell, I feel sure, would never have been guilty of

the act which involved his son in the unhappy duel in which he lost

his life. In two scurrilous newspapers he had secretly defamed his

kinsman, Mr. James Stuart, of Dunearn, “with whom he had long been on

good terms.” Though the articles were written in a disguised hand,

the authorship was detected. He received a challenge from the injured

man, and at the first shot fell mortally wounded. He dined with Scott

a day or two before the duel, and “though Charles Matthews (the famous

comedian) was present, poor Sir Alexander Boswell’s songs, jokes, and

anecdotes exhibited no symptom of eclipse.”[806]

[Sidenote: SIR JAMES BOSWELL.]

His only son, Sir James Boswell, the last male descendant of the

author of the immortal _Life_, shared his father’s illiberal feelings

about Johnson. Miss Macleod of Macleod told me that when she was on

a visit at Auchinleck, he said to her one day that he did not know

how he should name one of his race-horses. She suggested Boswell’s

Johnsoniana, which made him very angry. He was, I learnt, a man

of great natural ability, who, had he chosen, might have become

distinguished. His feeling of soreness against his grandfather was

partly due to another cause than dislike of hero-worship. Boswell, in

an access of that particular kind of folly which he called “feudal

enthusiasm,” had entailed his estates on the heirs male of his father

to the exclusion of his own nearer female descendants. Sir James, who

had no sons, saw that Auchinleck on his death would pass away from his

daughters to his cousin, Thomas Alexander Boswell, Lord Auchinleck’s

grandson by his second son David. He managed to get the settlement

upset on the plea that in the deed the first five letters of the word

_irredeemably_ were written upon an erasure.[807] It is not impossible

that the lawyer who drew it up, not liking the provision, intentionally

contrived this loop-hole.

Among Boswell’s male descendants, his second son James was, so far as

I know, the only one who was not ashamed of the _Life of Johnson_. He

supplied notes to the later editions. His father, writing of him when

he was eleven years old, says: “My second son is an extraordinary boy;

he is much of his father (vanity of vanities).”[808] Croker describes

him as “very convivial, and in other respects like his father—though

altogether on a smaller scale.”[809] According to Lockhart, he was “a

man of considerable learning and admirable social qualities. To him Sir

Walter Scott was warmly attached. He died suddenly in the prime of

life, about a fortnight before his brother.”[810]

When Boswell, at the age of twenty-seven, published his _Account of

Corsica_, he boasted in his preface that “he cherished the hope of

being remembered after death, which has been a great object to the

noblest minds in all ages.” When he saw his _Life of Johnson_ reach its

second edition, he said with a frankness which is almost touching, “I

confess that I am so formed by nature and by habit, that to restrain

the effusion of delight on having obtained such fame, to me would

be truly painful. Why then should I suppress it? Why ‘out of the

abundance of the heart’ should I not speak?” He goes on to mention

the spontaneous praise which he has received from eminent persons,

“much of which,” he adds, “I have under their hands to be reposited

in my archives at Auchinleck.” How little did he foresee that his

executors, with a brutish ignorance worthy of perpetual execration,

would destroy his manuscripts! If Oliver Goldsmith had had children and

grand-children, they too, when they read of his envy and his vanity,

when they were told that “in conversation he was an empty, noisy,

blundering rattle,”[811] might have blushed to own that they were

sprung from the author of _The Deserted Village_ and _The Vicar of

Wakefield_.

[Sidenote: BOSWELL’S DESCENDANTS.]

It is a melancholy thing that Boswell’s descendants should have seen

their famous ancestor’s faults so clearly as to have been unable to

enjoy that pride which was so justly their due, in being sprung from

a man of such real, if curious genius. Was it nothing to have written

the best biography which the world has ever seen? Nothing to have

increased more than any writer of his generation “the public stock of

harmless pleasure?” Nothing to have “exhibited” with the greatest skill

“a view of literature and literary men in Great Britain for near half a

century?” Nothing to have been the delight of men of the greatest and

most varied genius? Nothing to be read wherever the English tongue is

spoken, and, as seems likely, as long as the English tongue shall last?

_Sume superbiam quæsitam meritis_, “Assume the honours justly thine,”

we would say to each one of his race.

[Sidenote: BOSWELL’S FAME.]

How widely Boswell’s influence is felt is shown in a story which was

told me by Sir Charles Sikes, the benevolent inventor of the Post

Office Savings Banks, and no mean Johnsonian. One day he had gone

under an archway in Fleet Street to shun a shower, as Burke might have

gone.[812] Being “knowing and conversible,” he fell into talk with a

sergeant of police who was also taking shelter, and whose tongue showed

that he was an Irishman. He came, he said, from the west of Ireland.

When he was a boy the parish priest had lent him a copy of the _Life

of Johnson_. He had read it again and again, till at last the wish

grew so strong upon him to see with his own eyes the scenes which in

the pages of the book were so familiar to him, that he came to London,

not knowing what employment he should find, but bent on seeing Fleet

Street. What pilgrimages have not men made from the other side of the

Atlantic to the same spots! With their Boswell in their hands they have

wandered by Charing Cross, “with its full tide of human existence;” up

the Strand, “through the greatest series of shops in the world;” under

Temple Bar, where Johnson’s and Goldsmith’s names did _not_ mingle

with those of the Scotch rebels[813]; along Fleet Street, with “its

very animated appearance,” to the courts and lanes and taverns where

the spirits of the men who gathered round the great Lexicographer seem

still to linger. The Boswells are proud of their descent from a man

who fell at Flodden Field. There are thousands and ten thousands of

Scotchmen who got knocked on their heads in border forays, but only

one who wrote the _Life of Johnson_. “The chief glory of every people

arises from its authors,” and among Scotch authors Sir Walter Scott

alone equals Boswell in the extent of his popularity. The genius of

Burns lies hidden from most Englishmen in the dialect in which his

finest poetry is written. Never did one man of letters do another a

more shameful wrong than when Macaulay laboured at the ridiculous

paradox that the first of biographers was “a man of the meanest and

feeblest intellect.” He was thirty years old when he wrote this. Yet,

to borrow Johnson’s words, it was such stuff as a young man talks when

he first begins to think himself a clever fellow, and he ought to have

been whipped for it. The worst of it is that Macaulay, like Rousseau,

talked his nonsense so well that it still passes for gospel with all

those who have advanced as far as reading, but have not as yet attained

to thinking. We may feel thankful that he did not with his overpowering

common sense go on to overwhelm the memory of Goldsmith.

In the price set on autographs we have a means of measuring in some

fashion the estimation in which men are held by posterity. The standard

is but a rough one, however, for it is affected by the number of their

writings which chance to have been preserved: judging by it, Boswell’s

rank is very high. There were, probably, few men whose career he more

envied than that of Lord Bute’s “errand-goer,” Alexander Wedderburne,

who rose to be Lord Loughborough, Earl of Rosslyn and Lord High

Chancellor of England. Yet a letter of his I have recently seen offered

for sale at ten shillings and sixpence, while Boswell’s was marked nine

guineas. While I exult at seeing that one author equals eighteen Lord

Chancellors, I sometimes sigh over the high prices which have hitherto

kept me from obtaining a specimen of the handwriting of a man at whose

works I have so long laboured.

It is to be hoped that the day will at length come when those in whose

veins Boswell’s blood still flows will take that just and reasonable

view of their famous forefather which will lead them, from time to

time, to throw open “the rocks and woods,” and even “the stately house”

of Auchinleck to strangers from afar. It was he who “Johnsonised

the land,” and they therefore should have some indulgence for the

enthusiasm which he created. “The sullen dignity of the castle with

which Johnson was delighted” they should not keep altogether to

themselves. Another famous man had beheld those ruins also. “Since

Paoli stood upon our old castle,” wrote Boswell to a friend, “it has

an additional dignity.” Who would not like to stand upon it also, and

to see the Lugar running beneath, “bordered by high rocks shaded with

wood?” Into this beautiful stream falls “a pleasing brook,” to use

Johnson’s odd description of a rivulet which has cut a deep passage

through the sandstone. “It runs,” he adds, “by a red rock, out of which

has been hewn a very agreeable and commodious summer-house.” I have

been told that the meeting of the waters is a scene of striking beauty.

Then there are “the venerable old trees under the shade of which,”

writes Boswell, “my ancestors had walked,” and the groves where, as

he told Johnson, it was his intention to erect a monument to his

“reverend friend.” “Sir,” he answered, little flattered by the prospect

of “a lapidary inscription,” “I hope to see your grand-children.” Who

would not gladly stroll along Lord Auchinleck’s _via sacra_, “that

road which he made to the church, for above three miles, on his own

estate, through a range of well-inclosed farms, with a row of trees on

each side of it?” The avenue is composed mainly of oaks and beeches,

planted alternately; but the finest of the trees were brought down a

few years ago in a great storm which swept over the country. Only one

or two small farms remain, but there are the ruins of another. From

the road a most pleasant view is seen, grassy slopes running down to

the Lugar, with hedge-rows and trees growing in them after the English

fashion. Across the river the ground rises rapidly in tilled fields and

meadows and groves to a high range of hills. To the south-west lies the

village of Ochiltree, whence Scott perhaps derived old Edie’s name in

the _Antiquary_.

[Sidenote: AUCHINLECK MANSE.]

The manse still stands where Johnson dined with the Rev. John Dun, who

had been Boswell’s _dominie_, and had been rewarded for his services

by the presentation to the living of Auchinleck. He rashly attacked

before his guest the Church of England, and “talked of fat bishops and

drowsy deans. Dr. Johnson was so highly offended, that he said to him,

‘Sir, you know no more of our church than a Hottentot.’” Dun must have

complained to Boswell of being thus publicly likened to the proverbial

Hottentot, for in the second edition of the _Tour to the Hebrides_ his

name is suppressed. The manse has been enlarged since those days, and

surrounded with a delightful garden which might excite the envy, if

not of a drowsy dean, at all events of a south country vicar. In the

venerable minister, Dr. James Chrystal, who has lived there for more

than fifty years, Johnson would have found a man “whom, if he should

have quarrelled with him, he would have found the most difficulty how

to abuse.”

[Sidenote: AUCHINLECK CHURCHYARD.]

The parish church where Johnson refused to attend Boswell and his

father at public worship has been rebuilt. In the churchyard stands a

fine old beech which might have been called venerable even a hundred

years ago. There, too, is the vault of the Boswells with their

coat-of-arms engraved on it, and their motto, _Vraye Foy_. In a niche

cut in the solid rock lies Boswell’s body. He died in London, at his

house in Great Portland Street, but in accordance with the direction

in his will he was buried “in the family burial-place in the church

of Auchinleck.” Though the vault is now at a little distance from the

church, yet in the old building, which did not occupy precisely the

same site, it was under a room at the back of the Boswells’ pew. On

a wall in the churchyard I noticed a curiously-carved stone with the

following inscription:

M

G. W.

1621

M. G.

HUNC TUMULUM CONJUNX

POSUIT DILECTA MARITO.

QUEMQUE VIRO POSUIT

DESTINAT HORA SIBI.

————

THIS STONE WAS ERECTED

1621

IN MEMORY OF THE

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