IV

Yet d’Annunzio’s vision of power, his appetency of enormous and

abnormal things, was now to assume a new form. The grandiose dream of

the Superman expands into the dream of the Super-nation. The discovery

of Rome had taught him something of the pride of citizenship, and more

than the nascent pride of nationality. But in the last year of the

century he underwent an experience which turned this nascent emotion

into a passion, and the poet himself into a prophet and preacher in

its service, an ‘announcer’ as he was fond of saying, of the cause and

creed of _Italianità_.

He had as yet seen nothing of Europe beyond the Alps. In 1900 he made

an extensive tour, but in no tourist spirit. An Italian had no need

to go abroad for beauty of nature or of art, and d’Annunzio’s keen

eyes were turned in quite other directions--to the great Transalpine

nations with their vast resources and their high ambitions; and he

measured their several capacities for success in the conflict which

he, among the first, saw to be impending. He was impressed by the

threatening growth of Germany, and by ‘the extraordinary development

of race-energy’ in England. Everywhere the force of nationality was

more vehement than ever before. ‘All the world is stretched like a bow,

and never was the saying of Heracleitos more significant: “The bow is

called Bios (life), and its work is death.”’

But where was Italy in this universal tension of the national spirit?

Where was _her_ strung bow? How was _she_ preparing to hold her own

with the great progressive nations of the North? D’Annunzio flung down

these challenging questions in his eloquent pamphlet, _Della coscienza

nazionale_ (1900). To the foreign observer the trouble with Italy did

not seem to be defective ambition. She had rather appeared to take

her new rôle as a great Power too seriously, blundering into rash

adventures abroad when she ought to have been spreading the elements of

civilization at home. But d’Annunzio had seen the race for empire in

the North, and his call to Italy was the call of an imperialist; a call

for unity of purpose, for concentration of national wealth and strength

in the interest of a greater Italy, mistress of the Adriatic, if not of

the Mediterranean. It was the beginning of a new phase of d’Annunzio’s

career. He was henceforth a public man, whose voice, the most resonant

and eloquent then to be heard in Italy, counted, as poetic voices so

rarely do, in the direction of public affairs. He entered Parliament, a

proclaimed disciple in policy of Crispi, the Italian Bismarck.

How did these enlarged ideals affect d’Annunzio’s work in poetry?

In part, as has been hinted, disastrously. The enlarged ideals lent

themselves with perverse ease, in a mind already obsessed with

_sovrumanità_, to a mere megalomania, a rage for bigness, only more

mischievous in practice, and nowise better as literature, because it

was conveyed in terms of navies and transmarine dominions. He had

already in his fine series of _Odi Navali_ (1893) fanned to some

purpose the naval ambitions of his country. He now sounded a loftier

note, suited to the vaster horizons of an Italian Mediterranean. These,

for instance, are some stanzas from the opening hymn or prayer prefixed

to his colossal naval tragedy, _La Nave_ (1908):

O Lord, who bringest forth and dost efface

The ocean-ruling Nations, race by race,

It is this living People by Thy grace

Who on the Sea

Shall magnify Thy name, who on the Sea

Shall glorify Thy name, who on the Sea

With myrrh and blood shall sacrifice to Thee

At the altar-prow.

Of all Earth’s oceans make Our Sea, O Thou!

Amen!

The fourth book of the _Laudi_ is a lyric celebration in this spirit,

of the Tripoli adventure ‘beyond the sea.’ But megalomania was happily

not the whole result. The older and deeper instincts planted or

quickened in d’Annunzio by his earlier experience--the feeling for

race and for historic continuity--coalesced with the new and vehement

passion of nationality, communicating to it, in moments of vision,

something of their human intimacy, and undergoing in their turn an

answering enlargement of range and scope. If his _Italianità_ was

something more significant than a resonant cry for more ships and

territory, it was because it drew warmth and insight from the home

sentiment for his Abruzzan province deep-rooted in the poet’s heart;

while the Abruzzan province, in its turn, was seen in the larger and

grander setting of the Italian people and the Roman race, but without

the distorting nimbus of megalomaniac dreams. This fortunate harmony

found expression chiefly in certain poems of the years shortly before

and after the beginning of the new century, the golden period of

d’Annunzio’s production. To these years belong his two most notable

attempts to give to Italy a tragic poetry built upon Italian history.

In the material for tragic poetry no country was richer, but it had

been left to the genius of foreign dramatists to give world-wide fame

to the stories of Romeo and Juliet, Beatrice Cenci, and Torquato Tasso.

Alfieri, the greatest of Italian tragic poets, had devoted his austere

art almost solely to classical subjects; and his _Don Garzia_ and

_Congiura de’ Pazzi_, with Niccolini’s _Arnaldo da Brescia_, Monti’s

_Galeotto Manfredi_, and Manzoni’s _Conte di Carmagnola_ and _Adelchi_

stood almost alone, as remarkable Italian tragedies on Italian themes.

In the story of Francesca of Rimini, d’Annunzio found to his hand a

native tragic subject of the first order, not yet touched by a tragic

poet of genius, Italian or other. That it had been made his own by

the supreme poet of Italy hardly disturbed d’Annunzio, deeply as he

revered the poet whose words, in the fine phrase of his Dante Ode,

clothed Italy like the splendour of day. He was not going to challenge

comparison with Dante’s marmoreal brevity. And the poet of Pescara had

some title to regard this story of the adjacent Adriatic sea-board

of Rimini and Ravenna, as his by right. But the story itself has

also exerted its moderating control upon the natural prodigiosity of

his invention, so that in his Francescan tragedy it is possible to

recognize a general conformity to traditional technique.

It is even possible that Shakespeare’s handling of his Italian tragedy

may have afforded a hint. The ruin of Romeo and Juliet results from the

feud of the rival houses. The ruin of d’Annunzio’s Francesca and Paolo

is similarly rooted ultimately in the feud of Guelf and Ghibelline. Her

father, a great Guelf captain, has sold her to the lord of Ravenna, as

the price of support against the Ghibellines. But when her hand is thus

plighted, she has already seen his brother Paolo, with his feminine

beauty and luxuriant locks, pass under her window, and the seed of

their passion is sown. Francesca has grown up ‘a flower in an iron

soil,’ and love throughout is set in a frame of war. But she would be

no d’Annunzian heroine if she did not respond to the call of life and

light. When about to leave Rimini on her marriage she replies to the

pleading of her devoted young sister who cannot live without her, ‘I am

going, sweet life, where thou canst not come, to a deep and solitary

place, where a great fire burns without fuel.’ Fire is d’Annunzio’s

haunting symbol for terrible and splendid things, a symbol, too, for

the strange union of cruelty and beauty in his own mind and art, and

it does not here forecast only the Inferno flames in which she will

move with Paolo so lightly before the wind. In the palace at Ravenna

we see her among her ladies, chafing at her dull seclusion, while the

Ghibelline siege rages without. A Florentine merchant displays his

gorgeous wares before them, a feast of scarlet and gold. Presently

Francesca has climbed to the tower where her husband’s brothers are

on guard. Bolts and arrows crash against the walls or through the

loophole. A cauldron of Greek fire stands ready for use. Francesca, to

the horror of the soldiers, fires it, and breaks into wild ecstasy at

the ‘deadly beauty’ of this ‘swift and terrible life.’ A moment later a

bolt pierces the curls of Paolo. She thinks he is wounded, and clasps

his head. In that embrace he stammers the first word of love. ‘They

have not hit me, but your hands have touched me, and have undone the

soul within my heart!...’ _Francesca_: ‘Lost! Thou art lost!’ Thus,

again, Francesca’s fate, like Juliet’s, is provoked by the irrelevant

feud of parties without. But presently the same irrelevant feud thrusts

the lovers apart. Paolo is sent as General of the Guelf forces to

Florence. Francesca in his absence reads the Lancelot romance with her

ladies. But Paolo, unable to endure his exile, posts back to Ravenna,

and rushes to her chamber. The romance of Lancelot lies open on the

lectern. The place where the reading stopped is marked; it is where

Galeotto is urging Lancelot’s suit upon Ginevra. They bend over the

book together. The following dialogue replaces Dante’s single pregnant

line:

_Pa._ Let us read a page, Francesca!

_Fr._ Look at that swarm of swallows, making a shadow

On the bright water!

_Pa._ Let us read, Francesca.

_Fr._ And that sail that is glowing like fire!

_Pa._ (_reading_). ‘Assuredly,

Lady,’ says Galeotto, ‘he does not dare,

Nor will he ask ye anything of love,

Being afraid, but I ask in his name, and if

I did not ask, you ought to seek it, seeing

You could in no wise win a richer treasure.’

And she says--

(_drawing Francesca gently by the hand_)

Now do you read what she says,

Be you Ginevra.

_Fr._ (_reading_). And she says: ‘Well I know it, and I will do

What you command. And Galeotto said:

Grammercy, lady; I beg that you will give him

Your love....’

(_she stops._)

_Pa._ Read further!

_Fr._ No, I cannot see

The words.

_Pa._ Read: ‘Certainly ...

_Fr._ Certainly,’ she says,

‘I give it him, but so that he be mine

And I utterly his, and all ill things

Made good’ ... Paolo, enough.

_Pa._ (_reading with a hoarse and tremulous voice_).

‘Lady, he says, much thanks; now in my presence

Kiss him, for earnest of true love’--You, you!

What says she now? What now?

(_Their pale faces bend over the book, so that their cheeks

almost touch._)

_Fr._ (_reading_). She says: ‘Why should

He beg it of me? I desire it more

Than you....’

_Pa._ (_continuing with stifled voice_). ‘They draw apart.

And the Queen sees

The Knight dare go no further. Then she clasps him

About the chin, and with a long kiss kisses

His mouth....’

(_He kisses her in the same way. When their mouths separate

Francesca reels, and falls back on the cushions._)

Francesca!

_Fr._ (_with hardly audible voice_).

No, Paolo!

The sequel is too long drawn out, and is marred by the duplicity of

all the persons concerned. Malatestino’s sleuth-hound cunning brings

about the husband’s vengeance, but his strategy is animated only by

ferocious hatred of the lovers, not by any care for justice. By his

contrivance the rough soldier, who has never suspected his own wrongs,

returns prematurely from the march, and thunders at the lovers’ chamber

door: ‘Open, Francesca!’ The wretched Paolo tries to escape through

a trapdoor, but is dragged up by the hair to be slain. But Francesca

rushes to clasp him, and the husband’s sword pierces her. _Francesca da

Rimini_, though a brilliant drama, with innumerable beauties of detail,

misses, like the _Dead City_, the quality of great tragedy. Of the

principal characters Francesca alone excites a fitful sympathy, while

Paolo’s effeminacy provokes a contempt which diminishes our compassion

for the woman whose love he has won. These coward ‘heroes’ who leave

their mistresses in mortal peril, or slay their sisters, or see their

brides borne to execution in their place, seem to haunt the egoist

imagination of the poet, to the grievous hurt of his work. Yet when all

is said, _Francesca_ is one of the most arresting, though dramatically

by no means one of the best, plays produced in Europe during the first

decade of the century.

If the _Francesca_ owed much to the stimulus and the control of a

great historic and literary tradition, the rarer beauty of _La Figlia

di Iorio_ (1904) was nourished on the old intimate passion for his

Abruzzan race and home. In language the more moving, because in

d’Annunzio so seldom heard, he dedicated ‘To the land of Abruzzi, to

my Mother, to my Sisters, to my Brother in exile, to my Father in his

grave, to all my Dead, to all my People between the Mountains and the

Sea, this song of the ancient blood.’ It betokened, indeed, no mere

recurrence to the scenes and memories of his childhood, but a recovery,

through them, of the more primitive sensibilities and sympathies which

the complexities of an ultra modern culture had obscured or submerged.

The shepherds and peasants of this ‘pastoral tragedy’ live and move in

an atmosphere fanatically tense with the customs and beliefs of their

catholicized paganism; but no believing poet ever drew the ritual of

rustic unreason with more delicate sympathy, or rendered its wild

prayers and incantations in more expressive and beautiful song. For

the poetry is not exotic or imposed; like the songs of peasants in

opera, it is found and elicited. The young shepherd, Aligi, is drawn

into a kind of mystic relationship to Mila di Codra, a witch-maiden

dreaded and abhorred over the whole countryside. But a bride has been

chosen for him by his family, and the scene opens on the morning after

their nominal bridal. Aligi’s three sisters are seen kneeling before

the old carved oak chest, choosing her bridal robes, and vying with

each other in joyous morning carols. A band of scarlet wool is drawn

across the open door, a crook and a distaff lean against it, and by

the doorpost hangs a waxen cross as a charm against evil spells. Aligi

looks on in dreamy distraction, his thoughts far away. The women of

the neighbouring farms come in procession bearing gifts of corn

in baskets on their heads. An unknown girl follows in their train.

Presently angry cries are heard in the distance. The reapers are in

pursuit of Mila, whose spells have spoilt their harvest; they have

seen her enter the house, and now they clamour at the door for her

surrender. The frightened women tremble, but Mila has crouched down

on the sacred hearth, whence it would be sacrilege to remove her, and

Ornella, the youngest of the sisters, who alone secretly pities Mila,

draws the bolts. The storm of menace grows louder, till Aligi, roused

from his dreamy absorption by the taunts of the women, raises his hand

to strike the suppliant on the hearth. Immediately the horror of his

sacrilege seizes him, he implores her pardon on his knees, and thrusts

his guilty hand into the flame. Then he hangs the cross above the door

and releases the bolts. The reapers rush in, but seeing the cross, draw

back in dismay, baring their heads. Aligi has saved his ‘sister in

Christ;’ but his guilt is not effaced.

In the second Act, Aligi and Mila are living together, as brother and

sister, in a mountain cavern. He would fain go with his flocks to Rome

to seek dissolution of his marriage; but she knows that happiness is

not for her, and she will not hurt him with her passionate love. But

in his home they know only that the witch-maiden has decoyed the son

away from his mother and his virgin bride; Ornella, the compassionate

sister, is thrust out of doors, and now the father, who had returned

home only after the reapers had gone, arrives at the mountain cavern

in Aligi’s absence, and peremptorily summons Mila. She holds him

defiantly at bay. He is about to seize her, when Aligi appears on the

threshold. In the great scene which follows the Roman authority of the

Abruzzan father over the son overpowers for the moment even the lover’s

devotion. Not softened by Aligi’s humble submission, Làzaro binds him,

flogs him savagely, and turns upon Mila, now wholly in his power.

At the moment when he has seized her Aligi breaks free, rushes upon

his father, and kills him. The third act opens with the mourning for

Làzaro, in long-drawn lyric dirges. Then harsher and fiercer notes are

heard, and Aligi, deeply penitent, appears black-robed and bound, borne

by the angry mob to bid farewell to his mother before being led to the

parricide’s death. ‘To call you mother is no more permitted me, for my

mouth is of hell, the mouth that sucked your milk, and learnt from you

holy prayers in the fear of God. Why have I harmed you so sorely? I

would fain say, but I will be silent. O most helpless of all women who

have suckled a son, who have sung him to sleep in the cradle and at the

breast, O do not lift this black veil to see the face of the trembling

sinner....’ The crowd tries to comfort her in its rough way, and the

mother gives her son the bowl of drugged wine. Suddenly, confused

cries are heard in the rear, and Mila breaks her way impetuously

through the throng. ‘Mother, sisters, bride of Aligi, just people,

justice of God, I am Mila di Codra. I am guilty. Give me hearing!’

They call for silence, and Mila declares that Aligi is innocent, and

she the murderer. Aligi protests: ‘Before God thou liest.’ But the

crowd eagerly turns its fury upon the dreaded sorceress who owns her

guilt, and the cry goes up: ‘To the flames! To the flames!’ Aligi

protests again, but with growing faintness, as the deadening potion

masters and confuses his brain; till at length, when the bonds have

been transferred from his limbs to Mila’s, he lifts up his hands

to curse her. At this felon stroke her spirit breaks down. With a

piercing shriek she cries: ‘Aligi, Aligi, not thou, thou canst not,

thou must not!’ She is hurried away to the stake, only Ornella crying

aloud: ‘Mila, Mila, Sister in Jesus, Paradise is for thee,’ while Mila

herself, now full of the d’Annunzian exultation in glorious ruin, goes

to her death crying: ‘Beautiful Flame, Beautiful Flame!’

A brief résumé such as this inevitably brings into undue emphasis

the melodramatic elements of the plot. Yet it is the most human and

natural, as it is the most beautiful, of d’Annunzio’s dramas. For the

strangest things that happen in it are no mere projections of the

poet’s inspired ferocity or eroticism, as so often elsewhere, but are

grounded in the real psychology of a primitive countryside. We see its

fear, love, hatred, now mysteriously mastered by superstitious awe, now

breaking rebelliously from its control, now wrought by its mystic power

to else inexplicable excesses.

V

But even the finest dramatic work of d’Annunzio makes clear that his

genius is fundamentally lyrical. The greatest moments of _La Figlia

di Iorio_ and _Francesca_ are uttered in a vein which thrills and

sings; while, on the other hand, these moments are often reached by

summary short cuts, not by the logical evolution of great drama. And

it is fortunate that while he continued to be allured by drama--giving

in particular a very individual rendering of the tragedy of Phædra

(1909)--d’Annunzio’s most serious and ambitious poetry took the form

of a festival of sustained song, the _Laudi_ (1903 onwards). We have

already quoted from the picture of his childhood drawn retrospectively,

in the opening book, by the poet of forty. But these passages, though

not at all merely episodic, hardly disclose the deeper sources of

inspiration in this series of lyric cycles. ‘Praises,’ he calls

them, ‘Praises of the Sky, of the Sea, of the Earth, of its Heroes.’

The glory of earth, and sea, and sky had drawn more majestic praise

from the poet of the 123rd Psalm, though in his naïve Hebrew way he

‘praised’ only their Maker, not these ‘wonderful works’ themselves.

D’Annunzio’s ‘praise’ expresses simply the ravishment of acute

sensibilities in the presence of the loveliness and sublimity of

Nature and the heroism of man, an emotion Greek rather than Hebraic.

Our poet is perhaps the least Hebraic of all modern poets of genius;

and if his barbaric violence alienates him almost as completely from

the Hellenic temper, he is yet akin to it by his inexhaustible joy in

beauty. And in these years of the _Laudi_ Hellas had become more than

ever the determining focus about which his artistic dreams revolved,

the magnet to whose lure even the barbarian in him succumbs. The

first book, called _Maia_, after the mother of Hermes, describes

the poet’s spiritual journey to the shrine of that god of energy and

enterprise, whose Praxitelean image, the most magnificent expression

of radiant virility ever fashioned by the chisel, had not long

before been unearthed at Olympia. It is a journey of discovery, and

d’Annunzio invokes for it the symbolism of the last voyage of the

Dantesque Ulysses to seek the experience that lay ‘beyond the sunset.’

D’Annunzio turns his prow east, not west, but he, too, is daring peril

in the quest of the unknown. A splendid Proem in _terza rima_, ‘To

the Pleiads and the Fates,’ takes us to a rocky promontory by the

Atlantic shore, where, on a flaming pyre, the helm of the wrecked ship

of Ulysses is being consumed--the fiery consummation which crowns most

of d’Annunzio’s heroic careers. The modern venturer, too, must disdain

safety, not like Galileo turning back into the secure haven, but

fronting the pathless sea of fate with no anchor but his own valour.

The sequel does not, it is true, accord completely with this Ulyssean

vision. Symbolic imagery is interwoven, in this ‘spiritual journey,’

to the ruin of poetic coherence, with scenes from an actual voyage to

Greece, leaves from a tourist’s notebook, incidents of steamer-life,

games and talk on board, sketches of fellow-passengers, the squalor and

vice of Patras. Presently the ship reaches Elis, and then, as we enter

the ruins of Olympia, the great past, human and divine, rises up before

us. Pericles, Alcibiades, Themistocles obliterate the tourist memories,

and the poet holds high colloquy with Zeus, and offers up a prayer,

nine hundred lines long, to Hermes--a lurid picture of the future of

humanity, as d’Annunzio imagined it, wrought by the genius of Energy

and Enterprise, Invention and Will; a future dominated by men of rocky

jaw, who chew care like a laurel leaf, precipitate themselves on life,

and impregnate it relentlessly with their purposes,--a significant

image, for the d’Annunzian Hermes is fused with Eros (v. 2904). Eros

was, indeed, indispensable, it might well be thought, to a quite

satisfying d’Annunzian divinity. Yet in the fine colloquy with Zeus,

which precedes, he touches a deeper note, rare with him, of desperate

and baffled struggle with his own ‘vast sensuality.’ He begs Zeus for a

sign. ‘I am at war with many monsters, but the direst are those, ah me!

which rise within me from the depths of my lusts.’ ‘Thou wilt conquer

them,’ replies Zeus, ‘only if thou canst transform them into divine

children.’

The monsters, nevertheless, continued to haunt his later art. But

happier moods were interposed, when he found relief from their urgency

in poetic communing with the passionless calm of Nature and of the dead

things that cannot die.

Such moods in the second and third books of the _Laudi_, _Elettra_

and _Alcione_, both mainly written before the _Maia_. The _Alcione_,

in particular, is the record of a true ‘halcyon’ season--of hours or

moments--in the poet’s stormy course. It opens, indeed, with a savage

denunciation--in perfectly handled _terza rima_--of the demons, within

and without, that he has striven with. But now for a while he calls a

truce:

Washed clean from human foulness in cool springs,

I need but, for my festival, the ring

Of the ultimate horizons of the earth.

The breezes and the radiant air shall weave

My new robe, and this body, purged from sin,

Shall dance, light-hearted and alert, within!

Air and light and water do indeed play a large and significant part

in this benign experience, and in the poetry which renders it. Water,

we know, had peculiar allurements for his imagination; but now the

obsession of fleets and arsenals is overcome, and he looks out over the

wide levels of the Arno mouth, where fishing boats with their hanging

nets are seen, transfigured in the effulgence of the west, like cups

or lilies of flame upon the water; or ‘on a June evening after rain,’

when ‘the gracious sky, tenderly gazing at her image in the earth she

has refreshed, laughs out from a thousand mirrors.’ The solidity of the

material world seems to remain only in its most delicate and attenuated

forms--the crescent moon ‘slender as the eyebrow of a girl,’ the

lean boughs and tapering leaves of the olive, the seashore sand, not

‘ribbed’ as Wordsworth put it, but delicately traced like the palate

or the finger-tip. The poet is visibly striving through these frail

and delicate things to escape his obsession into a realm of spirit he

divines, but cannot reach:

A slender wreath suffices, with few leaves,

Lest it with weight or any shadow burden

The gracious thoughts of dawn!

This is the language of no sensualist, but of a mystic. And d’Annunzio

in these poems again and again approaches the poetic mysticism of

Wordsworth, and of Shelley and Dante. As he watches the dewy loveliness

of evening, the earth seems to dissolve in the ‘infinite smile,’ which

for Shelley ‘kindled the universe’;[25] and for the Italian it is the

smile of Beatrice. In the child, who hardly exists for him before, the

poet of pitiless virility now sees not only ‘the father of the man,’

but the soul implicitly aware of the Truth we only guess at:

The immense plenitude of life

Is tremulous in the light murmur

Of thy virginal breathing,

And Man with his fervours and griefs.

* * * * *

Thou art ignorant of all, and discernest

All the Truths that the Shadow hides.

If thou questionest Earth, Heaven answers,

If thou speak’st with the waters, the flowers hear.[26]

There are hints, perhaps reminiscences, of Wordsworth here; but

d’Annunzio’s more obvious affinity is doubtless with Shelley, whose

Roman grave he saluted in an ode of lofty eulogy and sculptured grace.

The lyric eloquence of _Alcione_ undoubtedly recalls the rush of

Shelley’s music and the æthereal liquidity of his style. Yet they

touch across a gulf of profound disparity. D’Annunzio, for all his

preoccupation with air and light and water, never, either as man or

as artist, escapes the earth. The hard stuff of his egoism is never

really transmuted in the flame of love; nor does the clear and delicate

precision of his style ever really dissolve in radiant suffusion.

D’Annunzio’s nature-world, like Shelley’s, is peopled with imagined

shapes, in which the myths of old Greece are created anew. But here

too their divergence asserts itself. Shelley’s Prometheus is not

really earth-born, and his Asia is the hardly embodied symbol of the

ideal passion of his own soul. While d’Annunzio’s Triton and Dryad are

recognizably akin to the sea or woodland life they spring from, hued

like the salt deep, and full of the sap of earth. D’Annunzio is the

greater artist, Shelley the finer and the rarer soul.

But these gracious idylls were, as has been hinted, an episode.

Nature could not replace man; beyond ‘earth’ and ‘sea’ and ‘sky,’ the

‘heroes,’ and especially the heroes and heroic memories of Italy,

called for his ‘praise.’ Here, he felt, was the home of his spirit. The

gracious valley of Arno might be

A cradle of flowers and dreams and peace;

But the cradle of my soul

Is the crashing chariot’s furrow

In the stone of the Appian Way.

The _Elettra_, the second book of the _Laudi_, is mainly devoted

to the memories of these vanished glories. The resonant herald

of the Third Italy wanders, for instance, among the ‘Cities of

Silence’--decayed, half grass-grown capitals of vanished dukes and

extinct republics--Ferrara, Pisa, Pistoja; oldest and grandest of all,

Ravenna, the ‘deep ship’s hull, heavy with the iron weight of empire,

driven by shipwreck on the utmost bounds of the world.’[27] Of the

sequence of lyrics on the great enterprise of Garibaldi’s ‘Thousand,’

_La Notte di Caprera_, it is enough to say that it is worthy of being

put beside Carducci’s Ode. After a quarter of a century Garibaldi’s

glory was no whit dimmed. On the contrary, Italians who knew how many

gross blots defiled the Italy he had helped to win, saw Garibaldi as

a figure of ideal splendour and purity on the further side of a foul

morass. The bitter disillusion of such minds is powerfully painted in

the moving piece: ‘To One of the Thousand.’ An old Garibaldian sailor

brings his broken anchor-cable to the ship cordwainer to be mended. He

looks on, sombre, dejected, silent, but thinking what he does not say;

and his thoughts are like this:

The anchor-sheet is broken: let it be.

No hope of mending. Give it up, go home!

Turn into scourges, cordsman, and halter-nooses

Thy bitter twine.

Vilely supine lies the Third Italy,

A harlot-people put to basest uses,

And in her holy oak-grove’s shadow, Rome

Pastures her swine.[28]

But Rome, the eternal City, could only obscure her destiny, not efface

it; disillusion founded on her moments of self-oblivion was itself the

vainest of illusions. That is the faith of the new Italian Renascence,

and d’Annunzio, the fiercest chastiser of her oblivious fatuities,

attains his loftiest note of ‘praise’ in the Ode which prophetically

arrays Rome in glory as the future centre of the embodied Power of Man.

It is based on the legend, told by Ovid,[29] of the ship of the Great

Mother, stranded in the Tiber mud, and drawn to shore by the Vestal

Virgin Claudia Quinta. The opening stanzas tell the story--the dearth

in the city, the Sibylline oracle’s counsel to bring the image of the

Mater Magna, the arrival of her ship in the river, the stranding in

the mud, the vain efforts of the entire city to extricate it, until

a Vestal Virgin, without an effort, draws it to bank. Then the poet

interprets the symbolic legend:

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