AN APPEAL TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
The dawn of the twentieth century found Peru recovering from the
financial depression which had followed the war, but still far from the
position which she had held before 1879. It also found her knocking at
the door of the great republic of the north, and asking that a
protecting arm be extended below the equator, and that certain promises
made years before be fulfilled.
In the whirl that marked the last days of the nineteen-hundredth term,
the land of the Incas had been lost temporarily from view. Peru’s
ancient enemy, Spain, had occupied the central position, and at the
hands of the vigorous northern country had received even a more bitter
defeat than that given her on the west coast of South America when the
countries there had wrested their independence. The Philippine Islands
had changed in their allegiance, so had Porto Rico, Guam, Tutuila, and
Hawaii, and Cuba had become independent.
All these events had overshadowed that which had happened and was
happening on the Western Hemisphere to the south. But when the clouds of
conflict cleared away, there came into view a shade on the southern
horizon that told of trouble there. Peru was seen gesturing and asking
to be heard. Permission granted, this is what she said:—
“Twenty years ago we were at war with Chile, not through any fault of
ours, but to save our southern provinces from being taken away from us.
Several times during the early stages of that conflict we had
opportunity to make honorable peace, and each time we were deterred
because of the word that you sent us, to the effect that exorbitant
terms made by the enemy should not be listened to, and that you, with
your great force, would prevent any seizure of our territory. We
listened and took heart. We continued the struggle and waited. Internal
affairs withdrew your attention from us, and we were left to do the best
that we could. The best proved the worst. Our richest lands were seized,
and other land, almost as valuable, was taken for a number of years,
upon a promise made that it would be returned. That promise has not been
kept. We have paid Chile more indemnity than was paid by France after
the Franco-German War, and still our southern neighbor insists upon the
pound of flesh and demands complete cession of the provinces of Arica
and Tacna in addition to Tarapacá. Therefore, we appeal to you, to the
United States of America, the mother of all republics, and ask that you
insist that justice be done.”
* * * * *
It was a beautiful afternoon in early spring of the year that was the
most prosperous in United States history. A man of about thirty-six or
seven years of age was hurrying along Pennsylvania Avenue, not looking
carefully to his steps, nor minding how carriages might be approaching
at street crossings, so occupied was he with his thoughts. He was warned
by several coachmen and hailed by one or more bicyclists, while the
driver of an automobile rang his gong loudly before he dodged from in
front of the rubber-tired wheels. Finally he ran squarely into another
man, and then came to a sudden stop, for he must needs beg pardon. But
as he lifted his hat he caught sight of the person’s face and
exclaimed:—
“Carl Saunders!”
“Harvey Dartmoor!”
They grasped hands warmly. “Why, we have not met since we left the
steamer at New York in 1880.”
“That’s so. More than twenty years ago. In many things it seems like
yesterday and in others a century. What are you doing in Washington,
Carl?”
“I came on for a day, to attend to some business for father. And you,
Harvey?”
“I live here. At least I have a home here, and pass half the time; the
remainder of each year I am in Peru. In fact, I am returning the day
after to-morrow. That reminds me, Carl, I have a very important
engagement at the White House.”
“With the President?”
“Yes, with the President. He has appointed two o’clock as the hour when
I may see him, and it now lacks but five minutes of that time.”
“Then I must not detain you. Come and see me when you have finished.”
“I will. Where?”
Mr. Saunders named a hotel, and after a brief hand clasp they parted.
Ten minutes later, in the White House, a dignified, courtly gentleman
asked the hurrying pedestrian of Pennsylvania Avenue to be seated, and
then he said:—
“Have I the pleasure of addressing Mr. Dartmoor?”
“Yes, your Excellency.”
“The Peruvian minister has spoken very highly of you, sir, as one of the
leading business men of his country. He also informs me that you are a
citizen of the United States, and despite your love for the
sub-equatorial country you have never forsworn your allegiance.”
“I have not, sir; nor shall I ever do so.”
“That I am glad to hear. It should not be an easy matter for a citizen
of this nation to relinquish the ties. And now, sir, what may I do for
you?”
“I have called, your Excellency, to place before you briefly the
conditions that exist in Peru, and the causes that have led to the
present state of affairs, and to enlist your sympathy, if possible. I
was a spectator of many events of the war that began in 1879, and, since
then, half my time has been passed in Lima and in Callao. If you will
grant me a few minutes of your valuable time, I will say in as few words
as possible that which appeals to me as the meat of this momentous
question.”
“Proceed, sir.”
“I thank you. I will not burden you with the events that led to the
declaration of war, nor with an account of the war itself, for that is
not germane, but I shall come at once to the time when the United States
entered upon the scene.
“In 1880 President Hayes offered the mediation of the United States to
the belligerents, and the same being accepted, conferences were held in
Arica under the auspices of the representatives of the United States in
Chile, Peru, and Bolivia, Thomas A. Osborne, J. P. Christiancy, and
General Charles Adams. Mr. Osborne declared, in his opening speech, that
the independence of the United States was the origin of republican
institutions in America, and that the United States considered
themselves in a manner responsible for the existence of the
institutions; that the independence of the South American republics was
acknowledged, first of all, by the United States, and the stability of
the institutions founded upon the independence, being put to a severe
test by the war, he hoped the belligerent republics, impelled by the
same wish that animated the United States, would endeavor, by every
means in their power, to put an end to the war, by an honorable and
lasting peace. To this Chile replied haughtily, that the province of
Tarapacá must be ceded to her; and the first conference came to an end.
“On June 15, 1881, new ministers were chosen to represent the United
States in the belligerent republics, General Stephen A. Hurlbut in Peru
and General Judson Kilpatrick in Chile. To General Hurlbut, Secretary of
State James G. Blaine gave the following instructions:—
“’It will be difficult, perhaps, to obtain from Chile a relinquishment
of claims to territory, but, as the Chilean Government has distinctly
repudiated the idea that this war was a war of conquest, the Government
of Peru may fairly claim the opportunity to make proposals of indemnity
and guarantee before submitting to a cession of territory. If you can
aid the Government of Peru in securing such a result, you will have
rendered the service which seems most pressing.’
“On August 25, 1881, General Hurlbut said, in the course of his
reception speech at Lima:—
“’I wish to state further, that while the United States recognize all
rights which the conqueror gains under the laws of civilized war, they
do not approve of war for the purpose of territorial aggrandizement, nor
of the violent dismemberment of a nation except as a last resort, in
extreme emergencies.’
“But, your Excellency, the efforts of General Hurlbut and General
Kilpatrick came to naught, and on November 1, 1881, Mr. William Henry
Trescot was sent to Peru, Bolivia, and Chile, as a special envoy. To
him, in the course of his instructions, Mr. Blaine said:—
“’Already by force of its occupation, the Chilean Government has
collected great sums from Peru; and it has been openly and officially
asserted in the Chilean Congress that these military impositions have
furnished a surplus beyond the cost of maintaining its armies of
occupation. The annexation of Tarapacá, which, under proper
administration, would yield annually a sufficient sum to pay a large
indemnity, seems to us inconsistent with the execution of justice.’
“Mr. Trescot’s mission failed as had the others, but, your Excellency,
it did not fail through any fault of his: it failed because of the
change in the policy at Washington. While this special envoy was absent
upon his delicate mission, the assassination of President Garfield
occurred and Mr. Arthur became President. With his advent there came
into office a new Secretary of State, Mr. Frelinghuysen, who at once
altered the policy of his predecessor, and Mr. Trescot’s instructions
were changed by wire. In the meanwhile, your Excellency, Peru, not
knowing of a change of heart at Washington, had continued the struggle,
believing that this great country would continue upon the lines which it
had laid down and not permit the seizure of territory by Chile. Not
content with modifying Mr. Trescot’s instructions, Mr. Frelinghuysen
recalled that gentleman to Washington. Fully appreciating the gravity of
the situation, although he was no longer an envoy, Mr. Trescot, on June
5, 1882, wrote Mr. Frelinghuysen as follows:—
“’If the United States intend to intervene effectively to prevent the
disintegration of Peru, the time has come when that intention should be
avowed. If it does not intend to do so, still more urgent is the
necessity that Chile and Peru should understand exactly where the action
of the United States ends. It would be entirely beyond my duty to
discuss the character of the consequences of either line of conduct; but
I trust that you will not deem that I am going beyond that duty in
impressing upon the government that the present position of the United
States is an embarrassment to all the belligerents, and that it should
be terminated as promptly as possible.’
“Two weeks later, your Excellency, newly accredited envoys were sent to
Peru and Chile, Dr. Cornelius A. Logan to the latter nation and Mr.
James R. Partridge to Peru. The instructions of these gentlemen, your
Excellency, were no longer declarative that Chile had no moral right to
demand territory of Peru, but they contained the recommendation that
Peru be urged to make the best terms possible, in order that the war
might be brought to an end.
“Mr. President, the good offices of the United States produced the sole
effect of encouraging Peru in her resistance, confident, as she was, of
their efficacy, thus greatly aggravating the condition of the vanquished
nation, only to find herself forsaken in the end and defenceless in the
hands of her implacable enemy. In this regard, Mr. President, I should
like to repeat the words of Mr. Hurlbut. In his official note to Mr.
Blaine, dated Lima, October 26, 1881, he wrote:—
“’If the United States, after denying to these people every application
for aid from any European state, shall themselves refuse any help in
their desperate situation, it would seem to be almost a breach of
national faith. I myself am a profound believer in the right and duty of
the United States to control the political questions of this continent,
to the exclusion of any and all European dictation. This I understand to
be the opinion held also by the American people and to have been
asserted by Congress. This I also understand to be the doctrine of the
administration which sent me to this place.’”
The President was silent for several minutes after Mr. Dartmoor had
finished, then he said:—
“You have placed the matter before me very concisely, sir. I am of
course familiar with the details, but I never had my attention called to
them in such a brief yet forceful manner.”
“Thank you, your Excellency,” said Mr. Dartmoor.
“Your position,” continued the President, “is that the United States, by
interfering in the Chile-Peruvian War, gave the last-named nation undue
encouragement, and because of a change in policy, failed to impress
Chile with the firmness of its position. Because of this, you believe
the United States should now interfere and prevent Chile’s retention of
the provinces of Arica and Tacna?”
“Yes, your Excellency.”
“Mr. Dartmoor, I will place the matter before Congress with the
recommendation which you have urged.”
He rose from his seat, and the conference was at an end.
Harvey left the White House very much pleased with the result of his
call, and hurried to the hotel where he had promised to meet his old
friend, Carl Saunders; and arrived there, he related in detail the
conversation with the President, and received the congratulations of his
chum of the Callao Rowing Club days. Then they fell to discussing events
that had occurred those many years ago, and talked of the persons they
had then known. Both heard with relief that all members of the two
families who had been so intimately associated were living. Carl was
delighted to learn that General Matajente was high in favor with the
government, and as belligerent as ever, notwithstanding his advanced
years.
“And John Longmore?” he asked.
“Poor fellow! he died in an insane asylum.”
“How is Señor Cisneros?”
“He is very well, and is resident manager of the mine.”
“That’s so, the mine! I forgot to ask about that. Then it has paid?”
“Yes, it has paid beyond our expectations, and has made us all wealthy,
so far as worldly goods are concerned. But what are we doing here? I
wish to have you visit me at my home.”
“I should be delighted. Is it far?”
“No; on Q street. Come. Rosita, who is visiting me, will be delighted to
see you.”
On the way Carl asked if Harvey had ever heard of their esteemed friend,
Don Isaac Lawton.
“Why, yes; he is in Jamaica, and is in good circumstances.”
They soon entered one of those large, elegantly furnished residences for
which Washington is famous, and after closing the door Harvey called
out:—
“Rosita, here is an old friend from Callao!”
A tall, handsome woman soon appeared, and grasped the visitor’s hand
cordially. She was followed into the room by one who was not so tall,
but even more beautiful and graceful.
“This is my wife, Carl. But, how stupid! Why, you know her!”
“Know her? Know Bella Caceras? I should say so!”
At the dinner table the guest remarked a curious ornament on the wall.
“Did I never tell you its history?” Harvey asked. “To be sure I did.
It’s the Majerona arrow.”
“And the pincushion?” asked Carl.
“I still carry that in my pocket.”
VOCABULARY.
PRONUNCIATION.—ā, ē, ī, ō, as in fate, mete, site, rope; ă, ĕ, ĭ, ŏ, as
in hat, met, bit, not; ä, ë, ï, ö, as in far, her, fir, nor; ēē, as in
feet; ôô as in hoot.
Alma Perdida, Äl’-mä Pār-dēē’-dä.
Almirante, Äl-mē-rän’-tē.
Antofogasta, An-tō-fō-gäs’-tä.
Arica, Ä-rēē’-cä.
Arroba, Ä-rō’-bä.
Atahuallpa, Ä-tä-wäl’-pä.
Ayuli, Ä-yôô’-ly.
Baños, Bän’-yōs.
Bella, Bë’-yä.
Blanco Encalada, Blän’-cō Ën-cä-lä’-dä.
Bola, Bō’-läw.
Caceras, Käs’-ä-räs.
Cajamaráca, Kä-hä-mä-rä’-cä.
Callao, Käl-yōw’.
Cerro de Pasco, Sār’-rō dā Päs’-kō.
Chicla, Chēēk’-lä.
Chile, Chēē’-lā.
Chirimoya, Chēē-rēē-möy’-yä.
Chosica, Chō-sēē’-cä.
Chucuito, Chôô-quēē’-tō.
Cinchona, Sēēn-kō’-nä.
Cisneros, Cēēs-nē’-rŏs.
Cordillera, Cōr-dēēl-yā’-rä.
Covodonga, Kō-vō-dŏn’-gä.
Grau, Gräw.
Huari, Whä’-rēē.
Huascar, Wäs’-cär.
Independencia, In-dā-pĕn-dĕn’-cēē-ä.
Iquique, Ēē-kēē’-kä.
Islay, Ēēs-lī’.
Jivaro, Hēē-vä,’-rō.
La Punta, Lä Pôôn’-tä.
Lima, Lēē’-mä.
Llama, Yä’-mä.
Logroño, Lō-grōn’-yō.
Majerona, Mä-hā-rō’-nä.
Manco Capac, Män’-cō Kä-päc’.
Marañon, Mä-rän-yōn’.
Matajente, Mä-tä-gĕn’-tā.
Matucana, Mä-tôô-kän’-ä.
Mirgoso, Mēēr-gō’-sō.
Mutista Acuminata, Mu-tēē’-sēē-ä Ä-q-mēē-nä’-tä.
Oroya, Ō-rōw’-yä.
Palo de Sangre, Pä,’-lō dā Sän’-grā.
Pedro, Pā’-drō.
Peru, Pā-rôô’.
Peso, Pā’-sö.
Pilcomayo, Pēēl-cō-mī-yō.
Prado, Prä’-dō.
Rimac, Rēē’-mäck.
Rosita, Rō-sēē’-tä.
Señor, Sĕn-yṓr.
Señora, Sĕn-yō’-rä.
Señorita, Sĕn-yō-rḗē-tä.
Taruco, Tä-ru’-kō.
Ucalayli, U-cä-lä’-lēē.
Valparaiso, Väl-pä-rī’-sō.
Vista, Vēēs’-tä.
Yucahualpa, W-kä-whäl’-pä.
__Fighting Under
the Southern Cross.__
A Story of the Chile-Peruvian War.
BY
_CLAUDE H. WETMORE_.
335 pages. Illustrated. 12mo. Cloth, $1.50.
_CONTAINING PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY AND MAP OF CALLAO BAY_
This is one of the best stories for boys that has been issued, and with
great pleasure we heartily recommend it.—_Observer._
This story is full of thrilling interest and dramatic power. The many
picturesque descriptions give a real portrayal of the country and its
people.—_Book News._
This volume is so real that one imagines he is in the centre of action.
This doubtless is due to the author’s thorough acquaintance with the
customs and conditions of these countries.—_St. Louis Star._
Just now when there are so many reminders of the differences existing
between the South American States, and while the influence of the
Pan-American Congress in Mexico is being so strongly felt, this book is
very timely. It is a very vivid picture of the war between Chile and
Peru in 1879, and a portrayal of the customs and manners of these states
that is extremely interesting, and that throws much light on present
problems.—_Christian Endeavor World._
The bitter war of conquest waged by Chile against Peru has never been
given any popular presentation until now. The author is a traveler who
has covered all of South America and was a resident of Peru when the war
broke out. His picture of that period is absorbingly interesting, and
the promised sequel of this volume will be awaited with great
eagerness.—_The Interior._
W. A. WILDE COMPANY, Boston and Chicago.
* * * * * *
Transcriber's note:
1. Added the missing word ‘to’ on p. 185.
2. Silently corrected typographical errors.
3. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.