The population of Greccio and its environs was, therefore, convoked, as

well as the Brothers from the neighboring monasteries. On the evening of

the vigil of Christmas one might have seen the faithful hastening to the

hermitage by every path with torches in their hands, making the forests

ring with their joyful hymns.

Everyone was rejoicing--Francis most of all. The knight had prepared a

stable with straw, and brought an ox and an ass, whose breath seemed to

give warmth to the poor _bambino_, benumbed with the cold. At the sight

the saint felt tears of pity bedew his face; he was no longer in

Greccio, his heart was in Bethlehem.

Finally they began to chant matins; then the mass was begun, and

Francis, as deacon, read the Gospel. Already hearts were touched by the

simple recital of the sacred legend in a voice so gentle and so fervent,

but when he preached, his emotion soon overcame the audience; his voice

had so unutterable a tenderness that they also forgot everything, and

were living over again the feeling of the shepherds of Judea who in

those old days went to adore the God made man, born in a stable.[27]

Toward the close of the thirteenth century, the author of the _Stabat

Mater dolorosa_, Giacopone dei Todi, that Franciscan of genius who spent

a part of his life in dungeons, inspired by the memory of Greccio,

composed another Stabat, that of joy, _Stabat Mater speciosa_. This hymn

of Mary beside the manger is not less noble than that of Mary at the

foot of the cross. The sentiment is even more tender, and it is hard to

explain its neglect except by an unjust caprice of fate.

Stabat Mater speciosa

Juxtum foenum gaudiosa

Dum jacebat parvulus.

Quæ gaudebat et ridebat

Exsultabat cum videbat

Nati partum inclyti.

Fac me vere congaudere

Jesulino cohærere

Donec ego vixero.[28]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] All this took place with prodigious rapidity. The dimensions

of the Basilica of Assisi, the plans of which were made in 1228,

no more permits it to be considered as a conventual chapel than

Santa-Croce in Florence, San Francesco in Sienna, or the

Basilica San Antonio at Padua, monuments commenced between 1230

and 1240. Already before 1245 one party of the episcopate utters

a cry of alarm, in which he speaks of nothing less than of

closing the door of the secular churches, which have become

useless. He complains with incredible bitterness that the Minor

and Preaching Friars have absolutely supplanted the parochial

clergy. This letter may be found in Pierre de la Vigne,

addressed at once to Frederick II. and the Council of Lyons:

_Epistolæ_, Basle, 1740, 2 vols., vol. i., pp. 220-222. It is

much to be desired that a critical text should be given. See

also the satire against the two new Orders, done in rhyme about

1242 by Pierre de la Vigne, and of which, allowing for possible

exaggerations, the greater number of the incidents cannot have

been invented: E. du Méril, _Poésies pop. lat._, pp. 153-177,

Paris, 8vo, 1847.

[2] And not of the 29th, as Sbaralea will have it. _Bull. fr._,

vol. i., n. 10. Horoy, vol. iv., col. 129; the original, still

in the archives of Assisi, bears the title: _Datum Anagnie 11

Kalendas Aprilis pontificatus nostri anno sexto_.

[3] Potthast, 6809; Horoy, iv., col. 129. See also the bull

_Ecce Venit Deus_ of July 14, 1227; L. Auvray: _Registres de

Grégoire IX._, no. 129; cf. 153; Potthast, 8027 and 8028, 8189.

[4] He had finished his mission as legate in Lombardy toward the

close of September, 1221 (see his register; cf. Böhmer, _Acta

imp. sel. doc._, 951). In the spring of 1222 we find him

continually near the pope at Anagni, Veroli, Alatri (Potthast,

6807, 6812, 6849). The Holy See had still at that time a marked

predilection for the Preachers; the very trite privilege of

power to celebrate the offices in times of interdict had been

accorded them March 7, 1222, but instead of the formula usual in

such cases, a revised form had been made expressly for them,

with a handsome eulogy. Ripolli, _Bull. Præd._, t. i., p. 15.

[5] 2 Cel., 3, 93: _Subtrahebat se a consortio fratrum._

[6] It is needless to say that local traditions, in this case,

though as to detail they must be accepted only with great

reserve, yet on the whole are surely true. The geography of St.

Francis's life is yet to be made.

[7] 2 Cel., 3, 59; Bon., 60; _Conform._, 122b, 2.

[8] 2 Cel., 3, 5; _Spec._, 12a; _Conform._, 169b, 2.

[9] Eccl., 6. Vide Liebermann's text, _Mon. Germ. hist.

Script._, t. 28, p. 663.

[10] 2 Cel., 3, 93; Bon., 104 and 105; _Conform._, 101a, 2.

[11] 2 Cel., 3, 93; _Spec._, 49b; 182a; _Conform._, 182a, 1;

_Tribul._, f^o 5a; 2 Cel., 3, 98; 113; 115; 1 Cel., 28, 50; 96;

103; 104; 108; 111; 118.

[12] 2 Cel., 3, 27; _Spec._, 38b; _Conform._, 181b, 1;

_Tribul._, 7b. Cf. _Spec._, 220b; _Conform._, 103b.

[13] Francis's successors were nearly all without exception

students of Bologna. Pietro di Catana was doctor of laws, as

also Giovanni Parenti (Giord., 51).--Elias had been _scriptor_

at Bologna.--Alberto of Pisa had been minister there (Eccl.,

6).--Aymon had been reader there (Eccl., 6).--Crescentius wrote

works on jurisprudence (_Conform._, 121b, 1, etc., etc.).

[14] This name cannot be warranted; he is called Giovanni di

Laschaccia in a passage of the _Conformities_ (104a, 1); Pietro

Schiaccia in the Italian MS. of the _Tribulations_ (f^o 75a);

Petrus Stacia in the Laurentinian MS. (13b; cf. _Archiv._, ii.,

p. 258). _Tribul._, 13b; _Spec._, 184b. This story has been much

amplified in other places. _Spec._, 126a; _Conform._, 104b, 1.

[15] Vide Eccl., 3: History of the entrance of Adam of Oxford

into the Order. Cf., _Chartularium Univ. Par._, t. i., nos. 47

and 49.

[16] Eccleston's entire chronicle is a living witness to this.

[17] _Admonitio_, v.; cf. _Conform._, 141a.

Compare the _Constitutiones antiquæ_ (_Speculum_, Morin, iii.,

f^o 195b-206) with the Rule. From the opening chapters the

contradiction is apparent: _Ordinamus quod nullus recipiatur in

ordine nostro nisi sit talis clericus qui sit competenter

instructus in grammatica vel logica; aut nisi sit talis laicus

de cujus ingressu esset valde celebris et edificatio in populo

et in clero_. This is surely far from the spirit of him who

said: _Et quicumque venerit amicus vel adversarius fur vel latro

benigne recipiatur_. Rule of 1221, cap. vii. See also the

Exposition of the Rule of Bonaventura. _Speculum_, Morin, iii.,

f^o 21-40.

[18] Upon Francis's attitude toward learning see _Tribul._,

Laur., 14b; _Spec._, 184a; 2 Cel., 3, 8; 48; 100; 116; 119;

120-124. Bon., chap. 152, naturally expresses only Bonaventura's

views. See especially Rule of 1221, cap. xvii.; of 1223, cap. x.

[19] _Spec._, 7b: _Fecit Franciscus regulam quam papa Honorius

confirmavit cum bulla, de qua regula multa fuerunt extracta per

ministros contra voluntatem b. Francisci_. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 136.

[20] Bull _Quo elongati_ of September 28, 1230; Sbaralea, i., p.

56.

[21] Bon., 55 and 56 [3 Soc., 62]; _Spec._, 76; 124a; _Tribul._,

Laur., 17b-19b; Ubertini, _Arbor. V._, 5; _Conform._, 88a, 2.

[22] _Tribul._, Laur., 19a; _Archiv._, t. iii., p. 601. Cf. A.

SS., p. 638e.

[23] Potthast, 7108.--The work of this bull was completed by

that of December 18, 1223. (The original of the _Sacro Convento_

bears _Datum Laterani XV. Kal. jan._) _Fratrem Minorum_:

Potthast, 7123.

[24] 2 Cel., 3, 19; Bon., 95; _Spec._, 18b; _Conform._, 171a, 1.

[25] 2 Cel., 3, 61 and 62. Cf. Eccl., 6, the account of Rod. de

Rosa.

[26] _Spec._, 47b ff.; 2 Cel., 3, 61; Bon., 84 and 85.

[27] 1 Cel., 84-87; Bon., 149.

[28] This little poem was published entire by M. Ozanam in vol.

v. of his works, p. 184.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XVII

THE STIGMATA

1224

The upper valley of the Arno forms in the very centre of Italy a country

apart, the Casentino, which through centuries had its own life, somewhat

like an island in the midst of the ocean.

The river flows out from it by a narrow defile at the south, and on all

other sides the Apennines encircle it with a girdle of inaccessible

mountains.[1]

This plain, some ten leagues in diameter, is enlivened with picturesque

villages, finely posted on hillocks at the base of which flows the

stream; here are Bibbiena, Poppi, the antique Romena sung by Dante, the

Camaldoli, and up there on the crest Chiusi, long ago the capital of the

country, with the ruins of Count Orlando's castle.

The people are charming and refined; the mountains have sheltered them

from wars, and on every side we see the signs of labor, prosperity, a

gentle gayety. At any moment we might fancy ourselves transported into

some valley of the Vivarais or Provence. The vegetation on the borders

of the Arno is thoroughly tropical; the olive and the mulberry marry

with the vine. On the lower hill-slopes are wheat fields divided by

meadows; then come the chestnuts and the oaks, higher still the pine,

the fir, the larch, and above all the bare rock.

Among all the peaks there is one which especially attracts the

attention; instead of a rounded and so to say flattened top, it uplifts

itself slender, proud, isolated; it is the Verna.[2]

One might think it an immense rock fallen from the sky. It is in fact an

erratic block set there, a little like a petrified Noah's ark on the

summit of Mount Ararat. The basaltic mass, perpendicular on all sides,

is crowned with a plateau planted with pines and gigantic beeches, and

accessible only by a footpath.[3]

Such was the solitude which Orlando had given to Francis, and to which

Francis had already many a time come for quiet and contemplation.

Seated upon the few stones of the Penna,[4] he heard only the

whispering of the wind among the trees, but in the splendor of the

sunrise or the sunset he could see nearly all the districts in which he

had sown the seed of the gospel: the Romagna and the March of Ancona,

losing themselves on the horizon in the waves of the Adriatic; Umbria,

and farther away, Tuscany, vanishing in the waters of the Mediterranean.

The impression on this height is not crushing like that which one has in

the Alps: a feeling infinitely calm and sweet flows over you; you are

high enough to judge of men from above, not high enough to forget their

existence.

Besides the wide horizons, Francis found there other objects of delight;

in this forest, one of the noblest in Europe, live legions of birds,

which never having been hunted are surprisingly tame.[5] Subtile

perfumes arise from the ground, and in the midst of borage and lichens

frail and exquisite cyclamens blossom in fantastic variety.

He desired to return thither after the chapter of 1224. This meeting,

held in the beginning of June, was the last at which he was present. The

new Rule was there put into the hands of the ministers, and the mission

to England decided upon.

It was in the early days of August that Francis took his way toward

Verna. With him were only a few Brothers, Masseo, Angelo, and Leo. The

first had been charged to direct the little band, and spare him all

duties except that of prayer.[6]

They had been two days on the road when it became necessary to seek for

an ass for Francis, who was too much enfeebled to go farther on foot.

The Brothers, in asking for this service, had not concealed the name of

their master, and the peasant, to whom they had addressed themselves

respectfully, asked leave to guide the beast himself. After going on a

certain time, "Is it true," he said, "that you are Brother Francis of

Assisi?" "Very well," he went on, after the answer in the affirmative,

"apply yourself to be as good as folk say you are, that they may not be

deceived in their expectation; that is my advice." Francis immediately

got down from his beast and, prostrating himself before the peasant,

thanked him warmly.[7]

Meanwhile the warmest hour of the day had come on. The peasant,

exhausted with fatigue, little by little forgot his surprise and joy;

one does not feel the burning of thirst the less for walking beside a

saint. He had begun to regret his kindness, when Francis pointed with

his finger to a spring, unknown till then, and which has never since

been seen.[8]

At last they arrived at the foot of the last precipice. Before scaling

it they paused to rest a little under a great oak, and immediately

flocks of birds gathered around them, testifying their joy by songs and

flutterings of their wings. Hovering around Francis, they alighted on

his head, his shoulders, or his arms. "I see," he said joyfully to his

companions, "that it is pleasing to our Lord Jesus that we live in this

solitary mount, since our brothers and sisters the birds have shown such

great delight at our coming."[9]

This mountain was at once his Tabor and his Calvary. We must not wonder,

then, that legends have flourished here even more numerously than at any

other period of his life; the greater number of them have the exquisite

charm of the little flowers, rosy and perfumed, which hide themselves

modestly at the feet of the fir-trees of Verna.

The summer nights up there are of unparalleled beauty: nature, stifled

by the heat of the sun, seems then to breathe anew. In the trees, behind

the rocks, on the turf, a thousand voices rise up, sweetly harmonizing

with the murmur of the great woods; but among all these voices there is

not one which forces itself upon the attention, it is a melody which you

enjoy without listening. You let your eyes wander over the landscape,

still for long hours illumined with hieratic tints by the departed star

of day, and the peaks of the Apennines, flooded with rainbow hues, drop

down into your soul what the Franciscan poet called the nostalgia of the

everlasting hills.[10]

More than anyone Francis felt it. The very evening of their arrival,

seated upon a mound in the midst of his Brothers, he gave them his

directions for their dwelling-place.

The quiet of nature would have sufficed to sow in their hearts some

germs of sadness, and the voice of the master harmonized with the

emotion of the last gleams of light; he spoke with them of his

approaching death, with the regret of the laborer overtaken by the

shades of evening before the completion of his task, with the sighs of

the father who trembles for the future of his children.[11]

For himself he desired from this time to prepare himself for death by

prayer and contemplation; and he begged them to protect him from all

intrusion. Orlando,[12] who had already come to bid them welcome and

offer his services, had at his request hastily caused a hut of boughs to

be made, at the foot of a great beech. It was there that he desired to

dwell, at a stone's throw from the cells inhabited by his companions.

Brother Leo was charged to bring him each day that which he would need.

He retired to it immediately after this memorable conversation, but

several days later, embarrassed no doubt by the pious curiosity of the

friars, who watched all his movements, he went farther into the woods,

and on Assumption Day he there began the Lent which he desired to

observe in honor of the Archangel Michael and the celestial host.

Genius has its modesty as well as love. The poet, the artist, the saint,

need to be alone when the Spirit comes to move them. Every effort of

thought, of imagination, or of will is a prayer, and one does not pray

in public.

Alas for the man who has not in his inmost heart some secret which may

not be told, because it cannot be spoken, and because if it were spoken

it could not be understood. SECRETUM MEUM MIHI! Jesus felt it deeply:

the raptures of Tabor are brief; they may not be told.

Before these soul mysteries materialists and devotees often meet and are

of one mind in demanding precision in those things which can the least

endure it.

The believer asks in what spot on the Verna Francis received the

stigmata; whether the seraph which appeared to him was Jesus or a

celestial spirit; what words were spoken as he imprinted them upon

him;[13] and he no more understands that hour when Francis swooned with

woe and love than the materialist, who asks to see with his eyes and

touch with his hands the gaping wound.

Let us try to avoid these extremes. Let us hear what the documents give

us, and not seek to do them violence, to wrest from them what they do

not tell, what they cannot tell.

They show us Francis distressed for the future of the Order, and with an

infinite desire for new spiritual progress.

He was consumed with the fever of saints, that need of immolation which

wrung from St. Theresa the passionate cry, "Either to suffer or to die!"

He was bitterly reproaching himself with not having been found worthy of

martyrdom, not having been able to give himself for Him who gave himself

for us.

We touch here upon one of the most powerful and mysterious elements of

the Christian life. We may very easily not understand it, but we may not

for all that deny it. It is the root of true mysticism.[14] The really

new thing that Jesus brought into the world was that, feeling himself in

perfect union with the heavenly Father, he called all men to unite

themselves to him and through him to God: "I am the vine, and ye are the

branches; he who abides in me and I in him brings forth much fruit, for

apart from me ye can do nothing."

The Christ not only preached this union, he made it felt. On the evening

of his last day he instituted its sacrament, and there is probably no

sect which denies that communion is at once the symbol, the principle,

and the end of the religious life. For eighteen centuries Christians who

differ on everything else cannot but look with one accord to him who in

the upper chamber instituted the rite of the new times.

The night before he died he took the bread and brake it and distributed

it to them, saying, "TAKE AND EAT, FOR THIS IS MY BODY."

Jesus, while presenting union with himself as the very foundation of the

new life,[15] took care to point out to his brethren that this union

was before all things a sharing in his work, in his struggles, and his

sufferings: "Let him that would be my disciple take up his cross and

follow me."

St. Paul entered so perfectly into the Master's thought in this respect

that he uttered a few years later this cry of a mysticism that has never

been equalled: "I have been crucified with Christ, yet I live ... or

rather, it is not I who live, but Christ who liveth in me." This

utterance is not an isolated exclamation with him, it is the very centre

of his religious consciousness, and he goes so far as to say, at the

risk of scandalizing many a Christian: "I fill up in my body that which

is lacking of the sufferings of Christ, for his body's sake, which is

the Church."

Perhaps it has not been useless to enter into these thoughts, to show to

what point Francis during the last years of his life, where he renews in

his body the passion of Christ, is allied to the apostolic tradition.

In the solitudes of the Verna, as formerly at St. Damian, Jesus

presented himself to him under his form of the Crucified One, the man of

sorrows.[16]

That this intercourse has been described to us in a poetic and inexact

form is nothing surprising. It is the contrary that would be surprising.

In the paroxysms of divine love there are _ineffabilia_ which, far from

being able to relate them or make them understood, we can hardly recall

to our own minds.

Francis on the Verna was even more absorbed than usual in his ardent

desire to suffer for Jesus and with him. His days went by divided

between exercises of piety in the humble sanctuary on the mountain-top

and meditation in the depths of the forest. It even happened to him to

forget the services, and to remain several days alone in some cave of

the rock, going over in his heart the memories of Golgotha. At other

times he would remain for long hours at the foot of the altar, reading

and re-reading the Gospel, and entreating God to show him the way in

which he ought to walk.[17]

The book almost always opened of itself to the story of the Passion, and

this simple coincidence, though easy enough to explain, was enough of

itself to excite him.

The vision of the Crucified One took the fuller possession of his

faculties as the day of the Elevation of the Holy Cross drew near

(September 14th), a festival now relegated to the background, but in the

thirteenth century celebrated with a fervor and zeal very natural for a

solemnity which might be considered the patronal festival of the

Crusades.

Francis doubled his fastings and prayers, "quite transformed into Jesus

by love and compassion," says one of the legends. He passed the night

before the festival alone in prayer, not far from the hermitage. In the

morning he had a vision. In the rays of the rising sun, which after the

chill of night came to revive his body, he suddenly perceived a strange

form.

A seraph, with outspread wings, flew toward him from the edge of the

horizon, and bathed his soul in raptures unutterable. In the centre of

the vision appeared a cross, and the seraph was nailed upon it. When

the vision disappeared, he felt sharp sufferings mingling with the

ecstasy of the first moments. Stirred to the very depths of his being,

he was anxiously seeking the meaning of it all, when he perceived upon

his body the stigmata of the Crucified.[18]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The passes that give access to the Casentino have all about

one thousand metres of altitude. Until the most recent years

there was no road properly so called.

[2] In France Mount Aiguille, one of the seven wonders of

Dauphiny, presents the same aspect and the same geological

formation. St. Odile also recalls the Verna, but is very much

smaller.

[3] The summit has an altitude of 1269 metres. In Italian they

call it the _Verna_, in Latin _Alvernus_. The etymology, which

has tested the acuteness of the learned, appears to be very

simple; the verb _vernare_, used by Dante, signifies make cold,

freeze.

[4] Name of the highest point on the plateau. Hardly

three-quarters of an hour from the monastery, and not two hours

and a half, as these worthy anchorites believed. This is said

for the benefit of tourists ... and pilgrims.

[5] The forest has been preserved as a relic. Alexander IV.

fulminated excommunication against whomever should cut down the

firs of Verna. As to the birds, it is enough to pass a day at

the monastery to be amazed at their number and variety. M. C.

Beni has begun at Stia (in Casentino) an ornithological

collection which already includes more than five hundred and

fifty varieties.

[6] 1 Cel., 91; Bon., 188; _Fior. i., consid._

[7] _Fior. i., consid.;_ _Conform._, 176b, 1.

[8] Cel., 2, 15; Bon., 100. _Fior. i., consid._

[9] Bon., 118. _Fior. i., consid._

[10] 2 Cel., 100.

[11] _Fior. ii., consid._

[12] The ruins of the castle of Chiusi are three quarters of an

hour from Verna.

[13] _Fior. iv. and v. consid._ These two considerations appear

to be the result of a reworking of the primitive document. The

latter no doubt included the three former, which the continuer

has interpolated and lengthened. Cf. _Conform._, 231a, 1;

_Spec._, 91b, 92a, 97; A. SS., pp. 860 ff.

[14] In current language we often include under the word

mysticism all the tendencies--often far from Christian--which

give predominance in the religious life to vague poetic

elements, impulses of the heart. The name of mystic ought to be

applied only to those Christians to whom _immediate_ relations

with Jesus form the basis of the religious life. In this sense

St. Paul (whose theologico-philosophical system is one of the

most powerful efforts of the human mind to explain sin and

redemption) is at the same time the prince of mystics.

[15] He did not desire to institute a religion, for he felt the

vanity of observances and dogmas. (The apostles continued to

frequent the Jewish temple. Acts, ii., 46; iii., 1; v., 25;

xxi., 26.) He desired to inoculate the world with a new life.

[16] 2 Cel., 3, 29; cf. 1 Cel., 115; 3 Soc., 13 and 14; 2 Cel.,

1, 6; 2 Cel., 3, 123 and 131; Bon., 57; 124; 203; 204; 224; 225;

309; 310; 311; _Conform._, 229b ff.

[17] 1 Cel., 91-94; Bon., 189, 190.

[18] See the annotations of Brother Leo upon the autograph of

St. Francis (Crit. Study, p. 357) and 1 Cel., 94, 95; Bon., 191,

192, 193 (3 Soc., 69, 70); _Fior. iii. consid._ Cf. _Auct. vit.

sec._; A. SS. p. 649. It is to be noted that Thomas of Celano (1

Cel., 95), as well as all the primitive documents, describe the

stigmata as being fleshy excrescences, recalling in form and

color the nails with which the limbs of Jesus were pierced. No

one speaks of those gaping, sanguineous wounds which were

imagined later. Only the mark at the side was a wound, whence at

times exuded a little blood. Finally, Thomas of Celano says that

after the seraphic vision _began to appear, coeperunt apparere

signa clavorum_. Vide Appendix: Study of the Stigmata.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XVII

THE CANTICLE OF THE SUN

Autumn, 1224-Autumn, 1225

The morning after St. Michael's Day (September 30, 1224) Francis quitted

Verna and went to Portiuncula. He was too much exhausted to think of

making the journey on foot, and Count Orlando put a horse at his

disposal.

We can imagine the emotion with which he bade adieu to the mountain on

which had been unfolded the drama of love and pain which had consummated

the union of his entire being with the Crucified One.

Amor, amor, Gesu desideroso,

Amor voglio morire,

Te abrazando

Amor, dolce Gesu, meo sposo,

Amor, amor, la morte te domando,

Amor, amor, Gesu si pietoso

Tu me te dai in te transformato

Pensa ch'io vo spasmando

Non so o io me sia

Gesu speranza mia

Ormai va, dormi in amore.

So sang Giacopone dei Todi in the raptures of a like love.[1]

If we are to believe a recently published document,[2] Brother Masseo,

one of those who remained on the Verna, made a written account of the

events of this day.

They set out early in the morning. Francis, after having given his

directions to the Brothers, had had a look and a word for everything

around; for the rocks, the flowers, the trees, for brother hawk, a

privileged character which was authorized to enter his cell at all

times, and which came every morning, with the first glimmer of dawn, to

remind him of the hour of service.[3]

Then the little band set forth upon the path leading to

Monte-Acuto.[4] Arrived at the gap from whence one gets the last sight

of the Verna, Francis alighted from his horse, and kneeling upon the

earth, his face turned toward the mountain, "Adieu," he said, "mountain

of God, sacred mountain, _mons coagulatus, mons pinguis, mons in quo

bene placitum est Deo habitare_; adieu Monte-Verna, may God bless thee,

the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit; abide in peace; we shall never

see one another more."

Has not this artless scene a delicious and poignant sweetness? He must

surely have uttered these words, in which suddenly the Italian does not

suffice and Francis is obliged to resort to the mystical language of

the breviary to express his feelings.

A few minutes later the rock of the ecstacy had disappeared. The descent

into the valley is rapid. The Brothers had decided to spend the night at

Monte-Casale, the little hermitage above Borgo San-Sepolcro. All of

them, even those who were to remain on the Verna, were still following

their master. As for him, absorbed in thought he had become entirely

oblivious to what was going on, and did not even perceive the noisy

enthusiasm which his passage aroused in the numerous villages along the

Tiber.

At Borgo San-Sepolcro he received a real ovation without even then

coming to himself; but when they had some time quitted the town, he

seemed suddenly to awake, and asked his companion if they ought not soon

to arrive there.[5]

The first evening at Monte Casale was marked by a miracle. Francis

healed a friar who was possessed.[6] The next morning, having decided

to pass several days in this hermitage, he sent the brothers back to the

Verna, and with them Count Orlando's horse.

In one of the villages through which they had passed the day before a

woman had been lying several days between death and life unable to give

birth to her child. Those about her had only learned of the passage of

the saint through their village when he was too far distant to be

overtaken. We may judge of the joy of these poor people when the rumor

was spread that he was about to return. They went to meet him, and were

terribly disappointed on finding only the friars. Suddenly an idea

occurred to them: taking the bridle of the horse consecrated by the

touch of Francis's hands, they carried it to the sufferer, who, having

laid it upon her body, gave birth to her child without the slightest

pain.[7]

This miracle, established by narratives entirely authentic, shows the

degree of enthusiasm felt by the people for the person of Francis. As

for him, after a few days at Monte-Casale, he set out with Brother Leo

for Città di Castello. He there healed a woman suffering from frightful

nervous disorders, and remained an entire month preaching in this city

and its environs. When he once more set forth winter had almost closed

in. A peasant lent him his ass, but the roads were so bad that they were

unable to reach any sort of shelter before nightfall. The unhappy

travellers were obliged to pass the night under a rock; the shelter was

more than rudimentary, the wind drifted the snow in upon them, and

nearly froze the unlucky peasant, who with abominable oaths heaped

curses on Francis; but the latter replied with such cheerfulness that he

made him at last forget both the cold and his bad humor.

On the morrow the saint reached Portiuncula. He seems to have made only

a brief halt there, and to have set forth again almost immediately to

evangelize Southern Umbria.

It is impossible to follow him in this mission. Brother Elias

accompanied him, but so feeble was he that Elias could not conceal his

uneasiness as to his life.[8]

Ever since his return from Syria (August, 1220), he had been growing

continually weaker, but his fervor had increased from day to day.

Nothing could check him, neither suffering nor the entreaties of the

Brothers; seated on an ass he would sometimes go over three or four

villages in one day. Such excessive toil brought on an infirmity even

more painful than any he had hitherto suffered from: he was threatened

with loss of sight.[9]

Meanwhile a sedition had forced Honorius III. to leave Rome (end of

April, 1225). After passing a few weeks at Tivoli, he established

himself at Rieti, where he remained until the end of 1226.[10]

The pope's arrival had drawn to this city, with the entire pontifical

court, several physicians of renown; Cardinal Ugolini, who had come in

the pope's train, hearing of Francis's malady, summoned him to Rieti for

treatment. But notwithstanding Brother Elias's entreaties Francis

hesitated a long time as to accepting the invitation.[11] It seemed to

him that a sick man has but one thing to do; place himself purely and

simply in the hands of the heavenly Father. What is pain to a soul that

is fixed in God![12]

Elias, however, at last overcame his objections, and the journey was

determined upon, but first Francis desired to go and take leave of

Clara, and enjoy a little rest near her.

He remained at St. Damian much longer than he had proposed to do[13]

(end of July to beginning of September, 1225). His arrival at this

beloved monastery was marked by a terrible aggravation of his malady.

For fifteen days he was so completely blind that he could not even

distinguish light. The care lavished upon him produced no result, since

every day he passed long hours in weeping--tears of penitence, he said,

but also of regret.[14] Ah, how different they were from those tears

of his moments of inspiration and emotion, which had flowed over a

countenance all illumined with joy! They had seen him, in such moments,

take up two bits of wood, and, accompanying himself with this rustic

violin, improvise French songs in which he would pour out the abundance

of his heart.[15]

But the radiance of genius and hope had become dimmed. Rachel weeps for

her children, and will not be comforted because they are not. There are

in the tears of Francis this same _quia non sunt_ for his spiritual

sons.

But if there are irremediable pains there are none which may not be at

once elevated and softened, when we endure them at the side of those who

love us.

In this respect his companions could not be of much help to him. Moral

consolations are possible only from our peers, or when two hearts are

united by a mystical passion so great that they mingle and understand

one another.

"Ah, if the Brothers knew what I suffer," St. Francis said a few days

before the impression of the stigmata, "with what pity and compassion

they would be moved!"

But they, seeing him who had laid cheerfulness upon them as a duty

becoming more and more sad and keeping aloof from them, imagined that he

was tortured with temptations of the devil.[16]

Clara divined that which could not be uttered. At St. Damian her friend

was looking back over all the past: what memories lived again in a

single glance! Here, the olive-tree to which, a brilliant cavalier, he

had fastened his horse; there, the stone bench where his friend, the

priest of the poor chapel, used to sit; yonder, the hiding-place in

which he had taken refuge from the paternal wrath, and, above all, the

sanctuary with the mysterious crucifix of the decisive hour.

In living over these pictures of the radiant past, Francis aggravated

his pain; yet they spoke to him of other things than death and regret.

Clara was there, as steadfast, as ardent as ever. Long ago transformed

by admiration, she was now transfigured by compassion. Seated at the

feet of him whom she loved with more than earthly love she felt the

soreness of his soul, and the failing of his heart. After that, what did

it matter that Francis's tears became more abundant to the point of

making him blind for a fortnight? Soothing would come; the sister of

consolation would give him peace once more.

And first she kept him near her, and, herself taking part in the labor,

she made him a large cell of reeds in the monastery garden, that he

might be entirely at liberty as to his movements.

How could he refuse a hospitality so thoroughly Franciscan? It was

indeed only too much so: legions of rats and mice infested this retired

spot; at night they ran over Francis's bed with an infernal uproar, so

that he could find no repose from his sufferings. But he soon forgot all

that when near his sister-friend. Once again she gave back to him faith

and courage. "A single sunbeam," he used to say, "is enough to drive

away many shadows!"

Little by little the man of the former days began to show himself, and

at times the Sisters would hear, mingling with the murmur of the olive

trees and pines, the echo of unfamiliar songs, which seemed to come from

the cell of reeds.

One day he had seated himself at the monastery table after a long

conversation with Clara. The meal had hardly begun when suddenly he

seemed to be rapt away in ecstasy.

"_Laudato sia lo Signore!_" he cried on coming to himself. He had just

composed the Canticle of the Sun.[17]

TEXT[18]

INCIPIUNT LAUDES CREATURARUM

QUAS FECIT BEATUS FRANCISCUS AD LAUDEM ET HONOREM

DEI

CUM ESSET INFIRMUS AD SANCTUM DAMIANUM.

ALTISSIMU, onnipotente, bon signore,

tue so le laude la gloria e l'onore et onne benedictione.

Ad te sole, altissimo, se konfano

et nullu homo ene dignu te mentovare.

Laudato sie, mi signore, cum tucte le tue creature

spetialmente messor lo frate sole,

lo quale jorna, et illumini per lui;

Et ellu è bellu e radiante cum grande splendore;

de te, altissimo, porta significatione.

Laudato si, mi signore, per sora luna e le stelle,

in celu l' ài formate clarite et pretiose et belle.

Laudato si, mi signore, per frate vento

et per aere et nubilo et sereno et onne tempo,

per le quale a le tue creature dai sustentamento.

Laudato si, mi signore, per sor acqua,

la quale è multo utile et humele et pretiosa et casta.

Laudato si, mi signore, per frate focu,

per lo quale ennallumini la nocte,

ed ello è bello et jucundo et robustoso et forte.

Laudato si, mi signore, per sora nostra matre terra,

la quale ne sustenta et governa

et produce diversi fructi con colorite flori et herba.

Laudato si, mi signore, per quilli ke perdonano per lo tuo amore

et sosteugo infirmitate et tribulatione,

beati quilli ke sosterrano in pace,

ka da te, altissimo, sirano incoronati.

Laudato si, mi signore, per sora nostra morte corporale,

de la quale nullu homo vivente po skappare:

guai a quilli ke morrano ne le peccata mortali;

beati quilli ke se trovarà ne le tue sanctissime voluntati,

ka la morte secunda nol farrà male.

Laudate et benedicete mi signore et rengratiate

et serviteli cum grande humilitate.

TRANSLATION.[19]

O most high, almighty, good Lord God, to thee belong praise,

glory, honor, and all blessing! {To thee alone, Most High, do

they belong, and no mortal lips are worthy to pronounce thy

Name.}

Praised be my Lord God with all his creatures, and specially our

brother the sun, who brings us the day and who brings us the

light; fair is he and shines with a very great splendor: O Lord,

he signifies to us thee!

Praised be my Lord for our sister the moon, and for the stars,

the which he has set clear and lovely in heaven.

Praised be my Lord for our brother the wind, and for air and

cloud, calms and all weather by the which thou upholdest life in

all creatures.

Praised be my Lord for our sister water, who is very serviceable

unto us and humble and precious and clean.

Praised be my Lord for our brother fire, through whom thou

givest us light in the darkness; and he is bright and pleasant

and very mighty and strong.

Praised be my Lord for our mother the earth, the which doth

sustain us and keep us, and bringeth forth divers fruits and

flowers of many colors, and grass.

Praised be my Lord for all those who pardon one another for his

love's sake, and who endure weakness and tribulation; blessed

are they who peaceably shall endure, for thou, O most Highest,

shalt give them a crown.

Praised be my Lord for our sister, the death of the body, from

which no man escapeth. Woe to him who dieth in mortal sin!

Blessed are they who are found walking by thy most holy will,

for the second death shall have no power to do them harm.

Praise ye and bless the Lord, and give thanks unto him and serve

him with great humility.

Joy had returned to Francis, joy as deep as ever. For a whole week he

forsook his breviary and passed his days in repeating the Canticle of

the Sun.

During a night of sleeplessness he had heard a voice saying to him, "If

thou hadst faith as a grain of mustard seed, thou wouldst say to this

mountain, 'Be thou removed from there,' and it would move away." Was not

the mountain that of his sufferings, the temptation to murmur and

despair? "Be it, Lord, according to thy word," he had replied with all

his heart, and immediately he had felt that he was delivered.[20]

He might have perceived that the mountain had not greatly changed its

place, but for several days he had turned his eyes away from it, he had

been able to forget its existence.

For a moment he thought of summoning to his side Brother Pacifico, the

King of Verse, to retouch his canticle; his idea was to attach to him a

certain number of friars, who would go with him from village to village,

preaching. After the sermon they would sing the Hymn of the Sun; and

they were to close by saying to the crowd gathered around them in the

public places, "We are God's jugglers. We desire to be paid for our

sermon and our song. Our payment shall be that you persevere in

penitence."[21]

"Is it not in fact true," he would add, "that the servants of God are

really like jugglers, intended to revive the hearts of men and lead them

into spiritual joy?"

The Francis of the old raptures had come back, the layman, the poet, the

artist.

The Canticle of the Creatures is very noble: it lacks, however, one

strophe; if it was not upon Francis's lips, it was surely in his heart:

Be praised, Lord, for Sister Clara; thou hast made her silent,

active, and sagacious, and by her thy light shines in our

hearts.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Thirty-sixth and last strophe of the song

_Amor de caritade

Perche m' hai si ferito?_

found in the collection of St. Francis's works.

[2] By the Abbé Amoni, at the close of his edition of the Fioretti,

Rome, 1 vol., 12mo, 1889, pp. 390-392. We can but once more

regret the silence of the editor as to the manuscript whence

he has drawn these charming pages. Certain indications seem

unfavorable to the author having written it before the second

half of the thirteenth century; on the other hand, the object

of a forgery is not evident. An apochryphal piece always

betrays itself by some interested purpose, but here the story

is of an infantine simplicity.

[3] 2 Cel., 3, 104; Bon., 119; _Fior. ii. consid._

[4] _Parti san Francesco per Monte-Acuto prendendo la via di

Monte-Arcoppe e del foresto._ This road from the Verna to Borgo

San-Sepolero is far from being the shortest or the easiest, for

instead of leading directly to the plain it lingers for long

hours among the hills. Is not all Francis in this choice?

[5] 2 Cel., 3, 41; Bon., 141; _Fior. iv. consid._

[6] 1 Cel., 63 and 64; _Fior. iv. consid._

[7] 1 Cel., 70; _Fior. iv. consid._

[8] 1 Cel., 109; 69; Bon. 208. Perhaps we must refer to this

circuit the visit to Celano. 2 Cel., 3, 30; _Spec._, 22; Bon.,

156 and 157.

[9] 1 Cel., 97 and 98; 2 Cel., 3, 137; Bon., 205 and 206.

[10] Richard of St. Germano, _ann. 1225_. Cf. Potthast, 7400 ff.

[11] 1 Cel., 98 and 99; 2 Cel., 3, 137; _Fior._, 19.

[12] 2 Cel., 3, 110; Rule of 1221, _cap._ 10.

[13] See the reference to the sources after the Canticle of the

Sun.

[14] 2 Cel., 3, 138.

[15] This incident appeared to the authors so peculiar that they

emphasized it with an _ut oculis videmus_. 2 Cel., 3, 67;

_Spec._, 119a.

[16] _Spec._, 123a; 2 Cel., 3, 58.

[17] I have combined Celano's narrative with that of the

Conformities. The details given in the latter document appear to

me entirely worthy of faith. It is easy to see, however, why

Celano omitted them, and it would be difficult to explain how

they could have been later invented. 2 Cel., 3, 138; _Conform._,

42b, 2; 119b, 1; 184b, 2; 239a, 2; _Spec._, 123a ff.; _Fior._,

19.

[18] After the Assisan MS., 338, f^o 33a. Vide p. 354. Father

Panfilo da Magliano has already published it after this

manuscript: _Storia compendiosa di San Francesco_, Rome, 2

vols., 18mo, 1874-1876. The Conformities, 202b, 2-203a 1, give a

version of it which differs from this only by insignificant

variations. The learned philologue Monaci has established a very

remarkable critical text in his _Crestomazia italiana dei primi

secoli_. Citta di Castello, fas. i., 1889, 8vo, pp. 29-31. This

thoroughly scrupulous work dispenses me from indicating

manuscripts and editions more at length.

[19] Matthew Arnold, Essays in Criticism, First Series.

Macmillan & Company, 1883.

[20] 2 Cel., 3, 58; _Spec._, 123a.

[21] _Spec._, 124a. Cf. _Miscellanea_ (1889), iv., p. 88.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XIX

THE LAST YEAR

September, 1225-End of September, 1226

What did Ugolini think when they told him that Francis was planning to

send his friars, transformed into _Joculatores Domini_, to sing up and

down the country the Canticle of Brother Sun? Perhaps he never heard of

it. His _protégé_ finally decided to accept his invitation and left St.

Damian in the course of the month of September.

The landscape which lies before the eyes of the traveller from Assisi,

when he suddenly emerges upon the plain of Rieti, is one of the most

beautiful in Europe. From Terni the road follows the sinuous course of

the Velino, passes not far from the famous cascades, whose clouds of

mist are visible, and then plunges into the defiles in whose depths the

torrent rushes noisily, choked by a vegetation as luxuriant as that of a

virgin forest. On all sides uprise walls of perpendicular rocks, and on

their crests, several hundred yards above your head, are feudal

fortresses, among others the Castle of Miranda, more giddy, more

fantastic than any which Gustave Doré's fancy ever dreamed.

After four hours of walking, the defile opens out and you find yourself

without transition in a broad valley, sparkling with light.

Rieti, the only city in this plain of several leagues, appears far away

at the other extremity, commanded by hills of a thoroughly tropical

aspect, behind which rise the mighty Apennines, almost always covered

with snow.

The highway goes directly toward this town, passing between tiny lakes;

here and there roads lead off to little villages which you see, on the

hillside, between the cultivated fields and the edge of the forests;

there are Stroncone, Greccio, Cantalice, Poggio-Buscone, and ten other

small towns, which have given more saints to the Church than a whole

province of France.

Between the inhabitants of the district and their neighbors of Umbria,

properly so called, the difference is extreme. They are all of the

striking type of the Sabine peasants, and they remain to this day entire

strangers to new customs. One is born a Capuchin there as elsewhere one

is born a soldier, and the traveller needs to have his wits about him

not to address every man he meets as Reverend Father.

Francis had often gone over this district in every direction. Like its

neighbor, the hilly March of Ancona, it was peculiarly prepared to

receive the new gospel. In these hermitages, with their almost

impossible simplicity, perched near the villages on every side, without

the least care for material comfort, but always where there is the

widest possible view, was perpetuated a race of Brothers Minor,

impassioned, proud, stubborn, almost wild, who did not wholly understand

their master, who did not catch his exquisite simplicity, his

impossibility of hating, his dreams of social and political renovation,

his poetry and delicacy, but who did understand the lover of nature and

of poverty.[1] They did more than understand him; they lived his

life, and from that Christmas festival observed in the woods of Greccio

down to to-day they have remained the simple and popular representatives

of the Strict Observance. From them comes to us the Legend of the Three

Companions, the most life-like and true of all the portraits of the

Poverello, and it was there, in a cell three paces long, that Giovanni

di Parma had his apocalyptic visions.

The news of Francis's arrival quickly spread, and long before he reached

Rieti the population had come out to meet him.

To avoid this noisy welcome he craved the hospitality of the priest of

St. Fabian. This little church, now known under the name of Our Lady of

the Forest, is somewhat aside from the road upon a grassy mound about a

league from the city. He was heartily welcomed, and desiring to remain

there for a little, prelates and devotees began to flock thither in the

next few days.

It was the time of the early grapes. It is easy to imagine the

disquietude of the priest on perceiving the ravages made by these

visitors among his vines, his best source of revenue, but he probably

exaggerated the damage. Francis one day heard him giving vent to his bad

humor. "Father," he said, "it is useless for you to disturb yourself for

what you cannot hinder; but, tell me, how much wine do you get on an

average?"

"Fourteen measures," replied the priest.

"Very well, if you have less than twenty, I undertake to make up the

difference."

This promise reassured the worthy man, and when at the vintage he

received twenty measures, he had no hesitation in believing in a

miracle.[2]

Upon Ugolini's entreaties Francis had accepted the hospitality of the

bishop's palace in Rieti. Thomas of Celano enlarges with delight upon

the marks of devotion lavished on Francis by this prince of the Church.

Unhappily all this is written in that pompous and confused style of

which diplomats and ecclesiastics appear to have by nature the secret.

Francis entered into the condition of a relic in his lifetime. The mania

for amulets displayed itself around him in all its excesses. People

quarrelled not only over his clothing, but even over his hair and the

parings of his nails.[3]

Did these merely exterior demonstrations disgust him? Did he sometimes

think of the contrast between these honors offered to his body, which he

picturesquely called Brother Ass, and the subversion of his ideal? We

cannot tell. If he had feelings of this kind those who surrounded him

were not the men to understand them, and it would be idle to expect any

expression of them from his pen.

Soon after he had a relapse, and asked to be removed to

Monte-Colombo,[4] a hermitage an hour distant from the city, hidden

amidst trees and scattered rocks. He had already retired thither several

times, notably when he was preparing the Rule of 1223.

The doctors, having exhausted the therapeutic arsenal of the time,

decided to resort to cauterization; it was decided to draw a rod of

white-hot iron across his forehead.

When the poor patient saw them bringing in the brazier and the

instruments he had a moment of terror; but immediately making the sign

of the cross over the glowing iron, "Brother fire," he said, "you are

beautiful above all creatures; be favorable to me in this hour; you know

how much I have always loved you; be then courteous to-day."

Afterward, when his companions, who had not had the courage to remain,

came back he said to them, smiling, "Oh, cowardly folk, why did you go

away? I felt no pain. Brother doctor, if it is necessary you may do it

again."

This experiment was no more successful than the other remedies. In vain

they quickened the wound on the forehead, by applying plasters, salves,

and even by making incisions in it; the only result was to increase the

pains of the sufferer.[5]

One day, at Rieti, whither he had again been carried, he thought that a

little music would relieve his pain. Calling a friar who had formerly

been clever at playing the guitar, he begged him to borrow one; but the

friar was afraid of the scandal which this might cause, and Francis gave

it up.

God took pity upon him; the following night he sent an invisible angel

to give him such a concert as is never heard on earth.[6] Francis,

hearing it, lost all bodily feeling, say the Fioretti, and at one moment

the melody was so sweet and penetrating that if the angel had given one

more stroke of the bow, the sick man's soul would have left his

body.[7]

It seems that there was some amelioration of his state when the doctors

left him; we find him during the months of this winter, 1225-1226, in

the most remote hermitages of the district, for as soon as he had a

little strength he was determined to begin preaching again.

He went to Poggio-Buscone[8] for the Christmas festival. People

flocked thither in crowds from all the country round to see and hear

him. "You come here," he said, "expecting to find a great saint; what

will you think when I tell you that I ate meat all through Advent?"[9]

At St. Eleutheria,[10] at a time of extreme cold which tried him much,

he had sewn some pieces of stuff into his own tunic and that of his

companion, so as to make their garments a little warmer. One day his

companion came home with a fox-skin, with which in his turn he proposed

to line his master's tunic. Francis rejoiced much over it, but would

permit this excess of consideration for his body only on condition that

the piece of fur should be placed on the outside over his chest.

All these incidents, almost insignificant at a first view, show how he

detested hypocrisy even in the smallest things.

We will not follow him to his dear Greccio,[11] nor even to the

hermitage of St. Urbano, perched on one of the highest peaks of the

Sabine.[12] The accounts which we have of the brief visits he made

there at this time tell us nothing new of his character or of the

history of his life. They simply show that the imaginations of those who

surrounded him were extraordinarily overheated; the least incidents

immediately took on a miraculous coloring.[13]

The documents do not say how it came about that he decided to go to

Sienna. It appears that there was in that city a physician of great fame

as an oculist. The treatment he prescribed was no more successful than

that of the others; but with the return of spring Francis made a new

effort to return to active life. We find him describing the ideal

Franciscan monastery,[14] and another day explaining a passage in the

Bible to a Dominican.

Did the latter, a doctor in theology, desire to bring the rival Order

into ridicule by showing its founder incapable of explaining a somewhat

difficult verse? It appears extremely likely. "My good father," he said,

"how do you understand this saying of the prophet Ezekiel, 'If thou dost

not warn the wicked of his wickedness, I will require his soul of thee?'

I am acquainted with many men whom I know to be in a state of mortal

sin, and yet I am not always reproaching them for their vices. Am I,

then, responsible for their souls?"

At first Francis excused himself, alleging his ignorance, but urged by

his interlocutor he said at last: "Yes, the true servant unceasingly

rebukes the wicked, but he does it most of all by his conduct, by the

truth which shines forth in his words, by the light of his example, by

all the radiance of his life."[15]

He soon suffered so grave a relapse that the Brothers thought his last

hour had come. They were especially affrighted by the hemorrhages, which

reduced him to a state of extreme prostration. Brother Elias hastened to

him. At his arrival the invalid felt in himself such an improvement that

they could acquiesce in his desire to be taken back to Umbria. Toward

the middle of April they set out, going in the direction of Cortona. It

is the easiest route, and the delightful hermitage of that city was one

of the best ordered to permit of his taking some repose. He doubtless

remained there a very short time: he was in haste to see once more the

skies of his native country, Portiuncula, St. Damian, the Carceri, all

those paths and hamlets which one sees from the terraces of Assisi and

which recalled to him so many sweet memories.

Instead of going by the nearest road, they made a long circuit by Gubbio

and Nocera, to avoid Perugia, fearing some attempt of the inhabitants to

get possession of the Saint. Such a relic as the body of Francis lacked

little of the value of the sacred nail or the sacred lance.[16] Battles

were fought for less than that.

They made a short halt near Nocera, at the hermitage of Bagnara, on the

slopes of Monte-Pennino.[17] His companions were again very much

disturbed. The swelling which had shown itself in the lower limbs was

rapidly gaining the upper part of the body. The Assisans learned this,

and wishing to be prepared for whatever might happen sent their

men-at-arms to protect the Saint and hasten his return.

Bringing Francis back with them they stopped for food at the hamlet of

Balciano,[18] but in vain they begged the inhabitants to sell them

provisions. As the escort were confiding their discomfiture to the

friars, Francis, who knew these good peasants, said: "If you had asked

for food without offering to pay, you would have found all you wanted."

He was right, for, following his advice, they received for nothing all

that they desired.[19]

The arrival of the party at Assisi was hailed with frantic joy. This

time Francis's fellow-citizens were sure that the Saint was not going to

die somewhere else.[20]

Customs in this matter have changed too much for us to be able

thoroughly to comprehend the good fortune of possessing the body of a

saint. If you are ever so unlucky as to mention St. Andrew before an

inhabitant of Amalfi, you will immediately find him beginning to shout

"_Evviva San Andrea! Evviva San Andrea!_" Then with extraordinary

volubility he will relate to you the legend of the _Grande Protettore_,

his miracles past and present, those which he might have done if he had

chosen, but which he refrained from doing out of charity because St.

Januarius of Naples could not do as much. He gesticulates, throws

himself about, hustles you, more enthusiastic over his relic and more

exasperated by your coldness than a soldier of the Old Guard before an

enemy of the Emperor.

In the thirteenth century all Europe was like that.

We shall find here several incidents which we may be tempted to consider

shocking or even ignoble, if we do not make an effort to put them all

into their proper surroundings.

Francis was installed in the bishop's palace; he would have preferred to

be at Portiuncula, but the Brothers were obliged to obey the injunctions

of the populace, and to make assurance doubly sure, guards were placed

at all the approaches of the palace.

The abode of the Saint in this place was much longer than had been

anticipated. It perhaps lasted several months (July to September). This

dying man did not consent to die. He rebelled against death; in this

centre of the work his anxieties for the future of the Order, which a

little while before had been in the background, now returned, more

agonizing and terrible than ever.

"We must begin again," he thought, "create a new family who will not

forget humility, who will go and serve lepers and, as in the old times,

put themselves always, not merely in words, but in reality, below all

men."[21]

To feel that implacable work of destruction going on against which the

most submissive cannot keep from protesting: "My God, my God, why? why

hast thou forsaken me?" To be obliged to look on at the still more

dreaded decomposition of his Order; he, the lark, to be spied upon by

soldiers watching for his corpse--there was quite enough here to make

him mortally sad.

During these last weeks all his sighs were noted. The disappearance of

the greater part of the legend of the Three Companions certainly

deprives us of some touching stories, but most of the incidents have

been preserved for us, notwithstanding, in documents from a second hand.

Four Brothers had been especially charged to lavish care upon him: Leo,

Angelo, Rufino, and Masseo. We already know them; they are of those

intimate friends of the first days, who had heard in the Franciscan

gospel a call to love and liberty. And they too began to complain of

everything.[22]

One day one of them said to the sick man: "Father, you are going away to

leave us here; point out to us, then, if you know him, the one to whom

we might in all security confide the burden of the generalship."

Alas, Francis did not know the ideal Brother, capable of assuming such a

duty; but he took advantage of the question to sketch the portrait of

the perfect minister-general.[23]

We have two impressions of this portrait, the one which has been

retouched by Celano, and the original proof, much shorter and more

vague, but showing us Francis desiring that his successor shall have but

a single weapon, an unalterable love.

It was probably this question which suggested to him the thought of

leaving for his successors, the generals of the Order, a letter which

they should pass on from one to another, and where they should find, not

directions for particular cases, but the very inspiration of their

activity.[24]

To the Reverend Father in Christ, N ..., Minister-General of the

entire Order of the Brothers Minor. May God bless thee and keep

thee in his holy love.

Patience in all things and everywhere, this, my Brother, is what

I specially recommend. Even if they oppose thee, if they strike

thee, thou shouldst be grateful to them and desire that it

should be thus and not otherwise.

In this will be manifest thy love for God and for me, his

servant and thine; that there shall not be a single friar in the

world who, having sinned as much as one can sin, and coming

before thee, shall go away without having received thy pardon.

And if he does not ask it, do thou ask it for him, whether he

wills or not.

And if he should return again a thousand times before thee, love

him more than myself, in order to lead him to well-doing. Have

pity always on these Brothers.

These words show plainly enough how in former days Francis had directed

the Order; in his dream the ministers-general were to stand in a

relation of pure affection, of tender devotion toward those under them;

but was this possible for one at the head of a family whose branches

extended over the entire world? It would be hazardous to say, for among

his successors have not been wanting distinguished minds and noble

hearts; but save for Giovanni di Parma and two or three others, this

ideal is in sharp contrast with the reality. St. Bonaventura himself

will drag his master and friend, this very Giovanni of Parma, before an

ecclesiastical tribunal, will cause him to be condemned to perpetual

imprisonment, and it will need the intervention of a cardinal outside of

the Order to secure the commutation of this sentence.[25]

The agonies of grief endured by the dying Francis over the decadence of

the Order would have been less poignant if they had not been mingled

with self-reproaches for his own cowardice. Why had he deserted his

post, given up the direction of his family, if not from idleness and

selfishness? And now it was too late to take back this step; and in

hours of frightful anguish he asked himself if God would not hold him

responsible for this subversion of his ideal.

"Ah, if I could go once again to the chapter-general," he would sigh, "I

would show them what my will is."

Shattered as he was by fever, he would suddenly rise up in his bed,

crying with a despairing intensity: "Where are they who have ravished

my brethren from me? Where are they who have stolen away my family?"

Alas, the real criminals were nearer to him than he thought. The

provincial ministers, of whom he appears to have been thinking when he

thus spoke, were only instruments in the hands of the clever Brother

Elias; and he--what else was he doing but putting his intelligence and

address at Cardinal Ugolini's service?

Far from finding any consolation in those around him, Francis was

constantly tortured by the confidences of his companions, who, impelled

by mistaken zeal, aggravated his pain instead of calming it.[26]

"Forgive me, Father," said one of them to him one day, "but many

people have already thought what I am going to say to you. You

know how, in the early days, by God's grace the Order walked in

the path of perfection; for all that concerns poverty and love,

as well as for all the rest, the Brothers were but one heart and

one soul. But for some time past all that is entirely changed:

it is true that people often excuse the Brothers by saying that

the Order has grown too large to keep up the old observances;

they even go so far as to claim that infidelities to the Rule,

such as the building of great monasteries, are a means of

edification of the people, and so the primitive simplicity and

poverty are held for nothing. Evidently all these abuses are

displeasing to you; but then, people ask, why do you tolerate

them?"

"God forgive you, brother." replied Francis. "Why do you lay at

my door things with which I have nothing to do? So long as I had

the direction of the Order, and the Brothers persevered in their

vocation I was able, in spite of weakness, to do what was

needful. But when I saw that, without caring for my example or

my teaching, they walked in the way you have described, I

confided them to the Lord and to the ministers. It is true that

when I relinquished the direction, alleging my incapacity as the

motive, if they had walked in the way of my wishes I should not

have desired that before my death they should have had any other

minister than myself; though ill, though bedridden, even, I

should have found strength to perform the duties of my charge.

But this charge is wholly spiritual; I will not become an

executioner to strike and punish as political governors

must."[27]

Francis's complaints became so sharp and bitter that, to avoid scandal,

the greatest prudence was exercised with regard to those who were

permitted to see him.[28]

Disorder was everywhere, and every day brought its contingent of

subjects for sorrow. The confusion of ideas as to the practice of the

Rule was extreme; occult influences, which had been working for several

years, had succeeded in veiling the Franciscan ideal, not only from

distant Brothers, or those who had newly joined the Order, but even from

those who had lived under the influence of the founder.[29]

Under circumstances such as these, Francis dictated the letter to all

the members of the Order, which, as he thought would be read at the

opening of chapters and perpetuate his spiritual presence in them.[30]

In this letter he is perfectly true to himself; as in the past, he

desires to influence the Brothers, not by reproaches but by fixing their

eyes on the perfect holiness.

To all the revered and well-beloved Brothers Minor, to Brother A

...,[31] minister-general, its Lord, and to the

ministers-general who shall be after him, and to all the

ministers, custodians, and priests of this fraternity, humble in

Christ, and to all the simple and obedient Brothers, the oldest

and the most recent, Brother Francis, a mean and perishing man,

your little servant, gives greeting!

Hear, my Lords, you who are my sons and my brothers, give ear to

my words. Open your hearts and obey the voice of the Son of God.

Keep his commandments with all your hearts, and perfectly

observe his counsels. Praise him, for he is good, and glorify

him by your works.

God has sent you through all the world, that by your words and

example you may bear witness of him, and that you may teach all

men that he alone is all powerful. Persevere in discipline and

obedience, and with an honest and firm will keep that which you

have promised.

After this opening Francis immediately passes to the essential matter of

the letter, that of the love and respect due to the Sacrament of the

altar; faith in this mystery of love appeared to him indeed as the

salvation of the Order.

Was he wrong? How can a man who truly believes in the real presence of

the God-Man between the fingers of him who lifts up the host, not

consecrate his life to this God and to holiness? One has some difficulty

in imagining.

It is true that legions of devotees profess the most absolute faith in

this dogma, and we do not see that they are less bad; but faith with

them belongs in the intellectual sphere; it is the abdication of

reason, and in sacrificing their intelligence to God they are most happy

to offer to him an instrument which they very much prefer not to use.

To Francis the question presented itself quite differently; the thought

that there could be any merit in believing could never enter his mind;

the fact of the real presence was for him of almost concrete evidence.

Therefore his faith in this mystery was an energy of the heart, that the

life of God, mysteriously present upon the altar, might become the soul

of all his actions.

To the eucharistic transubstantiation, effected by the words of the

priest, he added another, that of his own heart.

God offers himself to us as to his children. This is why I beg

you, all of you, my brothers, kissing your feet, and with all

the love of which I am capable, to have all possible respect for

the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ.

Then addressing himself particularly to the priests:

Hearken, my brothers, if the blessed Virgin Mary is justly

honored for having carried Jesus in her womb, if John the

Baptist trembled because he dared not touch the Lord's head, if

the sepulchre in which for a little time he lay is regarded with

such great adoration, oh, how holy, pure, and worthy should be

the priest who touches with his hands, who receives into his

mouth and into his heart, and who distributes to others the

living, glorified Jesus, the sight of whom makes angels rejoice!

Understand your dignity, brother priests, and be holy, for he is

holy. Oh! what great wretchedness and what a frightful infirmity

to have him there present before you and to think of other

things. Let each man be struck with amazement, let the whole

earth tremble, let the heavens thrill with joy when the Christ,

the Son of the living God, descends upon the altar into the

hands of the priest. Oh, wonderful profundity! Oh, amazing

grace! Oh, triumph of humility! See, the Master of all things,

God, and the Son of God, humbles himself for our salvation, even

to disguising himself under the appearance of a bit of bread.

Contemplate, my brothers, this humility of God, and enlarge your

hearts before him; humble yourselves as well, that you, even

you, may be lifted up by him. Keep nothing for yourselves, that

he may receive you without reserve, who has given himself to you

without reserve.

We see with what vigor of love Francis's heart had laid hold upon the

idea of the communion.

He closes with long counsels to the Brothers, and after having conjured

them faithfully to keep their promises, all his mysticism breathes out

and is summed up in a prayer of admirable simplicity.

God Almighty, eternal, righteous, and merciful, give to us poor

wretches to do for thy sake all that we know of thy will, and to

will always what pleases thee; so that inwardly purified,

enlightened, and kindled by the fire of the Holy Spirit, we may

follow in the footprints of thy well-beloved Son, our Lord Jesus

Christ.

What separates this prayer from the effort to discern duty made by

choice spirits apart from all revealed religion? Very little in truth;

the words are different, the action is the same.

But Francis's solicitudes reached far beyond the limits of the Order.

His longest epistle is addressed to all Christians; its words are so

living that you fancy you hear a voice speaking behind you; and this

voice, usually as serene as that which from the mountain in Galilee

proclaimed the law of the new times, becomes here and there unutterably

sweet, like that which sounded in the upper chamber on the night of the

first eucharist.

As Jesus forgot the cross that was standing in the shadows, so Francis

forgets his sufferings, and, overcome with a divine sadness, thinks of

humanity, for each member of which he would give his life; he thinks of

his spiritual sons, the Brothers of Penitence, whom he is about to leave

without having been able to make them feel, as he would have had them

feel, the love for them with which he burns: "Father, I have given them

the words which thou hast given me.... For them I pray!"

The whole Franciscan gospel is in these words, but to understand the

fascination which it exerted we must have gone through the School of the

Middle Ages, and there listened to the interminable tournaments of

dialectics by which minds were dried up; we must have seen the Church of

the thirteenth century, honeycombed by simony and luxury, and only able,

under the pressure of heresy or revolt, to make a few futile efforts to

scotch the evil.

To all Christians, monks, clerics, or laymen, whether men or

women, to all who dwell in the whole world, Brother Francis,

their most submissive servitor, presents his duty and wishes the

true peace of heaven, and sincere love in the Lord.

Being the servitor of all men, I am bound to serve them and to

dispense to them the wholesome words of my Master. This is why,

seeing I am too weak and ill to visit each one of you in

particular, I have resolved to send you my message by this

letter, and to offer you the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, the

Word of God, and of the Holy Spirit, which are spirit and life.

It would be puerile to expect here new ideas either in fact or form.

Francis's appeals are of value only by the spirit which animates them.

After having briefly recalled the chief features of the gospel, and

urgently recommended the communion, Francis addresses himself in

particular to certain categories of hearers, with special counsels.

Let the podestàs, governors, and those who are placed in

authority, exercise their functions with mercy, as they would be

judged with mercy by God....

Monks in particular, who have renounced the world, are bound to

do more and better than simple Christians, to renounce all that

is not necessary to them, and to have in hatred the vices and

sins of the body.... They should love their enemies, do good to

them who hate them, observe the precepts and counsels of our

Redeemer, renounce themselves, and subdue their bodies. And no

monk is bound to obedience, if in obeying he would be obliged to

commit a fault or a sin....

Let us not be wise and learned according to the flesh, but

simple, humble, and pure.... We should never desire to be above

others, but rather to be below, and to obey all men.

He closes by showing the foolishness of those who set their hearts on

the possession of earthly goods, and concludes by the very realistic

picture of the death of the wicked.

His money, his title, his learning, all that he believed himself

to possess, all are taken from him; his relatives and his

friends to whom he has given his fortune will come to divide it

among themselves, and will end by saying: "Curses on him, for he

might have given us more and he has not done it; he might have

amassed a larger fortune, and he has done nothing of the kind."

The worms will eat his body and the demons will consume his

soul, and thus he will lose both soul and body.

I, Brother Francis, your little servitor, I beg and conjure you

by the love that is in God, ready to kiss your feet, to receive

with humility and love these and all other words of our Lord

Jesus Christ and to conform your conduct to them. And let those

who devoutly receive them and understand them pass them on to

others. And if they thus persevere unto the end, may they be

blessed by the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Amen.[32]

If Francis ever made a Rule for the Third Order it must have very nearly

resembled this epistle, and until this problematical document is found,

the letter shows what were originally these associations of Brothers of

Penitence. Everything in these long pages looks toward the development

of the mystic religious life in the heart of each Christian. But even

when Francis dictated them, this high view had become a Utopia, and the

Third Order was only one battalion more in the armies of the papacy.

We see that the epistles which we have just examined proceed definitely

from a single inspiration. Whether he is leaving instructions for his

successors, the ministers-general, whether he is writing to all the

present and future members of his Order, to all Christians or even to

the clergy,[33] Francis has only one aim, to keep on preaching after

his death, and perhaps, too, by putting into writing his message of

peace and love, to provide that he shall not be entirely travestied or

misunderstood.

Considered in connection with those sorrowful hours which saw their

birth, they form a whole whose import and meaning become singularly

energetic. If we would find the Franciscan spirit, it is here, in the

Rule of 1221, and in the Will that we must seek for it.

Neglect, and especially the storms which later overwhelmed the Order,

explain the disappearance of several other documents which would cast a

glimmer of poetry and joy over these sad days;[34] Francis had not

forgotten his sister-friend at St. Damian. Hearing that she had been

greatly disquieted by knowing him to be so ill, he desired to reassure

her: he still deceived himself as to his condition, and wrote to her

promising soon to go to see her.

To this assurance he added some affectionate counsels, advising her and

her companions not to go to extremes with their macerations. To set her

an example of cheerfulness he added to this letter a Laude in the

vulgar tongue which he had himself set to music.[35]

In that chamber of the episcopal palace in which he was as it were

imprisoned he had achieved a new victory, and it was doubtless that

which inspired his joy. The Bishop of Assisi, the irritable Guido,

always at war with somebody, was at this time quarrelling with the

podestà of the city; nothing more was needed to excite in the little

town a profound disquiet. Guido had excommunicated the podestà, and the

latter had issued a prohibition against selling and buying or making any

contract with ecclesiastics.

The difference grew more bitter, and no one appeared to dream of

attempting a reconciliation. We can the better understand Francis's

grief over all this by remembering that his very first effort had been

to bring peace into his native city, and that he considered the return

of Italy to union and concord to be the essential aim of his apostolate.

War in Assisi would be the final dissolution of his dream; the voice of

events crying brutally to him, "Thou hast wasted thy life!"

The dregs of this cup were spared him, thanks to an inspiration in which

breaks forth anew his natural play of imagination. To the Canticle of

the Sun he added a new strophe:

Be praised, Lord, for those who forgive for love of thee,

and bear trials and tribulations;

happy they who persevere in peace,

by thee, Most high, shall they be crowned.

Then, calling a friar, he charged him to beg the governor to betake

himself, with all the notables whom he could assemble, to the paved

square before the bishop's palace. The magistrate, to whom legend gives

the nobler part in the whole affair, at once yielded to the saint's

request.

When he arrived and the bishop had come forth from the palace,

two friars came forward and said: "Brother Francis has made to

the praise of God a hymn to which he prays you to listen

piously," and immediately they began to sing the Hymn of Brother

Sun, with its new strophe.

The governor listened, standing in an attitude of profound

attention, copiously weeping, for he dearly loved the blessed

Francis.

When the singing was ended, "Know in truth," said he, "that I

desire to forgive the lord bishop, that I wish and ought to look

upon him as my lord, for if one had even assassinated my brother

I should be ready to pardon the murderer." With these words he

threw himself at the bishop's feet, and said: "I am ready to do

whatsoever you would, for the love of our Lord Jesus Christ and

his servant Francis."

Then the bishop, taking him by the hand, lifted him up and said,

"With my position it would become me to be humble, but since I

am naturally too quick to wrath, thou must pardon me."[36]

This unexpected reconciliation was immediately looked upon as

miraculous, and increased still more the reverence of the Assisans for

their fellow-citizen.

The summer was drawing to a close. After a few days of relative

improvement Francis's sufferings became greater than ever: incapable of

movement, he even thought that he ought to give up his ardent desire to

see St. Damian and Portiuncula once more, and gave the brothers all his

directions about the latter sanctuary: "Never abandon it," he would

repeat to them, "for that place is truly sacred: it is the house of

God."[37]

It seemed to him that if the Brothers remained attached to that bit of

earth, that chapel ten feet long, those thatched huts, they would there

find the living reminder of the poverty of the early days, and could

never wander far from it.

One evening he grew worse with frightful rapidity; all the following

night he had hemorrhages which left not the slightest hope; the Brothers

hastening to him, he dictated a few lines in form of a Will and gave

them his blessing: "Adieu, my children; remain all of you in the fear of

God, abide always united to Christ; great trials are in store for you,

and tribulation draws nigh. Happy are they who persevere as they have

begun; for there will be scandals and divisions among you. As for me, I

am going to the Lord and my God. Yes, I have the assurance that I am

going to him whom I have served."[38]

During the following days, to the great surprise of those who were about

him, he again grew somewhat better; no one could understand the

resistance to death offered by this body so long worn out by suffering.

He himself began to hope again. A physician of Arezzo whom he knew well,

having come to visit him, "Good friend," Francis asked him, "how much

longer do you think I have to live?"

"Father," replied the other reassuringly, "this will all pass away, if

it pleases God."

"I am not a cuckoo,"[39] replied Francis smiling, using a popular

saying, "to be afraid of death. By the grace of the Holy Spirit I am so

intimately united to God that I am equally content to live or to die."

"In that case, father, from the medical point of view, your disease is

incurable, and I do not think that you can last longer than the

beginning of autumn."

At these words the poor invalid stretched out his hands as if to call on

God, crying with an indescribable expression of joy, "Welcome, Sister

Death!" Then he began to sing, and sent for Brothers Angelo and Leo.

On their arrival they were made, in spite of their emotion, to sing the

Canticle of the Sun. They were at the last doxology when Francis,

checking them, improvised the greeting to death:

Be praised, Lord, for our Sister the Death of the body,

whom no man may escape;

alas for them who die in a state of mortal sin;

happy they who are found conformed to thy most holy will,

for the second death will do to them no harm.

From this day the palace rang unceasingly with his songs. Continually,

even through the night, he would sing the Canticle of the Sun or some

other of his favorite compositions. Then, when wearied out, he would beg

Angelo and Leo to go on.

One day Brother Elias thought it his duty to make a few remarks on the

subject. He feared that the nurses and the people of the neighborhood

would be scandalized; ought not a saint to be absorbed in meditation in

the face of death, to await it with fear and trembling instead of

indulging in a gayety that might be misinterpreted?[40] Perhaps Bishop

Guido was not entirely a stranger to these reproaches; it seems not

improbable that to have his palace crowded with Brothers Minor all these

long weeks had finally put him a little out of humor. But Francis would

not yield; his union with God was too sweet for him to consent not to

sing it.

They decided at last to remove him to Portiuncula. His desire was to be

fulfilled; he was to die beside the humble chapel where he had heard

God's voice consecrating him apostle.

His companions, bearing their precious burden, took the way through the

olive-yards across the plain. From time to time the invalid, unable to

distinguish anything, asked where they were. When they were half way

there, at the hospital of the Crucigeri, where long ago he had tended

the leper, and from whence there was a full view of all the houses of

the city, he begged them to set him upon the ground with his face toward

Assisi, and raising his hand he bade adieu to his native place and

blessed it.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The following is the list of monasteries which, according to

Rodolfo di Tossignano, accepted the ideas of Angelo Clareno

before the end of the thirteenth century: Fermo, Spoleto,

Camerino, Ascoli, Rieti, Foligno, Nursia, Aquila, Amelia:

_Historiarum seraphicæ religionis, libri tres_, Venice, 1586, 1

vol., f^o, 155a.

[2] _Spec._, 129b; _Fior._, 19. In some of the stories of this

period the evidence is clear how certain facts have been, little

by little, transformed into miracles. Compare, for example, the

miracle of St. Urbano in Bon., 68, and 1 Cel., 61. See also 2

Cel., 2, 10; Bon., 158 and 159.

[3] 1 Cel., 87; 2 Cel., 2, 11; _Conform._, 148a, 2; Bon., 99.

Upon this visit see 2 Cel., 2, 10; Bon., 158 and 159; 2 Cel., 2,

11; 2 Cel., 3, 36.

[4] The present Italian name of the monastery which has also

been called _Monte-Rainerio_ and _Fonte-Palumbo_.

[5] 1 Cel., 101; 2 Cel., 3, 102; Bon., 67; _Spec._, 134a.

[6] 2 Cel., 3, 66; Bon., 69.

[7] _Fior. ii. consid._ Cf. Roger Bacon, Opus tertium (_ap. Mon.

Germ. hist._, _Script._ t. 28, p. 577). _B. Franciscus jussit

fratri cythariste ut dulcius personaret, quatenus mens

excitaretur ad harmonias coelestes quas pluries andivit. Mira

enim musicæ super omnes scientias et spectanda potestas._

[8] Village three hours' walk northward from Rieti. Francis's

cell still remains on the mountain, three-quarters of an hour

from the place.

[9] 2 Cel., 3, 71; cf. _Spec._, 43a.

[10] Chapel still standing, a few minutes' walk from Rieti. 2

Cel., 3, 70; _Spec._, 15a, 43a.

[11] 2 Cel., 2, 14; Bon., 167; 2 Cel., 3, 10; Bon., 58; _Spec._,

122b.

[12] Wadding, _ann. 1213_, n. 14, rightly places St. Urbano in

the county of Narni. _L'Eremo di S. Urbano_ is about half an

hour from the village of the same name, on Mount San Pancrazio

(1026 m.), three leagues south of Narni. The panorama is one of

the finest in Central Italy. The Bollandists allowed themselves

to be led into error by an interested assertion when they placed

San Urbano near to Jesi (pp. 623f and 624a). 1 Cel., 61; Bon.,

68. (Vide Bull _Cum aliqua_ of May 15, 1218, where mention is

made of San Urbano.)

[13] As much may be said of the apparition of the three virgins

between Campilia and San Quirico. 2 Cel., 3, 37; Bon., 93.

[14] _Spec._, 12b; _Conform._, 169a, 1.

[15] 2 Cel., 3, 46; Bon., 153; _Spec._, 31b; Ezek., xxxiii., 9.

[16] Two years after, the King of France and all his court

kissed and revered the pillow which Francis had used during his

illness. 1 Cel., 120.

[17] Bagnara is near the sources of the Topino, about an hour

east of Nocera. These two localities were then dependents of

Assisi.

[18] And not Sartiano. Balciano still exists, about half way

between Nocera and Assisi.

[19] 2 Cel., 3, 23; Bon., 98; _Spec._, 17b; _Conform._, 239a,

2f.

[20] 2 Cel., 3, 33; 1 Cel., 105, is still more explicit: "The

multitude hoped that he would die very soon, and that was the

subject of their joy."

[21] 1 Cel., 103 and 104.

[22] 1 Cel., 102; _Spec._, 83b.

[23] 2 Cel., 3, 116; _Spec._, 67a; _Conform._, 143b, 1, and

225b, 2; 2 Cel., 3, 117; _Spec._, 130a.

[24] For the text vide _Conform._, 136b, 2; 138b, 2; 142 b, 1.

[25] _Tribul., Archiv._, ii., pp. 285 ff.

[26] 2 Cel., 3, 118.

[27] These words are borrowed from a long fragment cited by

Ubertini di Casali, as coming from Brother Leo: _Arbor vit.

cruc., lib._ v., _cap._ 3. It is surely a bit of the Legend of

the Three Companions; it may be found textually in the

Tribulations, Laur., f^o 16b, with a few more sentences at the

end. Cf. _Conform._, 136a, 2; 143a, 2; _Spec._, 8b; 26b; 50a;

130b; 2 Cel., 3, 118.

[28] _Tribul._, Laur., 17b.

[29] See, for example, Brother Richer's question as to the

books: Ubertini, _Loc. cit._ Cf. _Archiv._, iii., pp. 75 and

177; _Spec._, 8a; _Conform._, 71b, 2. See also: Ubertini,

_Archiv._, iii., pp. 75 and 177; _Tribul._, 13a; _Spec._, 9a;

_Conform._, 170a, 1. It is curious to compare the account as it

found in the documents with the version of it given in 2 Cel.,

3, 8.

[30] Assisi MS., 338, f^o 28a-31a, with the rubric: _De lictera

et ammonitione beatissimi patris nostri Francisci quam misit

fratribus ad capitulum quando erat infirmus._ This letter was

wrongly divided into three by Rodolfo di Tossignano (f^o 237),

who was followed by Wadding (Epistolæ x., xi., xii.). The text

is found without this senseless division in the manuscript cited

and in _Firmamentum_, f^o 21; _Spec._, Morin, iii., 217a;

Ubertini, _Arbor vit. cruc._, v., 7.

[31] This initial (given only by the Assisi MS.) has not failed

to excite surprise. It appears that there ought to have been

simply an N ... This letter then would have been replaced by the

copyist, who would have used the initial of the minister general

in charge at the time of his writing. If this hypothesis has any

weight it will aid to fix the exact date of the manuscript.

(Alberto of Pisa minister from 1239-1240; Aimon of Faversham,

1240-1244.)

[32] This epistle also was unskilfully divided into two distinct

letters by Rodolfo di Tossignano, f^o 174a, who was followed by

Wadding. See Assisi MS., 338, 23a-28a; _Conform._, 137a, 1 ff.

[33] The letter to the clergy only repeats the thoughts already

expressed upon the worship of the holy sacrament. We remember

Francis sweeping out the churches and imploring the priests to

keep them clean; this epistle has the same object: it is found

in the Assisi MS., 338, f^o 31b-32b, with the rubric: _De

reverentia Corporis Domini et de munditia altaris ad omnes

clericos_. Incipit: _Attendamus omnes_. Explicit: _fecerint

exemplari_. This, therefore, is the letter given by Wadding

xiii., but without address or salutation.

[34] We need not despair of finding them. The archives of the

monasteries of Clarisses are usually rudimentary enough, but

they are preserved with pious care.

[35] _Spec._, 117b; _Conform._, 185a 1; 135b, 1. Cf. _Test. B.

Claræ_, A. SS., Aug., ii., p. 747.

[36] This story is given in the _Spec._, 128b, as from

eye-witnesses. Cf. _Conform._, 184b, 1; 203a, 1.

[37] 1 Cel., 106. These recommendations as to Portiuncula were

amplified by the Zelanti, when, under the generalship of

Crescentius (Bull _Is qui ecclesiam_, March 6, 1245), the

Basilica of Assisi was substituted for Santa Maria degli Angeli

as _mater et caput_ of the Order. Vide _Spec._, 32b, 69b-71a;

_Conform._, 144a, 2; 218a, 1; 3 Soc., 56; 2 Cel., 1, 12 and 13;

Bon., 24, 25; see the Appendix, the Study of the Indulgence of

August 2.

[38] 2 Cel., 108. As will be seen (below, p. 367) the remainder

of Celano's narrative seems to require to be taken with some

reserve. Cf. _Spec._, 115b; _Conform._, 225a, 2; Bon., 211.

[39] _Non sum cuculus_, in Italian _cuculo_.

[40] _Spec._, 136b; _Fior. iv. consid._ It is to be noted that

Guido, instead of waiting at Assisi for the certainly impending

death of Francis, went away to Mont Gargano. 2 Cel., 3, 142.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XX

FRANCIS'S WILL AND DEATH

End of September-October 3, 1226

The last days of Francis's life are of radiant beauty. He went to meet

death, singing,[1] says Thomas of Celano, summing up the impression of

those who saw him then.

To be once more at Portiuncula after so long a detention at the bishop's

palace was not only a real joy to his heart, but the pure air of the

forest must have been much to his physical well-being; does not the

Canticle of the Creatures seem to have been made expressly to be sung in

the evening of one of those autumn days of Umbria, so soft and luminous,

when all nature seems to retire into herself to sing her own hymn of

love to Brother Sun?

We see that Francis has come to that almost entire cessation of pain,

that renewing of life, which so often precedes the approach of the last

catastrophe.

He took advantage of it to dictate his Will.[2]

It is to these pages that we must go to find the true note for a sketch

of the life of its author, and an idea of the Order as it was in his

dreams.

In this record, which is of an incontestable authenticity, the most

solemn manifestation of his thought, the Poverello reveals himself

absolutely, with a virginal candor.

His humility is here of a sincerity which strikes one with awe; it is

absolute, though no one could dream that it was exaggerated. And yet,

wherever his mission is concerned, he speaks with tranquil and serene

assurance. Is he not an ambassador of God? Does he not hold his message

from Christ himself? The genesis of his thought here shows itself to be

at once wholly divine and entirely personal. The individual conscience

here proclaims its sovereign authority. "No one showed me what I ought

to do, but the Most High himself revealed to me that I ought to live

conformably to his holy gospel."

When a man has once spoken thus, submission to the Church has been

singularly encroached upon. We may love her, hearken to her, venerate

her, but we feel ourselves, perhaps without daring to avow it, superior

to her. Let a critical hour come, and one finds himself heretic without

knowing it or wishing it.

"Ah, yes," cries Angelo Clareno, "St. Francis promised to obey the pope

and his successors, but they cannot and must not command anything

contrary to the conscience or to the Rule."[3]

For him, as for all the spiritual Franciscans, when there is conflict

between what the inward voice of God ordains and what the Church wills,

he has only to obey the former.[4]

If you tell him that the Church and the Order are there to define the

true signification of the Rule, he appeals to common sense, and to that

interior certitude which is given by a clear view of truth.

The Rule, as also the gospel, of which it is a summary, is above all

ecclesiastical power, and no one has the right to say the last word in

their interpretation.[5]

The Will was not slow to gain a moral authority superior even to that of

the Rule. Giovanni of Parma, to explain the predilection of the

Joachimites for this document, points out that after the impression of

the stigmata the Holy Spirit was in Francis with still greater plenitude

than before.[6]

Did the innumerable sects which disturbed the Church in the thirteenth

century perceive that these two writings--the Rule and the

Testament--the one apparently made to follow and support the other,

substantially identical as it was said, proceeded from two opposite

inspirations? Very confusedly, no doubt, but guided by a very sure

instinct, they saw in these pages the banner of liberty.

They were not mistaken. Even to-day, thinkers, moralists, mystics may

arrive at solutions very different from those of the Umbrian prophet,

but the method which they employ is his, and they may not refuse to

acknowledge in him the precursor of religious subjectivism.

The Church, too, was not mistaken. She immediately understood the spirit

that animated these pages.

Four years later, perhaps to the very day, September 28, 1230, Ugolini,

then Gregory IX., solemnly interpreted the Rule, in spite of the

precautions of Francis, who had forbidden all gloss or commentary on the

Rule or the Will, and declared that the Brothers were not bound to the

observation of the Will.[7]

What shall we say of the bull in which the pope alleges his familiar

relations with the Saint to justify his commentary, and in which the

clearest passages are so distorted as to change their sense completely.

"One is stupefied," cries Ubertini of Casali, "that a text so clear

should have need of a commentary, for it suffices to have common sense

and to know grammar in order to understand it." And this strange monk

dares to add: "There is one miracle which God himself cannot do; it is

to make two contradictory things true."[8]

Certainly the Church should be mistress in her own house; it would have

been nothing wrong had Gregory IX. created an Order conformed to his

views and ideas, but when we go through Sbaralea's folios and the

thousands of bulls accorded to the spiritual sons of him who in the

clearest and most solemn manner had forbidden them to ask any privilege

of the court of Rome, we cannot but feel a bitter sadness.

Thus upheld by the papacy, the Brothers of the Common Observance made

the Zelanti sharply expiate their attachment to Francis's last requests.

Cæsar of Speyer died of violence from the Brother placed in charge of

him;[9] the first disciple, Bernardo di Quintavalle, hunted like a

wild beast, passed two years in the forests of Monte-Sefro, hidden by a

wood-cutter;[10] the other first companions who did not succeed in

flight had to undergo the severest usage. In the March of Ancona, the

home of the Spirituals, the victorious party used a terrible violence.

The Will was confiscated and destroyed; they went so far as to burn it

over the head of a friar who persisted in desiring to observe it.[11]

WILL (LITERAL TRANSLATION).

See in what manner God gave it to me, to me, Brother Francis, to

begin to do penitence; when I lived in sin, it was very painful

to me to see lepers, but God himself led me into their midst,

and I remained here a little while.[12] When I left them, that

which had seemed to me bitter had become sweet and easy.

A little while after I quitted the world, and God gave me such a

faith in his churches that I would kneel down with simplicity

and I would say: "We adore thee, Lord Jesus Christ, here and in

all thy churches which are in the world, and we bless thee that

by thy holy cross thou hast ransomed the world."

Besides, the Lord gave me and still gives me so great a faith in

priests who live according to the form of the holy Roman Church,

because of their sacerdotal character, that even if they

persecuted me I would have recourse to them. And even though I

had all the wisdom of Solomon, if I should find poor secular

priests, I would not preach in their parishes without their

consent. I desire to respect them like all the others, to love

them and honor them as my lords. I will not consider their

sins, for in them I see the Son of God and they are my lords. I

do this because here below I see nothing, I perceive nothing

corporally of the most high Son of God, if not his most holy

Body and Blood, which they receive and they alone distribute to

others. I desire above all things to honor and venerate all

these most holy mysteries and to keep them precious. Whenever I

find the sacred names of Jesus or his words in indecent places,

I desire to take them away, and I pray that others take them

away and put them in some decent place. We ought to honor and

revere all the theologians and those who preach the most holy

word of God, as dispensing to us spirit and life.

When the Lord gave me some brothers no one showed me what I

ought to do, but the Most High himself revealed to me that I

ought to live according to the model of the holy gospel. I

caused a short and simple formula to be written, and the lord

pope confirmed it for me.

Those who presented themselves to observe this kind of life

distributed all that they might have to the poor. They contented

themselves with a tunic, patched within and without, with the

cord and breeches, and we desired to have nothing more.

The clerks said the office like other clerks, and the laymen

_Pater noster_.

We loved to live in poor and abandoned churches, and we were

ignorant and submissive to all. I worked with my hands and would

continue to do, and I will also that all other friars work at

some honorable trade. Let those who have none learn one, not for

the purpose of receiving the price of their toil, but for their

good example and to flee idleness. And when they do not give us

the price of the work, let us resort to the table of the Lord,

begging our bread from door to door. The Lord revealed to me the

salutation which we ought to give: "God give you peace!"

Let the Brothers take great care not to receive churches,

habitations, and all that men build for them, except as all is

in accordance with the holy poverty which we have vowed in the

Rule, and let them not receive hospitality in them except as

strangers and pilgrims.

I absolutely interdict all the brothers, in whatever place they

may be found, from asking any bull from the court of Rome,

whether directly or indirectly, under pretext of church or

convent or under pretext of preachings, nor even for their

personal protection. If they are not received anywhere let them

go elsewhere, thus doing penance with the benediction of God.

I desire to obey the minister-general of this fraternity, and

the guardian whom he may please to give me. I desire to put

myself entirely into his hands, to go nowhere and do nothing

against his will, for he is my lord.

Though I be simple and ill, I would, however, have always a

clerk who will perform the office, as it is said in the Rule;

let all the other brothers also be careful to obey their

guardians and to do the office according to the Rule. If it come

to pass that there are any who do not the office according to

the Rule, and who desire to make any other change, or if they

are not Catholics, let all the Brothers, wherever they may be,

be bound by obedience to present them to the nearest custode.

Let the custodes be bound by obedience to keep him well guarded

like a man who is in bonds night and day, so that he may not

escape from their hands until they personally place him in the

minister's hands. And let the minister be bound by obedience to

send him by brothers who will guard him as a prisoner day and

night until they shall have placed him in the hands of the Lord

Bishop of Ostia, who is the lord, the protector, and the

correcter of all the Fraternity.[13]

And let the Brothers not say: "This is a new Rule;" for this is

a reminder, a warning, an exhortation; it is my Will, that I,

little Brother Francis, make for you, my blessed Brothers, in

order that we may observe in a more catholic way the Rule which

we promised the Lord to keep.

Let the ministers-general, all the other ministers and the

custodes be held by obedience to add nothing to and take nothing

from these words. Let them always keep this writing near them,

beside the Rule; and in all the chapters which shall be held,

when the Rule is read let these words be read also.

I interdict absolutely, by obedience, all the Brothers, clerics

and layman, to introduce glosses in the Rule, or in this Will,

under pretext of explaining it. But since the Lord has given me

to speak and to write the Rule and these words in a clear and

simple manner, without commentary, understand them in the same

way, and put them in practice until the end.

And may whoever shall have observed these things be crowned in

heaven with the blessings of the heavenly Father, and on earth

with those of his well-beloved Son and of the Holy Spirit the

consoler, with the assistance of all the heavenly virtues and

all the saints.

And I, little Brother Francis, your servitor, confirm to you so

far as I am able this most holy benediction. Amen.

After thinking of his Brothers Francis thought of his dear Sisters at

St. Damian and made a will for them.

It has not come down to us, and we need not wonder; the Spiritual

Brothers might flee away, and protest from the depths of their retreats,

but the Sisters were completely unarmed against the machinations of the

Common Observance.[14]

In the last words that he addressed to the Clarisses, after calling upon

them to persevere in poverty and union, he gave them his

benediction.[15] Then he recommended them to the Brothers, supplicating

the latter never to forget that they were members of one and the same

religious family.[16] After having done all that he could for those

whom he was about to leave, he thought for a moment of himself.

He had become acquainted in Rome with a pious lady named Giacomina di

Settisoli. Though rich, she was simple and good, entirely devoted to the

new ideas; even the somewhat singular characteristics of Francis pleased

her. He had given her a lamb which had become her inseparable

companion.[17]

Unfortunately all that concerns her has suffered much from later

retouchings of the legend. The perfectly natural conduct of the Saint

with women has much embarrassed his biographers; hence heavy and

distorted commentaries tacked on to episodes of a delicious simplicity.

Before dying Francis desired to see again this friend, whom he

smilingly called Brother Giacomina. He caused a letter to be written her

to come to Portiuncula; we can imagine the dismay of the narrators at

this far from monastic invitation.

But the good lady had anticipated his appeal: at the moment when the

messenger with the letter was about to leave for Rome, she arrived at

Portiuncula and remained there until the last sigh of the Saint.[18]

For one moment she thought of sending away her suite; the invalid was so

calm and joyful that she could not believe him dying, but he himself

advised her to keep her people with her. This time he felt with no

possible doubt that his captivity was about to be ended.

He was ready, he had finished his work.

Did he think then of the day when, cursed by his father, he had

renounced all earthly goods and cried to God with an ineffable

confidence, "Our Father who art in heaven!" We cannot say; but he

desired to finish his life by a symbolic act which very closely recalls

the scene in the bishop's palace.

He caused himself to be stripped of his clothing and laid upon the

ground, for he wished to die in the arms of his Lady Poverty. With one

glance he embraced the twenty years that had glided by since their

union: "I have done my duty," he said to the Brothers, "may the Christ

now teach you yours!"[19]

Life of St. Francis of Assisi · 第 25 / 27 章