ABERDEEN (AUGUST 21-24).

Late in the afternoon our travellers drove on to Aberdeen. “We had

tedious driving,” writes Boswell, “and were somewhat drowsy.” Though

they “travelled with the gentle pace of a Scotch driver,” nevertheless

Johnson, much as he delighted in the rapid motion of the English

post-chaise, bore this journey of five-and-twenty miles with greater

philosophy than his friend. “We did not,” he writes, “affect the

impatience we did not feel, but were satisfied with the company of each

other—as well riding in the chaise as sitting at an inn.” It was not

far short of midnight when they arrived at Aberdeen. [Sidenote:

THE NEW INN AT ABERDEEN.] The “New Inn” at which they stopped

was full, they were told. “This was comfortless.” Fortunately

Boswell’s father, when on circuit, always put up there for the

five nights during which he was required by law to stay in each

assize town.[509] The son was recognized by his likeness to the

father, and a room was soon provided. “Mr. Boswell’s name,” writes

Johnson, “overpowered all objection, and we found a very good

house, and civil treatment.” A few weeks later the old judge went

this same circuit. “Two men being indicted before him at Aberdeen

on September 30 for petty thefts, petitioned, and were banished to

the plantations for life, their service adjudged for seven years to

the transporter.”[510] What these poor wretches had “petitioned”

was that they might be transported instead of being hanged. The

“transporter,” who bore the cost of shipping them to America,

was rewarded for his outlay by having the use of them as slaves

for seven years. At the end of that time they would have their

freedom; but if they returned to Scotland, and were seized, in all

likelihood they would have been sent to the gallows under their old

sentence. It is not at all improbable that these two thieves were

in the town prison at the very time of our travellers’ visit. If

so, they were separated from them merely by a wall or two; for the

“New Inn” formed part of the same block of buildings as the common

prison. In the central tower the ordinary prisoners were confined,

two rooms in the western end being reserved for burgesses, “or any

of the better rank who were committed for debt.”[511] The judge in

all the festivities of his circuit dinner was often close to some

poor wretch whom that same day he had sentenced to the gallows, and

who was awaiting his dreadful end in the gloom and misery of his

dismal cell.

[Sidenote: ABERDEEN TOWN HOUSE.]

On the other side of the tower, but in the same block, was the Town

House, or Town Hall as we should call it in England. When I was in

Aberdeen, a man of whom I asked the way to the Town Hall, replied that

he did not know where it was; but when I corrected myself, and asked

for the Town House, he at once showed it me. [Sidenote: THE FREEDOM OF

THE CITY.] Here it was that the freedom of the city was conferred on

Johnson.

“At one o’clock (writes Boswell) we waited on the magistrates

in the town-hall, as they had invited us in order to present

Dr. Johnson with the freedom of the town, which Provost Jopp

did with a very good grace. Dr. Johnson was much pleased with

this mark of attention, and received it very politely. There

was a pretty numerous company assembled. It was striking

to hear all of them drinking, ‘Dr. Johnson! Dr. Johnson!’

in the town-hall of Aberdeen, and then to see him with his

burgess-ticket, or diploma, in his hat, which he wore as he

walked along the street, according to the usual custom.”

The hall in which the ceremony was performed was a room “46 feet long,

29 broad, and 18 high, with five large windows in front, with many

elegant sconces double-branched set round it, and three diamond-cut

crystal lustres hanging from the roof.”[512] It has been swept away

with the New Inn and the prison, and replaced by the stately pile

which rises on the old site. The Scotch towns last century seem to

have been somewhat lavish in the honours which they conferred. Pennant

was made a freeman of at least three or four places. Monck Berkeley,

the St. Andrew’s student, had the freedom of Aberdeen and some other

towns presented to him, though he was scarcely nineteen when he left

Scotland. Like the dutiful young gentleman that he was, “he constantly

presented the diplomas to his mother requesting her to take great care

of them.”[513] George Colman the younger, who, at the age of eighteen

was sent to King’s College, says in his _Random Records_:[514] “I had

scarcely been a week in Old Aberdeen, when the Lord Provost of the New

Town invited me to drink wine with him one evening in the Town Hall;

there I found a numerous company assembled. The object of this meeting

was soon declared to me by the Lord Provost, who drank my health,

and presented me with the freedom of the city.” Two of his English

fellow-students, of a little older standing, had received the same

honour. A suspicion rises in the mind that it was sometimes not so much

a desire to confer honour as to drink wine at the public expense which

stirred up these town-councillors. Nevertheless, the testimony of an

English gentleman, who a few years earlier had been made a citizen of

Glasgow, goes far towards freeing them from so injurious a supposition.

“The magistrates,” he wrote, “are all men of so reasonable a size, and

so clear of all marks of gluttony and drunkenness, that I could hardly

believe them to be a mayor and aldermen.”[515] With the distinction

itself, on whatever account it was given, Johnson was greatly pleased.

“I was presented,” he wrote, “with the freedom of the city, not in a

gold box, but in good Latin. Let me pay Scotland one just praise; there

was no officer gaping for a fee; this could have been said of no city

on the English side of the Tweed.” In his own University of Oxford the

fee for the honorary degree of D.C.L. used to be ten guineas. Cox,

the Esquire Bedel, records in his _Recollections of Oxford_, how glum

Canning looked when he was called on to pay it.[516] Wesley, who in the

April of the previous year had been made a freeman of Perth, praised

the Latinity in which the honour was conferred on him. “I doubt,” he

wrote, “whether any diploma from the City of London be more pompous or

expressed in better Latin.”[517]

The burgess-ticket or parchment on which the freedom was inscribed,

after being read aloud in the hall, was made into a roll, and, with the

appending seal, was tied on to the new citizen’s hat with red riband.

“I wore,” wrote Johnson, “my patent of freedom _pro more_ in my hat

from the new town to the old, about a mile.” In his narrative he states

that it is worn for the whole day. In a town of 16,000 inhabitants—for

Aberdeen had no more at that time[518]—it might be supposed that the

face of the youngest freeman would thus become known to most of his

brother-burgesses. But the population at the present day is seven or

eight times as large, and the old custom has died out, perhaps because

its use was lost. On those rare occasions when the honour is conferred

the diploma is still tied to the hat. The new citizen covers himself

for a moment, and then bares his head while he returns thanks. He

might, I was told, perhaps wear his ticket for a short distance to his

hotel or a club, but certainly not farther. The entry of Johnson’s

freedom in its good Latin still remains in the City Register. I read it

with much interest.

[Sidenote: THE CHAPEL AT ABERDEEN.]

Our travellers, as they passed a Sunday in Aberdeen, went to the

English chapel. The word _chapel_, as my friend Dr. Murray has clearly

pointed out in his learned Dictionary, which in England was generally

used of the places of worship of the Nonconformists, and in Ireland of

those of the Roman Catholics, in Scotland was properly and universally

applied to the English churches. It is the term used both by Boswell

and Johnson. Mrs. Carlyle in one of her early letters describes a

certain Haddington Episcopalian as “a man without an arm, who sits in

the chapel.”[519] “We found,” says Boswell, “a respectable congregation

and an admirable organ.” By _respectable_ he meant what would a little

later have been described as _genteel_. “The congregation,” wrote

Johnson, “was numerous and splendid.” The volunteer who accompanied the

Duke of Cumberland’s army in 1747 described the chapel as the finest

he had seen in Scotland. “The handsomest young ladies,” he adds, “are

generally attendants of those meeting-houses (as they call them here),

and are generally esteemed as Jacobites by the staunch Whigs.”[520]

Wesley, who had attended the service here a year earlier than Johnson,

“could not but admire the exemplary decency of the congregation. This

was the more remarkable,” he adds, “because so miserable a reader I

never heard before. Listening with all attention I understood but one

single word, _Balak_, in the First Lesson, and one more, _begat_, was

all I could possibly distinguish in the Second.”[521] The Aberdeen

chapel was no doubt one of those licensed ones “served by clergymen

of English or Irish ordination,” where alone in Scotland the form of

worship of the Church of England could be legally practised. [Sidenote:

THE NONJURING CLERGY] At St. Andrews Boswell recorded that he had seen

“in one of its streets a remarkable proof of liberal toleration; a

nonjuring clergyman strutting about in his canonicals, with a jolly

countenance, and a round belly, like a well-fed monk.” By an Act of

Parliament passed in 1747, a heavy and cruel blow had been struck at

the Scotch nonjurors as a punishment for the support which many of them

had given to the young Pretender. Under severe penalties all clergymen

were forbidden to officiate who had received their ordination from a

nonjuring bishop, even though they took the oaths. They had now to

undergo some of the suffering which in their day of triumph they had

inflicted on the Covenanters. They in their turn sought the shelter

of woods and moors. We read of one of them at Muthill, in Perthshire,

“baptising a child under the cover of the trees in one of Lord Rollo’s

parks to prevent being discovered.”[522] Two years later one Mr. John

Skinner had been sent to Aberdeen jail for six months for officiating

contrary to law. He survived this persecution fifty-five years, and so

was contemporary with persons still living.[523] By another act all

episcopal clergymen were required, whenever they celebrated worship

before five people, to pray for the King and the members of the Royal

Family by name, under the penalty of six months’ imprisonment for the

first offence, and of banishment to America for life for the second.

Many under this act were thrown into jail, and so late as 1755 one

unhappy man was banished for life.[524] Others complied with the law

at the expense of their lungs. An English lady who visited Scotland

about the year 1778, says: “I have heard a reverend old divine say

that he has read the English liturgy so repeatedly over to only

four that frequently by evening he has scarce been able to speak to

be heard.”[525] The persecutions had come to an end by the time of

Johnson’s visit. The nonjuring ministers were, he says, “by tacit

connivance quietly permitted in separate congregations.” On the death

of the young Pretender on January 31st, 1788, the nonjuring bishops

met at Aberdeen and directed that, beginning with Sunday, May 25th,

King George should be prayed for by name. His Majesty was graciously

pleased to notify his approbation.[526] Even a tutor or “pedagogue” in

a gentleman’s family was required to take the oaths. This difficulty,

however, was easily surmounted. They could be engaged “under the name

of factor, or clerk, or comrade,” as the Bishop of Moray pointed out in

a letter written in 1754.[527]

[Sidenote: THE UNIVERSITIES OF ABERDEEN.]

In Aberdeen there were two Colleges, or rather two Universities, for

each had professors of the same parts of learning and each conferred

degrees. In 1860 they were incorporated into one body. [Sidenote:

KING’S COLLEGE.] In old Aberdeen stood King’s College. The Chapel

and its “Crowned Tower,” founded by James IV. who fell at Flodden,

has survived time and restorers. They are much as Johnson saw them.

Of their architectural beauty and of the ancient richly carved oak

screen he makes no mention: “He had not come to Scotland,” he said,

“to see fine places, of which there were enough in England; but wild

objects—peculiar manners; in short, things which he had not seen

before.” The discipline of the Universities and the method and cost

of instruction he examined with attention. In Scotch universities the

students generally lived—as they live at present—in lodgings in the

town, scarcely under even the pretence of control except in the hours

in which they attended lectures. But in King’s College a few years

earlier the English system had been introduced. Dr. Thomas Reid, the

famous Professor of Moral Philosophy, in a letter written in 1755 gives

an interesting account of the change which had been made:

“The students have lately been compelled to live within the

college. We need but look out at our windows to see when they

rise and when they go to bed. They are seen nine or ten times

throughout the day statedly by one or other of the masters—at

public prayers, school hours, meals, and in their rooms,

besides occasional visits which we can make with little

trouble to ourselves. They are shut up within walls at nine

at night. This discipline hath indeed taken some pains and

resolution, as well as some expense to establish it. The board

at the first table is 50 merks[528] per quarter; at the second,

40 shillings. The rent of a room is from seven to twenty

shillings in the session. There is no furniture in their rooms

but bedstead, tables, chimney grate and fender—the rest they

must buy or hire. They provide fire, and candle, and washing to

themselves. The other dues are two guineas to the Master; to

the Professors of Greek and Humanity [Latin] for their public

teaching, five shillings each. All other perquisites not named,

from twelve shillings to seventeen and sixpence.”[529]

[Illustration: KING’S COLLEGE, ABERDEEN.]

[Sidenote: ENGLISH STUDENTS.]

Whether this reformed system lasted in its full extent to the time of

Johnson’s visit, I do not know; some part of it at all events remained.

“In the King’s College,” he says, “there is kept a public table, but

the scholars of the Marischal College are boarded in the town.” In

Aberdeen, as well as in the other Scotch Universities, students from

England were commonly found. Johnson was surprised at finding in

King’s College a great-grandson of Waller the poet. But in the state

of degradation into which the English Universities were sunk, what

was more natural than that young Englishmen should be sent to places

where the Professors still remembered that they had a duty to perform

as well as a salary to receive? I have seen in the Royal Society of

Edinburgh a manuscript letter written by Dr. Blair from that town

to David Hume in 1765, in which he says:—“Our education here is at

present in high reputation. The Englishes are crowding down upon us

every season, and I wish may not come to hurt us at last.” Excellent

though the Aberdeen Professors were as teachers, yet before the great

Englishman they seemed afraid to speak. Johnson, writing to Mrs.

Thrale, said:—“Boswell was very angry that they would not talk.”

[Illustration: MARISCHAL COLLEGE.]

[Sidenote: REYNOLDS’S PORTRAIT OF BEATTIE.]

In Marischal College scarcely a fragment remains of the old building

which our travellers saw, except the stone with the curious

inscription:—“Thay haif said; quhat say thay; lat thame say.” In the

spacious modern library is shown, however, a famous picture which

Reynolds was at that time painting. On that very morning when Robertson

was showing Johnson Holyrood Palace, Reynolds began the allegorical

picture in which he represented Truth and the amiable and harmonious

Beattie triumphing together over scepticism and infidelity.[530] It

was commonly said that in the group of discomfited figures could be

recognized the portraits of Voltaire and Hume. Goldsmith, if we may

trust Northcote, reproached Reynolds “for wishing to degrade so high

a genius as Voltaire before so mean a writer as Dr. Beattie.”[531]

If Voltaire’s face is to be found in the picture, the likeness is so

remote that even he, sensitive though he was, could scarcely have take

offence, while of Hume not even the caricature can be discovered.

Feeble though the allegory is, the portrait of Beattie is a very fine

piece of workmanship. In Marischal College, by the generosity of his

grand-nieces it has found its fitting resting-place, for here for many

years he was Professor of Moral Philosophy. Here a few years earlier he

had been visited by Gray, who, to quote Johnson’s words, “found him a

poet, a philosopher, and a good man.”[532]

[Illustration: ELLON.]

Footsteps of Dr. Johnson (Scotland) · 第 33 / 63 题