The world is beginning to expect the United States to be the_Washington, its sights and insights [1909]

of appeals in behalf of the lesser nations, especially the other

American republics. It is the Senate's natural destiny, because of its

treaty-making power, to facilitate a better understanding between

nations, to prevent wrongs, to increase commerce, to secure

international peace, and thus to improve the governmental powers of the

world. So will our republic be the bridge over which the nations of the

earth will enter on a period of universal education and modified

self-government.

In my youth, on a visit to Washington, I saw Schuyler Colfax preside

over the Senate. He was a nervous, restless man, who gave no attention

to the Senator speaking, and while he was in the chair the Senate became

a noisy, turbulent body. At another time, for a few hours, I saw Henry

Wilson, who was Vice-President under Grant's second term, preside over

the Senate. Quiet, self-contained, serene, watchful, attentive, he was

an ideal presiding officer. Every battle of life had left its mark on

his strong, rugged face.

In December, 1885, I came to Washington and remained three years.

Vice-President Hendricks had died, and the Senate, which was Republican,

was presided over by John Sherman. He was in public life from 1848 to

the time of his death, and his name was identified with almost every

public measure from that time to the end of the century. He was a man of

great wisdom and good judgment, but cold and without any of those

qualities which tend to personal popularity. Later, John James Ingalls,

of Kansas, was elected President _pro tempore_. Tall, stately,

dignified, scholarly, thoughtful, a skilled parliamentarian, it is

probable the Senate never had a better presiding officer. When Senator

Ingalls occupied the chair the business of the Senate was put through

with such celerity and dispatch that a visit to that usually prosy body

became interesting.

Later, I saw Levi P. Morton, of New York, preside as Vice-President. He

was a fine business man who had served his country with honor abroad,

but had no training as a presiding officer. He was regarded as fair in

his rulings.

The Senate was later presided over by Senator Frye, of Maine, who has

had a long experience in legislative bodies, having served six terms as

representative from Maine, and having been elected to the Senate in

1881, to fill the vacancy left by Blaine when he became Secretary of

State under Garfield. He was also a member of the Peace Commission which

met in Paris, September, 1898, to settle the terms of peace between the

United States and Spain. The Senate is now presided over by

Vice-President Sherman, who has served twenty years as Representative

from New York. He presided over the Republican Convention in 1895, 1900

and 1908.

When I take friends to the Senate now I notice they ask first for Mr.

Aldrich, of Rhode Island; Bailey and Culbertson, of Texas; Lodge, of

Massachusetts; Nelson, of Minnesota; Tillman, of South Carolina; Root,

of New York; Owen and Gore, of Oklahoma; Curtis and Bristow, of Kansas,

and Dolliver, of Iowa.

When I was here from 1885 to 1888 the following were the stars: Edmunds,

who for quiet strength, massive force, persistent effort, fertility of

resource, and keen sagacity was never surpassed on the floor of the

Senate. Like Mr. Hoar, his sentences in rhetorical and grammatical

construction were fit for the Record just as they fell from his lips.

William M. Evarts, of New York, famous as counsel in the Beecher trial,

and attorney for the Republican party before the Electoral Commission.

He seemed like a man about to do some great thing, but he originated no

important national or international law. Leland Stanford, noted for his

philanthropy and great wealth, and Wade Hampton and Senator Butler, both

of South Carolina, were picturesque and interesting figures. General

Logan, Don Cameron, Preston B. Plumb, Blackburn, and Beck, of Kentucky,

stood next in interest, but most of these have given place to a younger

generation.

The most interesting rooms in the north wing beside the Senate Chamber

are the President's room, Vice-President's reception-rooms, and

committee-room of the District of Columbia.

The walls of the President's room are in white and gold, with crimson

carpet, table, and chair effects—rather high lights if one had to live

in it, but very pleasing for the short visits made by the President to

the Capitol. On the last day of each term of Congress the President

comes to this room for an hour or two and signs any bills which yet

remain. He also answers the perfunctory question as to whether he

desires to present any further business to the Senate.

The Vice-President's room is much more used. When the Vice-President in

the Senate chamber grows tired "of weary lawyers with endless tongues,"

he calls some one to the chair and slips into the Vice-President's room,

to rest and attend to his correspondence.

Garrett A. Hobart was the fifth Vice-President of the United States to

die during his term of office. The others were Elbridge Gerry, William

Rufus King, Henry Wilson, and Thomas A. Hendricks. Gerry was one of the

great statesmen of the revolutionary period and hailed from

Massachusetts. He was Vice-President in 1812, and died November 23,

1814, while on the way to the capital.

Charles Warren Fairbanks, a Republican from Indianapolis, Ind., became

Vice-President March 4, 1905, at the beginning of Mr. Roosevelt's second

term. Mr. Fairbanks never held public office prior to his election to

the Senate in 1897, which place he held until he resigned to take the

oath of Vice-President.

Mr. Fairbank's influence in the City of Washington will long be

remembered as one of the pleasant memories of the Capital. At church

functions, at philanthropic or patriotic conventions, Vice-President

Fairbanks found time in his overcrowded life to preside. In social life

Mrs. Fairbanks was the idol of the D. A. R. women. Her hospitable home

was ever open for receptions, fetes and parties, and not in this

generation will Washington see a family so universally beloved and so

universally regretted.

James Schoolcraft Sherman, Republican of Utica, N. Y., took the oath of

office as Vice-President, March 4, 1909. He had been a member of

Congress for twenty years, and ranked as one of the five leading members

of the House of Representatives. His ability as a presiding officer is

recognized in both branches of Congress. The Cabinet called together by

President Taft is composed largely of new men at Washington.

Mr. Philander Chase Knox, of Pennsylvania, takes up the duties of the

State Department so ably filled by John Hay, Elihu Root, and Mr. Taft,

with large knowledge of state affairs.

Mr. Franklin McVeagh, of Chicago, an able business man, takes charge of

the Treasury Department at a time when there is a deficiency in the

Treasury, and with a new tariff law to enforce.

Mr. Jacob McGavock Dickinson, like Mr. McVeagh, is a Democrat from

Chicago. As Secretary of War he will need all his great acumen in

managing the affairs of the nation from the Panama Zone to the

Philippine Islands.

Mr. George Woodward Wickersham, of New York, as Attorney-General is a

lawyer of high personal and professional qualifications.

Mr. George von Lengerke Meyer was transferred by President Taft from the

Post-office Department, whose service he greatly improved, to the

Secretaryship of the Navy.

Mr. Frank Harris Hitchcock, the new Postmaster-General, has had long

experience in postal affairs.

Mr. Charles Nagel, of St. Louis, Mo., has had a business experience

which will fit him for his arduous duties as Secretary of Labor and

Commerce.

Hon. James Wilson has been reappointed by President Taft as Secretary of

Agriculture, a position he has held for twelve years.

Mr. Richard Achilles Ballinger, the new Secretary of the Interior, of

Seattle, Wash., is of the New West. He has met a warm welcome at

Washington.

VIII

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

THE Hall of Representatives is in the south wing of the Capitol, and is

similar in form and design to the Senate Chamber, being semicircular,

with a gallery of twelve hundred seating capacity extending around the

entire hall.

Like the Senate, the walls are white, buff, and gold, and the ceiling

panels of glass, each showing in connection with a State coat of arms

the cotton plant in some stage of development.

The Speaker of the House sits at a desk of pure white marble, and in

front of him are several desks for the Secretary and his many

assistants.

A silver plate on each desk bears the name of its occupant. As in the

Senate, the Republicans occupy the left of the Speaker and the Democrats

the right.

When the House is in session the mace is in an upright position at the

table of the Sergeant-at-Arms on the right of the Speaker, and when the

House is adjourned, or in committee of the whole, it is removed.

The mace is a bundle of ebony rods, bound together with silver bands,

having on top a silver globe, surmounted by a silver eagle. In the

British House of Commons the mace represents the royal authority, but in

the United States it stands for the power of the people, which, tho not

present in bodily form, yet is a force always to be reckoned with. The

one now in the House has been in use since 1842. The Sergeant carries it

before him as his symbol of office when enforcing order, or in

conducting a member to the bar of the House by order of the Speaker.

[Illustration:

THE MACE

]

The Speaker's room is across the lobby back of his chair, and is one of

the most beautiful rooms in the building. It has velvet carpet, fine,

carved furniture, large bookcases and mirrors, and its walls, as well as

the walls of the lobby, are hung with the portraits of every Speaker,

from our first Congress to the present one.

Most of the pictures in the House of Representatives with which I was

familiar fifteen years ago have been removed. Now there remains but one—

Brumidi's fresco representing General Washington declining the overtures

of Lord Cornwallis for a two days' cessation of hostilities.

Washington, like Grant, was an "unconditional surrender" man.

Each State is entitled to a number of Representatives in Congress,

proportioned upon the number of its population. The State is districted

by its own State Legislature. Then the district selects its own man, who

is supposed to understand its wants and needs, and elects him to

represent his people for two years.

He must be twenty-five years of age, seven years a citizen of the United

States, and a citizen of the State which he represents. There are about

three hundred and fifty-six members and delegates. The latter represent

the territories of Oklahoma, New Mexico, Arizona, and Hawaii.

[Illustration:

THE SPEAKER'S ROOM

]

Congress is an aggregate of selfish units, each fighting for his

district. No doubt good influences prevail, but no one class of men,

either the extremely good or the extremely bad, has the entire say, for

law is the formulated average public opinion of the age and country in

which it is made.

It can not be too strongly impressed upon the voters of this country

that it is their duty to select good, strong, noble men with high

convictions of public duty, and then to keep them in Congress term after

term if they desire their district to be represented by anything more

than a mere vote. Important places on committees are given men not alone

in proportion to intellectual merit, but in proportion to Congressional

experience. All men will not become leaders from remaining there a long

time, but none will without it.

It is a wonderful thing to note the changes in the House since 1885. At

that time John G. Carlisle was Speaker of the House. So fair in his

rulings was Mr. Carlisle that one might spend hours in the gallery and

be unable to decide which side he favored.

Samuel J. Randall and Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, were the leaders on the

Democratic side, and the Mills bill concerning tariff the chief object

of legislative interest before the country. Springer, of Illinois, and

Breckenridge, of Kentucky; Crisp, of Georgia; Hooker and Allen, of

Mississippi, were also among the leaders of the Democracy. Of these some

are now out of politics, some are dead, and one disgraced.

Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, was the acknowledged leader of the Republican

side, with McKinley, Cutcheon, Burrows, Boutelle, Holman, Butterworth,

Henderson, Payne, Morrill, of Kansas, Negley, of Pennsylvania, and

Cannon his backers.

It was great fun to see Reed come down the aisle ready to puncture the

pet plans of the Democrats. In sharp, keen, extemporaneous, partisan

debate he has never been excelled in this country, and possibly never in

any other. No man ever appreciated his own power more accurately than

he. He charged on few windmills; but when he placed himself in

antagonism to a measure, it usually failed to pass, altho the Democrats

had a working majority. When he became Speaker of the House, old members

assured me, in spite of his name "Czar" Reed, he was not more arbitrary

than either Blaine or Randall in the same position. As a presiding

officer no man ever put the business of the House through more rapidly

or more gracefully. He was a fine parliamentarian, quick in decisions

and most able in his rulings.

My note on McKinley in 1885 says: "He can not be considered a leader,

for a leader is one who can champion a party measure. This he can not

do, as he is not keen in repartee—the opposition walk all over him; nor

can he support a _new_ man. He makes two or three well-prepared,

eloquent speeches each _year_; these are usually on the tariff. He is a

genial, pleasant gentleman, probably with more personal friends in the

entire country than any one man now before the nation."

William C. P. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was considered the most

eloquent man for a prepared speech on the Democratic side. But it was

the eloquence of a musical voice, graceful gesture, and an abundant use

of adjectives, not the eloquence of deep thought. While he was speaking

it was hard to believe that it was not the best speech which could

possibly be made on that subject. When one read it in the Record he

wondered that he had been even interested.

In December, 1889, Mr. Breckenridge lectured in Clearfield,

Pennsylvania, to the Teachers' Institute. His subject was "Kentucky's

Place in History."

He began by saying: "I was a rebel. I am glad of it. If I had it to do

again, I would do the same thing!" Now, think of that before a Northern

audience, especially in a mountain county which is always noted for

patriotism. If his audience had been petrified they could not more

quickly have frozen in their places.

He told the thrilling story of Kentucky in words of matchless humor and

pathos. He tried fun; no one smiled. I was sitting on the platform, and

the stories were so amusing I was obliged to retire to the wings, as to

laugh in the face of that angry audience would have been an indignity.

He tried pathos. No one melted. As he came from the stage, I said:

"Colonel, you gave a most eloquent address."

"What in thunder is the matter with that audience?" he said. I replied:

"When you said you did not regret being a rebel, and you would do the

same again, you killed that audience so far as you were concerned."

Just at that moment Mr. Matthew Savage, the County Superintendent, came

up. He flung down on the table his check for one hundred dollars, and

said: "Take that, but I hope never to see your face again. I am a

Democrat, and the people of this county will think I hired you to come

here and talk treason. You have spoiled my chances for the Legislature."

The people, however, understood the case, and it did not hurt Mr. Savage

politically.

CONCERNING REPRESENTATIVES

IT is not all "skittles and beer" to be a Senator or a Representative at

Washington. The continued pressure from a man's constituents that he

shall accomplish certain legislation for his district, and the iron-clad

rules which prohibit his every movement, if in the House of

Representatives, are enough to break an ordinary man's health.

A new member goes to the House full of enthusiasm, hoping to accomplish

great things for those who have trusted him; he finds that he is

scarcely permitted to open his mouth the first term. But he does his

best in committee, which is little enough; he runs his feet off to get

places for some hundreds of people from his district who must be taken

care of. Then he keeps trying to be a good party man, and to do some

favor for the leaders, who, he hopes, will reward him by giving him an

opportunity to accomplish much-needed legislation for his district, till

in his second or third term he becomes desperate, breaks out in meeting,

and knocks things about generally. If he proves to be really an orator

and succeeds in catching the ear of the House, he may then begin to be

more than a mere party voter. On the other hand, he may be so squelched

that he subsides into "innocuous desuetude."

In the meantime he has borne all forms of unjust and unkind criticism at

home. His opponents of his own party and of the opposite party point, in

scorn and malice, to how little has been done for the district, and tell

in startling sentences how they would do it and how they _will_ do it

when they are elected. Then a "nagger" comes to Washington, who is still

worse. He _demands_ a position, tells the Representative how the latter

owes his place to said nagger, and insists on being immediately made

chief clerk of some department accessible only through the Civil

Service, and needing four times the influence a new member can bring to

bear. A man must learn to be serene under nagging, misrepresentation,

and even positive lies, and rely upon time and his own best efforts to

vindicate him.

There have been more caucuses held during the last term than usual. A

caucus is a good thing, as it gives a man a chance to influence in a

very slight degree the decisions of his party. (See Henry Loomis

Nelson's excellent article in the _Century_ for June, 1902.)

The House (in 1909) is ruled by Speaker Cannon, Payne, of New York,

Dalzell, of Pennsylvania, and Tawney, of Minnesota. How long will such a

hierarchy, dominating nearly three hundred intelligent men, be permitted

to exist? The House is run like a bank, of which the President and a few

clerks do all the deciding. Any correspondent who has the ear of any of

these few can tell you the fate of a measure before it comes to vote.

The chairmen of committees, and a few others who have been long in the

House, are called into a committee room to decide on how much debate

will be permitted, who will be heard, and whether or not the bill shall

pass; and the rank and file, desiring to be good party men, obey orders,

and the bill fails or goes through in exactly the form decided upon by

the clique. This is most un-American. It is true, more business is thus

accomplished; but the business does not represent the average public

opinion of the House.

The Committee on Rules, or its majority, constitutes a stone wall

against which men break their hearts and ruin their reputations. Let us

have less done, but let what is done be an average result of public

opinion.

The President can do but little to influence legislation. His clubs are

personality and patronage. If as persistent as Mr. Roosevelt, he may

eventually get an "Administration" measure (like Cuban reciprocity)

through, despite opposition. Present Congressional methods make

politicans out of men capable, under broader training, of becoming

statesmen. But Mr. Roosevelt did not "arrive" by the good will of the

machine, but in spite of it. If he attains a second term, it will be

against the plans of the machine; but as in Lincoln's second term,

politicians may be forced to nominate him, or themselves go down before

the storm of public indignation.

In the meantime legislators in the House will go on presenting little

bills which they know they can never get passed, but printed copies of

which can be sent to constituents to make them believe that their

representatives are really doing something.

The present method has this benefit: it shuts off much of the lobbying

which formerly disgraced the anterooms of Congress.

[Illustration:

Photo by Clinedinst

STATUARY HALL

]

[Illustration:

Photo by Clinedinst

From the painting by Emanuel Leutze

"WESTWARD HO!"

]

[Illustration:

Photo by Clinedinst

From the painting by Brumidi

WASHINGTON DECLINING OVERTURES FROM CORNWALLIS

]

[Illustration:

Photo by Clinedinst

THE SENATE CHAMBER

]

[Illustration: SOME PROMINENT SENATORS]

1. Benjamin F. Shively (D.), Ind.

Photo, Clinedinst, Wash.

2. Robert M. LaFollette (R), Wis.

3. Elihu Root (R.), N. Y.

Photo, Pach Bros., New York

4. Henry Cabot Lodge (R.), Mass.

5. Nelson W. Aldrich (R.), R. I.

6. Eugene Hale (R.), Me.

7. Joseph W. Bailey (D.), Texas

8. Francis G. Newlands (D.), Nev.

Photo, Prince, Wash.

9. Charles A. Culberson (D.), Texas

[Illustration:

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES IN SESSION

]

[Illustration: SOME PROMINENT REPRESENTATIVES]

1. John Dalzell (R.), Pa.

2. William Sulzer (D.), N. Y.

Photo, Clinedinst, Wash.

3. Sereno E. Payne (R.), N. Y.

Photo, Pach Bros., New York

4. David A. De Armond (D.), Mo.

5. Joseph G. Cannon (R.), Ill.

6. James A. Tawney (R.), Minnesota

7. Oscar W. Underwood (D.), Ala.

8. Ollie M. James (D.), Ky.

9. Champ Clark (D.), Mo.

[Illustration:

Photo by Clinedinst

NEW HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING

This building is connected with the Capitol by a tunnel. Electric

automobile service is also maintained between the two buildings.

]

There came a small cloud in the horizon. Mr. Littlefield, of Maine, whom

rumor claimed, at the opening of a former Congress, to represent

Presidential opinion, saw his trust bill turned down. However, Mr.

Littlefield always delighted his hearers, who realized that his fight

against commercial monopolies was no make-believe.

The following extracts from a speech of Hon. F. W. Cushman, of the State

of Washington, on the question of reciprocity with Cuba, will throw much

light on present legislative methods in the House of Representatives:

THE RULES OF THE HOUSE

We meet in this Chamber to-day a condition that challenges the

consideration of every patriotic man, and that is, the set of rules

under which this body operates, or perhaps it would be more nearly

correct to say, under which this body is operated. [Laughter.]

Mr. Chairman, I deem it my duty, knowing as I do that this measure

could not have been brought here in the shape in which it now is,

save and excepting for the remarkable conditions created in this

House by these rules—I say, sir, I deem it to be my duty to pause

for a moment or two on the threshold of this debate and place a few

cold facts about these rules into this Record and before the

70,000,000 of people to whom we are responsible.

I approach this subject with a decided degree of deference. In the

three years which I have been a member of this body I have

endeavored to conduct myself with a modesty that I conceive to be

becoming alike to the new member and to his constituency. I

represent a Congressional district comprising the entire State of

Washington, a Congressional district with half a million people in

it, and with vast and varied interests demanding legislation for

their benefit and protection in many of the channels of trade and

branches of industry.

It is with humiliation unspeakable that I rise in my place on this

floor and admit to my constituents at home that in this House I am

utterly powerless to bring any bill or measure, no matter how worthy

or meritorious it may be, to a vote unless I can first make terms

with the Speaker.

The world is beginning to expect the United States to be the final court