9 _toward Lorn._ Barbour’s chronology is here not specific, but he

apparently places the expedition against Lorn in the late summer or

autumn of 1308. So does Fordun (see on _Bk._ IX. 204). On the other

hand, there exists a letter from John of Lorn to Edward II., clearly

referring to the present expedition. Unfortunately, it is not dated

further than as an acknowledgment of the receipt of the King’s letters

of March 11. About that date, in 1308, Bruce must have been in the

North, beyond the Mounth (see on _Bk._ IX. 204). On June 16, 1309,

Alexander of Lorn and John are in council with Edward at Westminster

(_Bain_, iii., No. 95). Meantime Alexander of Argyll is in the sederunt

of Bruce’s first Parliament, March 16, 1309, at St. Andrews (_Act.

Parl. Scot._, vol. i., p. 160). Either, then, Bruce’s expedition is to

be placed in the spring and early summer of 1309, or, after the defeat

at Loch Awe, John of Lorn held out during the winter, and Dunstaffnage

fell at some date between March 11, 1308, and June 16, 1309.

14 _twa thousand._ In the letter referred to above, John of Lorn says

that “Robert Bruce had approached his territories with 10,000 or 15,000

men, it was said, both by land and sea. He had no more than 800 to

oppose him, 500 of these being in his pay to keep his borders, and the

barons of Argyll gave him no aid.... He has three castles to guard,

and a lake 24 leagues (miles) long on which he has vessels properly

manned, but is not sure of his neighbours” (_Bain_, iii., No. 80).

Lorn’s estimate of Bruce’s strength is clearly exaggerated. Hemingburgh

similarly gives Bruce 10,000 men in his Galloway wanderings (ii., p.

265).

17 _Ane evill place._ From the description, the Pass of Brander through

which the River Awe flows from Loch Awe to Loch Etive, a sea-loch. The

Callander-Oban Railway follows this route. The Pass is three miles long.

27 _Crechanben._ Cruachan Ben, or Ben Cruachan, on the north side,

3,689 feet.

34-35 _on the se ... with his galays._ Skeat says this must be “Loch

Etive, a sea-loch, not the inland Loch Awe, from which the ships could

not have escaped.” He is thinking of line 130, but the flight there

mentioned has no connection with the present case. Loch Etive is not

“weill neir the pas” (35; _cf._ also 97, 98), but Loch Awe is, and we

see from Lorn’s letter (note on 14) that he had ships on that loch.

He says further that he “was on sick-bed” when he received Edward’s

letters, “and had been for half a year”; which probably accounts for

his presence in a galley, or large Highland row-boat, as the Marquis of

Argyll was, for a like reason, when his forces were cut to pieces by

Montrose at Inverlochy in 1645.

46 _Williame Wisman._ A “William Wysman” was made Edward’s Sheriff at

Elgin in 1305 (_Bain_, ii., p. 458). The wife of “Monsieur William

Wysman” was among the ladies captured in 1306, and was sent to Roxburgh

(_Foedera_, ii., p. 1014). William Wyseman was at the St. Andrews

Parliament, 1309 (_Act. Parl. Scot._, i., p. 160). It was a Moray name.

47 _Schir Androu Gray._ Ancestor of the Lords Gray. Sir Andrew Gray

received from Bruce in 1315 the barony of Longforgan and other lands

in Perthshire and Forfarshire, which had belonged to Edmond Hastings

(Robertson’s _Index_, p. 26, No. 19; Crawford’s _Peerage_, p. 179, ed.

1716).

82 _ane wattir._ The River Awe. The river here is wide, deep, and

broken by rapids.

88 _till brek it._ The bridge, of course, was of wood. It was probably

beyond the lower extremity of the Pass, somewhere near the present

bridge.

113 _Dunstaffynch._ In Fordun _Dunstafynch_; Dunstaffnage Castle at the

mouth of Loch Etive.

126 _And com his man._ As has already been noted (see on 9), Alexander

of Arygll is, with the other “barons” of Argyll and the Hebrides,

present at Bruce’s Parliament at St. Andrews, which, if correct,

indicates that Barbour, so far, is right. Lorn wrote to Edward that,

“though he and his were few in respect of his power, Robert de Brus

had asked a truce from him, which he granted for a short space, and

received the like, till the King sends him succours. He hears that

Robert, when he came, was boasting and saying that the writer had come

to his peace at the report that many others would rise in his aid,

which God and the writer know is not true. Should the King hear this

from others, he is not to believe it” (_Bain_, as cited). Fordun’s

story is that Bruce besieged Alexander of Argyll in Dunstaffnage, that

the castle was surrendered, but Alexander refused to do homage and

was allowed a safe-conduct for himself and friends to England (_Gesta

Annalia_, cxxvi.).

137 _at Lythkow wes than a peill._ Linlithgow “peel” was constructed

by Edward I. in 1301-1302. Barbour’s chronology is again at fault, or

he is not concerned about it. Linlithgow was still being munitioned

against the Scots in August, 1313 (_Bain_, iii., No. 330). Barbour

appears to be simply grouping the different captures of castles

together (see lines 144-7). Strictly a “peel” was a fortification

consisting of a stockade and ditch, enclosing the buildings of the

garrison (see lines 144-7).

153 _Wilyhame Bunnok._ See note on 254. C reads _Bowne_ here, but

_Bunnok_ in line 194.

180 _the hede-soyme._ That is, the “trace” or “traces” connecting the

animals with the cart would be cut, when the waggon would block the

gateway. By a similar trick, in which the agents are dressed as carters

and the traces are loosened by withdrawing the pins, Oudenarde was

captured in 1384 (_Froissart_, Johnes, ii., chap. cli.).

185 _the harvist tyde._ September or October, 1313. See above on 137.

195 _To leid thair hay._ To “lead” the hay, still the usual country

phrase, is to bring it in from the field to the place of storage.

Bunnok was to gather the hay and cart it to the castle.

196 _but dangeir._ “Without difficulty,” readily.

223 _callit his wayn._ “Drove” or “urged forward” his waggon. The word

occurs in this sense in the _Wallace_ “Thir cartaris ... _callyt_ furth

the cartis weill” (_Bk._ ix. 717-8), where, as usual, the incident is

borrowed from the _Bruce_. _Cf._ Burns: “Ca the yowes to the knowes.”

232 _he leyt the gadwand fall._ “He” is not Bunnock, but the driver,

who drops his goad and cuts the trace.

254 _hym rewardit worthely._ According to Nisbet’s _Heraldry_,

Bunnock is the same name as _Binning_, and the arms of Binning of

Easter-Binning are “placed on the bend of a waggon argent”; and he

gives as an explanation that “one of the heads of that family, with his

seven sons, went in a waggon covered with hay, surprised and took the

castle of Linlithgow, then in the possession of the English, in the

reign of David II.” (I. 100, ed. 1816). The reference is clearly to the

present incident, though “sons” is a later development, and the date is

wrong. Jamieson is highly suspicious over the identification, and it

seems, in fact, to be a case of ancestry manufacture.

265-6 _Murref ... And othir syndri landis braid._ “Murref” is English

transcription of the Gaelic form, _muiraibh_, dative plural of _muir_,

the sea. The grant to Randolph was most extensive, including lands

from the mouth of the Spey to Lochaber and Mamore, and “the marches

of northern Argyll,” and covering 2,550 square miles in Banff, Elgin,

Nairn, and Inverness (Robertson’s _Index of Charters_, p. xlix;

Rampini’s _Moray and Nairn_, p. 140).

324 _Schir Peris Lumbard._ Peter de Loubaud (Lybaud, Libaut) was

constable of Edinburgh Castle and the peel of Linlithgow in March, 1312

(_Bain_, iii., No. 254). Edinburgh Castle was captured during Lent,

1314 (_Chron. de Lanercost_, p. 223; Fordun says March 14, 1314), by

Randolph (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxx.); March 24, apparently, in _Gesta

Edw. de Carn._ (p. 45), where it is said that Roxburgh and Edinburgh

fell between February 29 and March 24, 1314. Hailes goes a year wrong

in these dates, and Skeat adopts. For the intrusion of “m” before “b,”

_cf._ _Ferumbrace_ for _Fierabras_ in _Bk._ III. 437.

327 _mystrowit hym of tratory._ So we have it in the _Vita Edw. Sec._

that Edinburgh Castle was captured “by the betrayal of a certain

Gascon, who was known as Peter de Gavestone, to whom the King had

committed the custody of the castle. He, a perjured traitor, adhered to

Robert the Bruce, and betrayed the castle” (p. 199). _Cf._ on 766.

360-1 _ledderis ... With treyn steppis_, etc. Ladders of this sort

are carefully described by the Carlisle friar as having been used at

an unsuccessful siege of Berwick by Bruce in 1312. Two strong ropes

were taken, of a length according to the height of the wall. These

were knotted at intervals of a foot and a half; on these knots rested

wooden (_treyn_) steps two and a half feet long by half a foot broad,

sufficient for one man at a time, and every third step had a projection

inwards, to keep the ladder out from the wall. At the top end was a

curved iron (_cf._ “a cruk ... of iron”), one end of which, about a

foot long, lay on the top of the wall, while the other hung down, was

pierced with a hole, and had a ring on each side for the rope. In the

hole a sufficiently long spear was inserted, by which the ladder was

put in position by two men. When the Scots had placed two ladders for a

night attack, a dog barked, and Berwick was saved, the Scots making off

and leaving their ladders behind to be hung up in derision of the Scots

by the garrison (p. 221).

372 _on the fasteryn evyn._ “Fastern’s Eve,” Shrove Tuesday, February

27, 1314. So, too, in Fordun (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxx.), and in

_Scalacronica_, the night of Shrove Tuesday (p. 140); in _Lanercost_

the capture is dated the day after, February 28, the first day of Lent,

1314 (p. 223). The castle was still in English hands on February 7,

1314 (_Bain_, iii., No. 352), but lost before May 29 (No. 358), in 1314

(894).

400 _up thair ledderis set._ “For James (Douglas) himself on a certain

night secretly approached the castle (of Roxburgh), and placed ladders,

which had been carried up in concealment (_latenter_) against the wall,

and so by these ascended the wall,” etc. (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 200).

441 _The custom._ It was the custom to spend the day before the

beginning of the fast of Lent in feasting and jollity. This practice

continued in Scotland long after the Reformation, when Lent was no more

observed. The _Vita Edw._ says that the garrison were sleeping or off

their guard.

456-7 _Gylmyne de Fenis ... in the gret toure_, etc. “They (the Scots)

took the whole castle except one tower, to which, with difficulty,

had escaped the warden of the castle, Sir Gilminus de Fenes, a Gascon

knight, and his men with him, but that tower the Scots had soon

afterwards” (_Lanercost_, p. 223). Sir William de Filinge (Filling,

Felynges) was constable of Roxburgh since 1312 at least (_Bain_, iii.,

Nos., 332, 337, 351). On the conduct of Roxburgh garrison see on _Bk._

XI. 46.

479 _Woundit so felly._ According to Gray, “Guillemyng Fenygges” was

killed by an arrow while holding the great tower (_Scala._, p. 140).

496 _to tummyll it doune._ “And all this beautiful castle, as with all

the other castles which they were able to get, they laid level with the

ground, that the English might never afterwards by holding the castles

be able to dominate the country” (_Lanercost_, p. 223). So also _Vita

Edw. Sec._, p. 199, and _Gesta Edw._, p. 45, where it is alleged that

Bruce did this to prevent the Scottish nobles taking refuge therein

instead of helping him. See on _Bk._ IX. 452, and below on 771.

504 _Outane Jedworth._ There was fighting about Jedburgh in 1315, 1316

(_Bain_, iii., No. 494), but it was still in English hands in 1321

(_ibid._, 746).

509 _At Edinburgh._ Edinburgh Castle was still in English hands in

August, 1313 (_Bain_, iii., No. 330). See further note on 324.

513 _all his purchas._ “By his own procurement.”

516 _voidry._ Skeat’s suggestion. See footnote. It means “cunning,

stratagem” (S).

529 “Ere that siege should miscarry, or go wrong.” _Cf._ on _Bk._ I.

478. The mood here is subjunctive, past tense.

530 _William Francas._ Francis or “Fraunceys” appears from Bain to have

been a common name in the Lothians. A “William Francis” got lands from

Bruce in Roxburgh in 1322. His grant just precedes one to John Crab

(Robertson’s _Index to Charters_, p. 15, No. 20; _cf._ _Bk._ XVII. 239).

701 _The Erll has tane the castell all._ The _Lanercost_ historian

says the castle was captured in this manner: “Those besieging the same

castle, one day in the evening, made a bold assault on the south gate,

because on account of the position of the castle, there was no other

place where an assault could be given. But those within, all collecting

at the gate, resisted them stoutly; meanwhile, however, others of the

Scots climbed the rock on the north side, which was very high and

steep, up to the foundation of the wall, and there, placing their

ladders against the wall, they climbed up in such numbers that those

within could make no resistance; and so they (the Scots) opened the

gates and brought in their friends, and took the whole castle and slew

the English” (p. 223). The _Scalacronica_ account is that Moray took

the castle at the highest part of the rock, where there was no thought

of danger (_a quoi il ne se dotoit_) (p. 140).

708 _Lap fra a berfrois._ For a “beffroi,” see on _Bk._ XVI. 597. O.F.,

“berfroi,” etc. For form “belfry,” _cf._ “pilgrim,” from “peregrinus”;

in English not before the fifteenth century. French dropped the “r”

(N.E.D.). The reference here is to one of the _Alexander_ romances,

of which there was no translation, and is indicative of Barbour’s

familiarity with this literature. _Cf._ _Appendix_ E.

740 _in stede of prophesye._ “In the way of, or as, a prophecy.”

742 _hir chapell._ St. Margaret’s Chapel, built for Queen Margaret,

wife of Malcolm Canmore. She died in Edinburgh Castle in 1093. In 1336

the chapel was fitted with four windows of glass (_Bain_, iii., p.

335).

746 _as old men sayis._ The picture and inscription were, therefore, no

longer extant.

747 “Gardez-vous de Francois.” “Beware of Francis or of the French.”

766 _he becom the Kingis man._ Gray tells how “Lebaud” went over to

Bruce, but, because he was in heart English (_qil estoit Engles qe

quer_), Bruce had him accused of treason and hanged (_Scala._, p. 140).

The official record is that he was convicted of treason, and, from his

forfeitures, he seems to have received large holdings in Lothian (_Reg.

Mag. Sig._, where he is styled _Peter Luband_, p. 3, 3; p. 13, 63, 64,

66).

771 _myne doune all halely._ The _Lanercost_ writer adds that the Scots

levelled Edinburgh Castle to the ground, as they had done Roxburgh.

815 _Fra the lenteryne._ Lent, 1313. In the _Vita Edw._ it is said that

Mowbray brought the news of his pact at the beginning of Lent, which

must be Lent, 1314, suggesting a considerable difference in dates (p.

200).

816 _Quhill ... Saint Johnnis mess._ That is, by June 24, 1313, the

English garrison began to find their food running short. “Their victual

was insufficient” (_Vita Edw._, p. 200).

822-3 _it was nocht with battaill Reskewit._ So, too, in _Vita Edw.

Sec._, where the agreement is that Mowbray “would either procure the

King of England to come to the defence of the castle, or, if he should

not be able to induce the King to do this, that he would summarily

(_indilate_) surrender the castle.” St. John’s day is fixed as the

limiting date. The writer makes Robert Bruce himself conduct the siege

(p. 200). So does Gray, who says that the castle was to be surrendered,

“unless the English army came within three leagues of the said castle

within eight days after St. John’s day in the summer next to come”

(_dedenz viii jours apres le Saint Johan en este adonques procheine

avenir_, p. 141). But _cf._ _Bk._ XI. 8-9.

BOOK XI.

32 _outrageous a day._ “Day” has here the meaning of “a space of time,”

as in Berners’ _Froissart_. “The truce is not expired, but hath _day_

to endure unto the first day of Maye next” (I. ccxiii., N.E.D.): a

sense of the Latin _dies_. For “outrageous,” see on _Bk._ III. 162.

44 _Akatane._ Aquitaine, the ancient southern duchy of France, the

hereditary possession of the Kings of England.

46 The _Lanercost_ chronicler affirms (1311) that in the war the Scots

were so divided that sometimes a father was with the Scots and his son

with the English, or brothers were on opposite sides, or even the same

person at one time on the Scottish side, at another on that of England;

but that it was a pretence, either because the English seemed to get

the better or to save their English lands, “for their hearts, if not

their bodies, were always with their own people” (p. 217). Thus, at

this time, there were still to be found among supporters of the English

King such names as Stewart, Graham, Kirkpatrick, Maxwell, St. Clair,

etc. (_Bain_, iii., _Introd._, pp. xvi, xvii). As many of these were

Border lairds--some, indeed, are of Annandale--even their Scottish

lands were specially exposed to English attack. Late in 1313 (October

or November) we have a _Petition to the King_ (of England) _from

the People of Scotland, by their envoys, Sir Patrick de Dunbar, Earl of

March, and Sir Adam de Gordon_, complaining of the great losses they

have suffered “by their enemies”--_i.e._, the Bruce party--also of the

brigandage of the English garrison in Berwick and Roxburgh (_Bain_,

iii., No. 337). One of the results of Bannockburn was to bring many of

these waverers over to the national side. Adam de Gordon, indeed, was

already under suspicion, and apparently was a waverer. He had, in fact,

a grant of the lands of Strathbogie in 1309, according to Robertson

(_Index_, p. 2; 40). _Cf._ also 103-4.* For Gordon, see also _Bk._ IX.

720, etc.; XV. 333; and on March, _Bk._ XIX. 776, note.

79-82 _Cf._, as bearing out Barbour’s assertion, the comment by the

author of the _Vita Edwardi Secundi_ on the army when assembled at

Berwick: “There were in that assemblage amply sufficient men (_satis

sufficientes_) to traverse all Scotland, and, in the judgment of some,

if the whole of Scotland had been brought together, it could not make

a stand against the army of the King (_cf._ line 150). Indeed, it was

confessed by the whole host that, in our time, such an army had not

gone out of England” (_Chronicles of Ed. I. and Ed. II._, ii., pp.

201-2).

91 _Erll of Hennaut._ Count William of Hainault, Flanders. _Cf._ on

_Bk._ XIX. 262.

93. _Almanyhe_: Germany. Friar Baston says four German knights came

“gratis” (_Eng. Hist. Rev._, vol. xix., p. 507).

100 _of Irlande ane gret menyhe._ In _Foedera_ we have the list

of twenty-five Irish chiefs summoned to the campaign against the

Scots--O’Donald, O’Neil, MacMahon, O’Bryn, O’Dymsy, etc. The Irish

contingent was commanded by Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, Bruce’s

father-in-law (III., pp. 476-478).

*103-4 See note on 46.

103 _Ane hundreth thousand men and ma._ See _Appendix_ C.

105 _Armyt on hors._ That is, the men alone wore armour, being thus

distinguished from the knights “with helit hors,” or horses armoured

also in _bardings_ of leather or mail. Skeat rejects the reading of

E in favour of “playn male,” taking “playn” to represent the French

_plein_ = “complete mail,” on the ground of Innes’s remark that the

distinction between mail or ring-armour and plate, “if known, was not

so specific in Barbour’s age.” But plates had been coming into use

since the last quarter of the thirteenth century, and by 1300 the

practice of attaching such additional defences was rapidly developing.

See note on 131. In 1316 we read of “200 men armed in plate,” who were

sent to Ireland from England (_Bain_, iii., p. 99, No. 519).

114 _Of cartis._ “The multitude of waggons (_multitudo quadrigarum_),

if it had been extended in a line one behind the other, would have

taken up a space of twenty leagues” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 202). The

meaning of “league” is uncertain; apparently it was just a mile.

117 _veschall._ In _Vita Edw. Sec._ (pp. 206-7) the author speaks of

“costly garments and gold (or gilt) plate” (_vasa aurea_). Baker of

Swinbroke, in his _Chronicon Angliæ_ (p. 55), also mentions the “plate

of gold and silver,” and affirms that, in addition to an abundant

supply of victuals, the English brought with them things which were

wont to be seen only in times of peace on the luxurious tables of

princes. Among the ornaments of the high altar of Aberdeen Cathedral in

1549 was “an old hood made of cloth of gold ... from the spoil of the

Battle of Bannockburn” (_Reg. Episc. Aberd._, ii., p. 189).

119 _schot._ Arrows, and bolts for cross-bows. _Cf._ _Bk._ XIII. 311,

and below, note on 544.

130 _ryche weid._ The rich flowing housings or drapery of the steeds,

covering the armour, if any, as the “surcoat” of the knight did his.

131-*132. Armour was in a state of rapid transition, and so at this

time is very complicated. An English brass of 1325 shows a knight

wearing (1) a _gambeson_, or close-fitting quilted tunic, to ease the

pressure of the armour; (2) a _hauberk_ of _banded_ or _chain mail_,

with half-plates on the upper arm; (3) an _habergeon_ (“hawbyrschown”),

or lighter hauberk, apparently of small plates; (4) a _haketon_,

another padded coat like the gambeson; (5) and a short _surcoat_.

He has leggings of mail covering also the feet, and half-plates in

addition from the knees to the toes: a hood of mail continued upward

from the hauberk and a _bascinet_, or pointed, nut-shaped helmet, with

no visor. Over this he would wear in battle such a heavy, closed,

flat-topped _helm_ as we see on the seal of Robert I. He carries a

small triangular shield on his left arm, and his sword, a little more

than half the body in length, hangs in front from a waist-belt. Such

was probably the equipment of the leading knights at Bannockburn.

136 _Till Berwick._ The army was to assemble at Werk on the Tweed by

Monday, June 10, 1314 (_Foedera_, iii., p. 481). But the start was made

from Berwick on June 17 or 18 (_Vita Edw._, 201).

150 _Mannaustt the Scottis._ _Cf._ note on 79-82.

163 _Glowcister._ Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford,

nephew of the King, and a young man of twenty-three. _Herfurd._

Humphrey de Bohun, or Boun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Constable

of England. “The Earl of Gloucester and the Earl of Herford commanded

the first line” (_primam aciem_, _Vit. Edw. Sec._, p. 202). The

_Scalacronica_ says Gloucester commanded “the advance guard” (p. 141),

but does not mention Hereford (see note on _Bk._ XIII. 466).

174 _Schir Gylys de Argente._ Sir Giles d’Argentine, popularly regarded

as one of the three most eminent men of the time, the others being

the Emperor Henry and Robert Bruce (_Scotich. Lib._, xiii. 16). He

“guided the King’s bridle” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 204). _Cf._ also

_Scalacronica_ (p. 143), _votre reyne me fust baillez_--“your rein was

entrusted to me”: among others (p. 142).

210 _the Torwood._ Stretching north and west from Falkirk. It reached

to near Bannockburn, a little south of which is “Torwoodhead” Castle.

237 See note on 103.

250 _abaysing._ Fear which grew to panic. _Morale_, or firm courage, is

always an important element in warfare, but in medieval times it seems

to have been specially important (_cf._ IV. 191-200, and XII. 184-8).

The remarkable successes of the Scots against larger numbers were often

due to the “abaysing,” for one reason or other, of their opponents.

Footmen were peculiarly liable to this loss of nerve, as they received

no mercy, as a rule, from the mounted knights. Bruce was all along most

anxious to guard against the rise of any such spirit of “funk” among

his men. “Success in battle,” said Napoleon, “depends not so much upon

the number of men killed as upon the number frightened.”

277 _the wayis._ As Bruce explains in the lines that follow, there were

two “ways” of advance to Stirling; one through the wooded New Park, and

the other by the level below St. Ninian’s, extending to the “pools” or

lagoons along the side of the Forth. The trees of the New Park seem to

have extended from above the banks of the burn to St. Ninian’s on the

one side and Stirling, or near it, on the other (_cf._ note on _Bk._

XII. 58). It was made as late as 1264 by Alexander III., and enclosed

with a paling in 1288 (_Excheq. Rolls_, I. 24, 38); whence the name

“New.”

291 _licht armyng._ “Everyone of them (the Scots) was protected by

light armour” (_levi armatura_). (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 203). See

further, note on _Bk._ XII. 448.

296 _ficht on fut._ Fighting was still regarded as almost entirely the

business of armoured men on horseback, the footmen serving only for

minor purposes. That an army all on foot should oppose chivalry was a

new departure. Bruce was an original general. Sir Thomas Gray says that

the Scots “took example from the Flemings,” who, in 1302, at Courtrai

had in this way defeated the French knights (_Scalacronica_, p. 142).

But this is an after-thought. The _Vita Edwardi Sec._ also draws the

parallel with Courtrai (p. 206). But the Scots could take the hint from

the tactics at Falkirk in 1298, where Wallace was only defeated by the

English archers. An English chronicler of about 1330 suggests that the

Scots were made to fight on foot to avoid the mischance at Falkirk when

their little body of cavalry fled at the sight of the English advance

(_Annales Johannis de Trokelowe_, p. 84).

300 _the sykis._ No doubt shallow lagoons with a muddy bottom, about

the Bannock, where it entered the Forth, flooded by the tide. Jamieson,

in his _Dictionary_, defines _syk_ as “a marshy bottom, with a small

stream in it.” A rivulet in Selkirkshire is known as the Red Syke

(Chambers’ _Popular Rhymes_, p. 17, ed. 1826).

333-6 Pinkerton suggests in his edition that Bruce could not trust the

Highlanders and Islesmen, and so put them in the rear, and stiffened

their ranks with his own followers from Carrick. For this there is no

warrant. The “barons of Argyll and Inchgallye” (the Hebrides) attended

Bruce’s Parliament at St. Andrews in March, 1309 (_Acts Parl. Scot._,

i. 99). _Cf._ also note on X. 14. In any case on the Sunday afternoon

Bruce took the _front_ position in the New Park with these very men

(445, 446).

360 _ane playne feld by the way._ _I.e._, an open, level part by the

road through the park, just outside the wood. The historians have

shifted the position to suit their various and erroneous ideas of the

field of battle. Barbour, it is to be noted, says nothing of bogs, nor

of Buchanan’s “calthrops of iron” (_Scot. Hist._, ed. 1762, p. 213).

Friar Baston, captured at Bannockburn, in his Latin poem, says there

were stakes in the pits (_Scotichronicon_, lib. xii., chap. xxii.).

Geoffrey Baker, of Swinbroke, enlarges them to long ditches covered

with hurdles, an utter misapprehension (_Chronicon_, pp. 56, 57. _Cf._

notes on _Bk._ XII. 536, 537). At Cressy (1346) the English dug “many

pits” (_multa foramina_) of the depth and width of a foot in front

of their first line as a defence against possible pursuit by the

French cavalry (_Baker_, p. 166). An analagous device is described by

Herodotus as having been successfully used by the Phocians to destroy

Messalian cavalry (Book viii., chap. xxviii.).

426 _till ane vale._ Apparently in the valley behind Coxet Hill.

“Gillies Hill” is said to have taken its name from these “gillies,” or

servants (Nimmo’s _History of Stirlingshire_, second edition, p. 219).

Barbour never calls them “gillies,” and why a Gaelic name? The writer

of the description of the district in the _Old Statistical Account_

(1796) makes no mention of this “tradition,” and suggests a derivation

from the personal name Gill or Gillies. “The names both of Gillies and

Morison occur in the muirlands” (vol. xviii., p. 392).

437 _the Fawkirk._ A Scots translation of the original Gaelic name

(in twelfth century) _Eaglais breac_, “the speckled or particoloured

church,” in reference to the stone of which it was built. In “Falkirk”

the “l” has been substituted for “w,” as a sign of length in the vowel

(see _Language l_, App. G). Local pronunciation does not sound the “l.”

The English chroniclers write the name _Foukyrk_ (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p.

205), or _Faukirke_ (_Annales London._, p. 104).

440-453 Acting on the information received, and unaware, as yet, which

road the English would choose for an advance to Stirling, Bruce makes

a fresh disposition of his troops, departing from that laid down in

lines 305-347, so as to be ready for either line of advance. He himself

occupies the “entry” to the Park road, which was a continuation of

the medieval (Roman?) highway passing west of St. Ninian’s, with

his mixed brigade of Highlanders and Lowlanders; while Randolph is

posted at St. Ninian’s Kirk overlooking the level about seventy feet

below. Apparently (see below) both divisions are masked by the wood.

The others are in reserve to reinforce when it should turn out to be

necessary. The historians, ignoring this alteration in dispositions,

land themselves, as a result, in unintelligible confusion. Douglas

later trapped an English column in the “entre” of Jedburgh Forest

(_Bk._ XVI. 310 _et seq._).

486 _confort his men._ See note on 250.

523 _Aucht hundreth._ Gray says they were only three hundred,

under the command of Robert Lord de Clifford and Henry de Beaumont

(_Scalacronica_, p. 141). We learn from the same author that Philip de

Mowbray, constable of Stirling, went out and met Edward when the army

was _three leagues_, or miles, from the castle, and suggested that

he should advance no farther as, the English having come so far, and

being within touch, he considered himself relieved; besides, he said,

the Scots had blocked the narrow ways (_lez estroitz chemyns_) of the

wood--_i.e._, of the New Park. But from the conditions, as we have seen

(_Bk._ X. 822), the castle could not be held to be relieved so long as

the Scots were in force before it. We note that Mowbray also expected

the army to come by the Park roads. Now Barbour says that Clifford’s

detachment left the main body _two miles_ away (515). Apparently,

then, this movement was the result of Mowbray’s information (see next

note). However, it was known to Edward when he summoned his army that

the Scots had taken up a position between him and Stirling in strong,

marshy places difficult for horsemen (_Foedera_, ii., p. 481).

532 _it suld reskewit be._ So the Scots might conclude, but the version

of the _Lanercost_ chronicler better fits the case: “After dinner”

(_post prandium_--say, about midday) “the army of the King (Edward)

came to the neighbourhood of the Torwood” (he takes the Park to be an

extension of the larger forest), “and when it was known that the Scots

were in the wood” (from Mowbray), “the first line (_prima acies_) of

the King, whose leader was Lord Clifford, wished to surround the wood

so that the Scots should not escape in flight” (p. 225). This is in

harmony with the self-confidence of the English, and explains why the

horsemen did not, as they might have done, avoid Randolph’s foot, if

they were only making for the castle. There was apparently no obstacle

to Mowbray communicating personally with the relieving army, and he

cannot have gone alone; so that the parties were actually in touch,

and, as Mowbray argued, a technical “relief” had been performed.

536 _thai wist weill._ From Mowbray probably, but _cf._ note on 523.

Aymer de Valence, too, had gone on before the army to prepare its line

of march and carefully examine the stratagems of the Scots (_insidias

Scotorum._ _Vit. Edw._, p. 201).

537 _Beneth the Park._ “Made a circuit upon the other side of the wood

towards the castle, keeping the open ground” (_as beaux chaumps._

_Scalacronica_, p. 141).

544 _thai so fer war passit by._ The English writers report the matter

as it appeared to them. “The Scots, however, suffered this” (Clifford’s

advance) “until they had placed a considerable distance between

themselves and their friends, when they showed themselves, and cutting

off that first line of the King from the middle and rear divisions (_a

media acie et extrema_), rushed on it,” etc. (_Chron. de Lanercost_,

225). “Thomas Randolph, ... who was leader of the advance guard of

the Scots, having heard that his uncle had repulsed the advance guard

of the English on the other side of the wood, thought that he must

have his share, and issuing from the wood with his division” (Barbour

says “five hundred men,” line 542), “took the level plain” (_le beau

chaumpe_--Barbour’s “playn feld”) “towards the two lords aforesaid”

(_Scalacronica_, p. 141). Note that both Bruce at the “entry,” and

Randolph at “the Kirk,” were _in the wood_ (see on this also note on

_Bk._ XII. 58); and the reiterated use of the term “playn feld” for the

level below St. Ninian’s.

546 _ane rose of his chaplet._ Hailes suggests a far-fetched

explanation of this: “I imagine that _rose_ implies a large bead

in a rosary or chaplet,” when the dropping of a rose would imply

carelessness of duty (_Annals_, ii. 51, note). The _New English

Dictionary_ defines _chaplet_ as “A wreath for the head, usually a

garland of flowers or leaves,” and cites this passage. Randolph in the

wood, keeping his eyes on the main body, could easily miss an advance

by his flank, which had started independently two miles away, and

probably kept to cover as far as possible.

547 _Wes faldyn._ Skeat explains this form as “fallen” with an

“excrescent _d_, due to Scandinavian influence,” citing also _Bk._

XIII. 632. A form, _foolde_, occurs in _The Sowdone of Babylone_,

line 1428, where Hausknecht explains it as from _fealden_, “to fold,”

meaning “folded, bent down, fallen”; citing also “_Folden_ to grunde”

and “Fiftene hundred _Folden_ to grunden,” from _Layamon_, 23,894 and

27,055-6. The result as to meaning is the same either way.

548 _war past._ Clifford then had passed the Kirk before Randolph made

a move. The scene of the conflict is usually placed at a position

half-way between St. Ninian’s and Stirling, now known as Randolph’s

Field. But this name is not older than the end of the eighteenth

century (_Old Stat. Acct._, vol. xviii., p. 408). The origin of the

nomenclature is two standing stones said to have been erected in memory

of the victory (Nimmo’s _History of Stirlingshire_, ed. 1817, p. 216).

But standing stones are no uncommon feature in Scotland, and various

traditions attach to them; and why this preference in commemoration?

“Standing stones,” on the other side of the Forth, are mentioned in the

_Wallace_ (_Bk._ v. 298).

557 _In hy thai sped thame._ Gray gives an account of this affair,

in which his father was taken prisoner, in the _Scalacronica_ (edit.

Maitland Club. p. 141): “Sir Henry de Beaumont said to his men, ‘Let us

retire a little; let them [the Scots] come on; give them room [_donez

les chaumps_.]” His father, Sir Thomas, charging on the Scots, was

carried off a prisoner on foot, his horse having been slain on the

pikes. He, too, mentions the death of Sir William Deyncourt (line 573),

and says the squadron was utterly routed. If Beaumont--to whom, with

Deyncourt, Gray gives the command--proposed to allow the Scots more

room by retiring, his detachment cannot have gone far past Randolph’s

original position (_cf._ also line 538). The remark seems absurd if

applied to the ground at Randolph’s Field. Buchanan says Randolph had

horse, in which he is clearly wrong (_Rerum Scotic. Hist._, ed. 1762,

chap. xxxix.), and he is followed on this point in White’s _History of

the Battle of Bannockburn_ (Edinburgh, 1871), p. 55.

573 _Schir Wilyhame Dencort._ See previous note.

598 _Styk stedis, and ber doune men._ An unhorsed knight in his heavy

suit of full armour was a cumbrous unit, and if he fell, might find

it impossible to rise in the press, or be assisted to do so, so as to

be remounted on a fresh steed by his squire, whose duty it was to see

to this, among other things. The author of the _Vita Edw._ notes as

a mischance deserving remark that in this day’s fighting the Earl of

Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202; see also on _Bk._ XII. 504).

BOOK XII.

22 _quyrbolle._ _Cuir-bouilli_, or “boiled leather,” was not really

boiled, as in that case it would become horny and brittle and so quite

unsuitable for the purposes to which it was put--the strengthening of

armour in the transition period of the fourteenth century prior to the

full use of plate, and the making of sheaths, bottles, caskets, etc.

The leather was steeped in a warm mixture of wax and oil, which made it

pliable and fit to receive the designs cut or embossed on it. It was

then slowly dried. Helmet crests or other fittings were also made of

it, as here.

29 _the Boune._ Henricus de Boun in _Vita Edw. Sec._ (see below). The

name is variously spelled--_Bowme_ (C), _Bohun_, etc. He was the nephew

of Hereford. Barbour says “cosyne” in 31, but this, formerly, very

frequently denoted a nephew or niece (N.E.D.).

33 _merk-schot._ Jamieson’s _Dictionary_ gives as explanation: “Seems

the distance between the _bow markis_ which were shot at in the

exercise of archery.” In the _New English Dictionary_: “The distance

between the butts in archery” (citing this passage). E and H read

_bow-schote_ = 150 to 200 yards.

36 _his men._ That is, the men of his own battle at the “entry,” not

the whole army drawn up in line, as is generally assumed. _Cf._ _Bk._

XI. 440-53, and note.

42 _his hors he steris._ _Cf._ with the account, professing to be based

on Barbour, in Scott’s _Lord of the Isles_, canto vi., XV.: “The Bruce

stood fast,” etc.

49 _in-till a lyng._ “They quickly took their positions so as to come

at each other in a line.”

58 _And he doune till the erd can ga._ _I.e._, De Boun; but Sir Herbert

Maxwell says Bruce! (_Robert the Bruce_, p. 205). With this Scottish

version of the event _cf._ the following English one (_c._ 1326):

“When the English had now passed the wood”--_i.e._, the Torwood--“and

were approaching Stirling, behold! the Scots were moving about, as if

in flight, on the edge of the grove” (_sub memore_, _i.e._, the wood

of the New Park), “whom a certain knight, Henry de Boun, with the

Welshmen, pursued up to the entry” (_introitum_, Barbour’s “entre”) “of

the grove. For he had it in his mind that, if he should find Robert

Bruce there, he would either slay him or bring him back his captive.

But when he had come hither, Robert himself issued suddenly from the

cover of the wood” (_a latebris silvæ_); “and the aforesaid Henry,

seeing that he could not resist the crowd of Scots, and wishing to

retire to his friends, turned his horse; but Robert withstood him, and

with the axe which he carried in his hand, smashed in his skull. His

squire, while endeavouring to shield and avenge his lord, is overcome

by the Scots” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 202). Gray says the advanced guard

under the Earl of Gloucester entered the road within the Park and were

repulsed (_tost furvont recoillez._ _Scala._, p. 141) by the Scots;

and that, as was reported, Robert Bruce here slew a knight, Peris de

Mountforth, with an axe. A John de Mountfort was slain at Bannockburn,

and in the list cited his name immediately precedes that of Henry de

Boun (_Annales Londonienses_, p. 231, in _Chronicles of Edward I. and

Edward II._, vol. i.). Buchanan places this incident at the beginning

of the main battle on Monday as something scarcely worth mentioning

(_parum quidem dictu_) (_Rer. Scot. Hist._, ed. 1762, chap. xxxix.).

Barbour, of course, concentrates on Bruce’s performance, but the _Vita

Edwardi_ incidentally corroborates Gray in remarking that in this day’s

fighting Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202), which could have happened

only in the Park affair.

67 _thai com on._ As we see, the De Boun affair was part of a serious

skirmish, an attempt to force the road to Stirling through the Park,

in which the English van was repulsed. See above on 58, and hereafter

on 176. This important fact is usually overlooked, as in Hume Brown’s

_History_, i., p. 158.

140 _The layff went._ Some, says Gray, fled to the Castle of Stirling

(_au chastel_), the others to the King’s host (_Scala._, p. 141).

144-6 “Quickly took off their helmets to get air, for they were hot,

and covered with perspiration.”

176 _twis._ _I.e._, repulsed in the De Boun skirmish, and in that of

Randolph and Clifford. These successes were clearly of the greatest

importance, in so far as they put heart into the Scots, and prevented

their being overawed, as they might well have been, by the greatness

and terrifying appearance of the English host. The author of the _Gesta

Edw. de Carnarvon_ thus notes that at Bannockburn “they fought on

both days” (_utrisque diebus pugnaverunt_), and the Scots “prevailed”

(_Chron. Edw. I. and Edw. II._, ii. 46).

194 _gif yhe think_, etc. Bruce here offers his men alternative

courses, either to stay and fight or to retreat. Gray tells us that

the Scots were on the point of retiring to a stronger position in

the Lennox, when Sir Alexander Seton, secretly deserting the English

side--no doubt because he saw that the chances of success were now with

the Scots--came to Bruce and told him of the shaken condition of the

English army, pledging his head that if Bruce attacked next day, he

would win easily, and with little loss (_Scala._, p. 141). Bruce did

attack. Seton was an English partisan in February, 1312 (_Bain_, iii.,

No. 245). Later he appears on the Scottish side (_ibid._, 767, etc.).

210 _Lordyngis_, etc. For Bruce’s speech, see _Appendix_ B.

255-6 The various readings here show that to the scribes the sense was

somewhat obscure. Bruce says that, should the English find them weak,

and defeat them, they would have no mercy upon them. Skeat, by reading

_To_ in 255, and putting a period after _oppynly_, misses the point.

_That happyn_ and _that wyn_ are hypothetical subjunctives. E and H

have altered 256.

290 _my brothir Neill._ Nigel Bruce. See IV. 61, 176.

302 _enveronyt._ “The strength of this place shall prevent us being

surrounded”--always Bruce’s special fear, his men being few in

comparison with the enemy. See note on _Bk._ XIII. 275.

357 _The Inglis men sic abaysing, Tuk._ Similarly Gray writes that the

English had “sadly lost countenance and were in very _low spirits_”

(_etoint de trop mal covyne_) from what had taken place (_Scala._,

p. 142). “And from that hour,” says the _Lanercost Chronicle_, “fear

spread among the English and greater boldness among the Scots” (p.

225). The rhetorical John de Trokelowe, however, declares that the

English were “exasperated” (_exacerbati_), and firmly determined to be

revenged or vanquished on the morrow (_Chronica et Annales_, p. 83).

The last statement, though it would seem to be only a presumption on

the chronicler’s part, may apply to the lords, who, Barbour says, urged

on their men to “tak a-mendis.” Barbour, Gray, and the _Lanercost_

writer speak for the general mass, and their agreement establishes the

fact.

390 _bot he war socht._ The English certainly feared a night attack.

According to Gray, they passed the night under arms, with their horses

bitted (p. 142). In the _Vita Edwardi_ also we read that there was

no rest for them, and that they spent a sleepless night. “For they

thought the Scots would rather attack by night than await battle in the

daytime” (pp. 202-3).

392 _Doune in the Kers._ The Carse is the low-lying ground along Forth

side, on which were the “pools” (see note on _Bk._ XI. 300), and

which was thus in a generally marshy condition. The ancient limits

of the Carse proper seem to be indicated in the O.S. map by the

names Kerse Patrick, Kerse Mill, and Springkerse, all on the 40-feet

level. Eastwards the land sinks towards the Forth; westwards it rises

slightly to the 50-feet level at the foot of the ridge on which stands

St. Ninian’s. This middle division is called “the dryfield lands” in

the _Old Stat. Act_, xviii., p. 388. Friar Baston also has the name:

“The dry land (_arrida terra_) of Stirling” (see note on XI. 360).

The English had to keep to the marshy land of the east in order to

be clear of the Scottish leaguer in the Park. They thus crossed the

Bannock (see below), and kept the “dryfield land” between them and the

Scots. Having crossed, they could advance to the “hard feld” (Barbour)

from their front. It is of the first importance to understand that

the English did camp here, for, if so, the battle was fought on the

strip of level, firm ground separating the armies. Gray corroborates

Barbour: “The host of the King ... had arrived on a plain towards the

water of Forth, _beyond Bannockburn_--a bad, deep morass with pools”

(_ruscelle_, _Scala._, p. 142.). Mr. Lang, seeing the difficulty of

reconciling this statement with the site of battle as fixed by him

and the other historians, says that Gray, in “_beyond Bannockburn_”

(_outre Bannockburn_), must mean “_south_ of Bannockburn, taking the

point of view of his father, at that hour a captive in Bruce’s camp”

(_History_, i., p. 221). But Gray’s hour of writing was forty years

later; and Barbour, who says the same thing, cannot be explained away

by supposititious hallucination.

407 _quhen it wes day._ “About the third hour of the day” (_Trokelowe_,

p. 84). On June 24 the sun rises about 4 a.m.

413 _Thai maid knychtis._ A usual ceremony before an important battle.

Those receiving the honour for distinguished conduct in the field were

known as “knights-banneret.” Previously they had been only “bachelors,”

for which see Glossary.

421 _tuk the playne._ Note the reiteration of this expression, and

_cf._ what is said on _Bk._ XI. 544, and above on 392; also _Vita Ed._,

p. 203: “When he (Bruce) learned that the English battles had occupied

the plain (_campus_), he led out his whole army from the grove” (_de

nemore_).

426 _richt as angelis schane brichtly._ Probably in reference to the

white “surcoats” worn by the knights over their armour (_cf._ _Bk._

VIII. 232-35). Baston writes: “The English folk, like Heaven’s folk,

in splendour shine” (_Anglicolæ, quasi cœlicolæ, splendore nitescunt_,

_Scotich._ ed. Goodall, ii., lib. xii., chap. xxii.).

429 _a schiltrum._ A close-packed body of men of any order or size

(see Glossary). _Cf._ _Morte Arthure_, line 2, 922: “Owte of the

_scheltrone_ they schede (separated themselves), as schepe of a folde”;

also several other uses in the same poem. Hemingburgh says that

Wallace’s “schiltrouns” at Falkirk were round (_qui quidem circuli

vocabantur “schiltrouns,”_ ii., p. 180). Skeat questions this, for

philological reasons! (see note here).

448 _apon fut._ _I.e._, the Scots left the cover of the wood, and

advanced to meet the English chivalry on foot, contrary to all

contemporary rules of the art of war. _Cf._ what is said on _Bk._

XI. 296. “None of them (the Scots) mounted a horse, but every man of

them was protected by light armour such as a sword could not easily

penetrate.... They marched close-packed like a thick hedge, and such a

body could not be easily broken into” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 203). Also

of the Scots: “On their side all were on foot: moreover, chosen men of

the highest courage, suitably equipped with very sharp axes and other

weapons of war, packing their shields close together in front of them,

made the column (_cuneum_) impenetrable” (_Trokelowe_, p. 84). The

formation, in fact, was that of the famous “shield-wall” of Hastings

and other early English battles.

477 _Knelyt all doune._ So, too, in _Chron. de Lanercost_: “But when

the two armies had come very close all the Scots fell on their knees

to say a _Paternoster_, and committed themselves to God, and asked

help from heaven; when they had done this they advanced boldly against

the English” (p. 225). This ceremony was directed by Maurice, Abbot of

Inchaffray, afterwards Bishop of Dunkeld (Bower, _Scotich._, lib. xii.,

ch. xxi.).

488 _dout of ded._ “Fear of death.”

498 _Schir Edward._ The author of _Vita Edw._ says it was commanded by

James Douglas, but in this he is wrong (p. 203).

504 _frusching of speris, etc._ The _Lanercost_ writer, who derived his

information, as he himself says, from a trustworthy eyewitness, has a

very similar description. The English chargers, he writes, galloped

against the Scottish spears as against a thick wood, “whereupon arose

an exceeding great and terrible noise from breaking spears and steeds

mortally wounded” (p. 225). The Scots, of course, would “stick” the

horses, so as to unseat the heavily armoured riders--a serious accident

for them (see note on _Bk._ XI. 598).

519 _With speris ... and axis._ Of the Scots it is said in _Vita Edw._:

“They had an axe by the side, and carried spears (_lanceas_) in their

hands” (p. 203). For the “weill grundyn” axes, _cf._ _Trokelowe_ above,

line 448.

535 _He held his way._ The Scots appear to have attacked with

successive battles, each coming up later than, and to the left of, its

predecessor--in echelon by the right. So we may infer from Barbour,

as well as from the rather obscure description in the _Lanercost_

chronicle: “But they so ordered their army, that two divisions (_duæ

acies_) of it should precede the third, the first on the flank of

the second, so that neither should go in front of the other (_una ex

latere alterius, ita quod neutra aliam præcederet_), to be followed by

the third, in which was Robert” (p. 225). Gray simply says that the

advance guard of the Scots came on in line of schiltrons and engaged

the English (_Scala._, p. 142). Baker alone states that the Scots stood

drawn up in solid array behind an artificial “hurdle” covered ditch,

and waited the English attack (_Chron._, p. 56).

537 _The nyne battales._ Probably, as Mr. Oman suggests (_Art of

War_, p. 574), in the way the French were at Creçy, in three lines of

three battles each, the advance guard under Gloucester and Hereford

thus forming a separate body (_cf._ lines 435-7). Mr. Oman gives the

tenth, however, to “a reserve under the King” (_ibid._). Baker, whose

account is the latest and is really a summary essay on tactics, divides

the English army into three “wards” (_custodias_): first, the heavy

horsemen, which he tumbles into the “fragile” ditch (see above on 536,

and note on _Bk._ XI. 360); next, the foot with the archers reserved to

deal with the enemy in flight (see on _Bk._ XIII. 51); and, third, the

King himself, with the bishops and other “religious” men (_Chronic._,

56-7).

BOOK XIII.

32 _tynt the suet._ “Lost their lives.” The phrase in this sense occurs

also in the _Wallace_: “The Scottis on fute gert mony _loiss the

suete_” (_The Wallace_, Jamieson’s edition, _Bk._ xii., line 194).

36 _slew fire._ “Struck out fire.” Also in _Wallace_, iv. 285: “_slew

fyr_ on flint.” _Cf._ from _The Buik of Alexander_: “thare dyntis, That

_kest fyre_ as man dois flyntis” (p. 236, line 24).

51 _the archeris war perelous._ Baker says that the archers were not

given a suitable position, as in his time, being placed behind the

first line instead of on the wings (_cf._ note on _Bk._ XII. 537, and

below lines 102-5, and note on 104). “Some,” he adds, “shot upwards

so that their arrows fell fruitlessly (_incassum_) on the helmets of

their adversaries; those who shot straight wounded a few Scots in the

breast, but more English in the back” (_Chron._, pp. 57-58). At Falkirk

(1298), after the failure of the first attack by the horsemen, Edward

I. brought up his archers to play on the Scottish masses till these

were broken, and then charged and dispersed them. Bruce anticipated

this manœuvre, and made provision for it (see note on 98).

61 _Robert of Keth._ The Kethes or Keiths took their name from the

barony of Keith, in Lothian. This Robert was still in the English

service on May 23, 1308 (_Bain_, iii. 44), yet his name appears among

those present at Bruce’s Parliament of March 16, 1309, as Robert de

Kethe, Marshall (_Acts Parl. Scot._, i., p. 99). Elsewhere he is said

to have joined Bruce at Christmas, 1308 (_Bain_, No. 245). He received

from Bruce the office of Earl Marshall as its holders, one of the

branches of the “Mareschals,” were adherents of England, and continued

to be (_Bain_, iii., p. lxviii).

68 _at a syde._ “On one side,” as in line 163, “in-till a front.” This

movement is too vaguely described to be located exactly. Most probably

it was to the left of the three “battles” now engaged (English right),

on ground presently occupied by Bruce with his own division.

98 _nakit._ “Without defensive armour,” as in _Bk._ VII. 330. The

two previous lines mean that the Scottish horsemen did not have to

stop a stroke or hold against a blow; _i.e._, the archers offered no

resistance. Bruce’s intention, we may gather from lines 58-60, was

so to harass the archers on the flank as to occupy them with their

own defence and restrain their shooting. The attack, however, was so

successfully pushed home that the archers were wholly scattered.

104 _thair awne folk had no space._ We gather that the archers had

taken up a position on the right front of the main body, where they

blocked the advance of the horsemen directly behind. These received the

flying archers with blows, and pushed forward to take their place. The

_Lanercost_ chronicler says the battle began with a skirmish between

the opposing archers, and that the Scots archers were driven back.

This, again, suggests that the archers were somewhere in front. Mr.

Oman follows Baker in placing them behind the first line. See note on

51.

132 _on a syde._ See above on 68.

162 _All four the battelis._ The _Vita Edw. Sec._ (p. 203) and the

_Chron. de Lanercost_ (p. 225) divide the Scots into three battles

(_turmas_, _acies_), the usual medieval arrangement. The latter also

gives Robert the rear division, as here.

175 _in ane schiltrum all._ Gray says that the “battles” of the English

were crowded close together (_entassez estoint_), and could not repeat

their attacks upon the Scots (_remuerent devers eaux_), as their horses

were impaled by the pikes (p. 142). In the _Lanercost_ chronicle we

read that the English behind (_sequentes_) “were not able to reach

the Scots because of the interposition of the first line, nor in any

way to help themselves” (p. 224). The English, indeed, were too many

to be manœuvred according to the simple tactics of the day, and were,

in addition, crowded on too narrow a front. There was no generalship.

These were Bruce’s chief advantages. He was protected by the hill

and wood behind from being surrounded (_cf._ note on _Bk._ XI. 300).

Besides, his rapid and successive advance prevented the English from

developing any such intention. They could not well deploy among the

“pools” and marshes.

183 _quyntis._ “_Quyntis_ is merely the French _cointises_, signifying

finery or _quaint_ attire” (Skeat); generally, ornamental attachments

to the armour. E reads _quhytys_, and H _coates_, so that we may

have to do with the “white” surcoats. In viii. 232 Barbour speaks of

hauberks “quhit as flour.”

208 _the Scottis archeris._ The effective part played by the Scottish

archers is usually overlooked.

283 _quhen the King of England saw his men fle._ The English writers

make no mention of the appearance of the camp-followers. They date the

break-up from the failure of Gloucester’s attack with the van. As those

behind, says the _Lanercost_ chronicler, could not get forward (see

note on 275), nothing remained but to take measures for flight (pp.

225-6). The front line had fallen back only to add to the confusion

(_cf._ line 170, etc.). “When those who were with the King saw the

Earl’s division smashed up (_contritum_) and their friends making

ready to fly, they said it was dangerous to stay longer,” etc. (_Vita

Edw. Sec._, p. 205). Gray says the King went much against his will (as

Barbour reports one version in line 298), and that he knocked over

with his mace the Scots that were catching at his charger’s housings

(_Scala._, p. 142). Trokelowe affirms that he laid about him “like a

lion,” and brandished a sword dripping with blood (_Annales_, p. 86).

297 _By the renyhe._ “Those who had been assigned to the King’s rein

were drawing the King forward by the rein out of the plain (_hors du

chaumpe_) towards the castle” (_Scala._, p. 142).

307 _I cheis heir to byde and de._ In _Vita Edw. Sec._ it is said he

hastened to assist the Earl of Gloucester when he saw him fall, and

perished with him, “thinking it more honourable to perish with such a

man than to escape death by flight” (p. 204). _Cf._ also _Scala._: “I

have never been accustomed to fly” (p. 143).

321 _thrid best knycht._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 174. He is highly spoken

of by both Baston and the _Vita Edw._ writer. According to Bruce’s

English eulogist in the _Scotichronicon_, the other two were Bruce

himself and the Emperor Henry (lib. xiii., ch. xvi.).

328-9 _fra ... the King Wes fled, wes nane that durst abyde._ “When

the King’s banner is seen to depart the whole army quickly disperses”

(_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 205).

335 _Fled to the wattir of Forth._ On no hypothesis other than that

the battle was fought on the plain between the Forth and the Bannock

can this fact be explained. Of the fact itself there is no question.

The _Lanercost_ chronicler, in his _Versus_, says: “Forth swallowed up

many well furnished with arms and horses” (p. 227). They were probably

seeking for a ford.

337 _And Bannokburn._ “The folk in the English rear fell back upon the

ditch (_fosse_) of Bannockburn, one tumbling over the other” (_Scala._,

p. 142). “Another unfortunate thing happened to the English, because,

since a little before they had crossed a great ditch into which the

tide flows--Bannockburn by name--and now in confusion wished to retire,

many knights and others, on account of the pressure, fell into it with

their horses (_cf._ Barbour, line 338), and some with great difficulty

got out, and many were quite unable to clear themselves of the ditch;

and on this account Bannockburn was on English lips for many years to

come” (_Lanercost_, 226). In _Vita Edw._ also mention is made of a

“certain ditch” (_fovea_) which “swallowed up (_absorbuit_) many,” and

where a great part perished (p. 205). The Bannock turns sharply north

near the English rear, but the description in Barbour and the reference

above to the tide with the inclusion of the Forth, indicate the part

nearer the mouth.

341 _laddis_, etc. _I.e._, the camp-followers.

352 _Of slyk._ In _Chron. de Lanercost_ (p. 226) “Bannock’s mud”

(_Bannoke limus_). Edmund de Malolacu (Mauley), Edward’s steward,

met his death “in a certain slimy hollow” (_in quodam antro lutoso._

_Flores Historiarum_, iii., p. 159).

363 _Philip the Mowbray said._ Different interpretations were put

upon Mowbray’s action, but the fact and the quite satisfactory reason

given by Barbour are borne out by the English chroniclers. “When the

King comes to the castle, thinking he will find refuge there, he is

repulsed like an enemy; the bridge is drawn up and the gate closed. On

this account the keeper of the castle was believed by many to be not

unacquainted with treason, and yet he was seen that very day in his

armour on the field, as it were ready to fight for the King. However,

I neither acquit nor accuse the keeper of treason, but confess that in

the providence of God the King of England did not enter the castle,

because if he had then been admitted he could not have failed to be

captured” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 205). In _Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon_ the

Governor is wrongly called Alexander de Mowbray, and the account is:

“The foresaid keeper, knowing that his supplies were not sufficient

for himself and his men, and also fearing that Robert Bruce, having

got the victory, would attack and capture the castle, did not wish to

expose his King of England to such great danger, and, preferring to

incur misunderstanding, refused on this account to open the castle of

the King” (p. 47). The castle was surrendered, and Mowbray entered the

service of Bruce.

379 _the Rownde Tabill._ Usually and quite wrongly identified with

the King’s Knot--_i.e._, garden--a regular mound below the castle

rock. It is mentioned by Sir David Lindsay in the sixteenth century.

In 1302 Edward I. had a “Round Table” (_la table rounde_) ordained

(_ordinari_) at Falkirk (_Ann. Lond._, p. 104). To “hold a Round Table”

was a sporting function among knights; here some sort of building may

be referred to, like that described by Murimuth (1344), intended to be

built for the purpose at Windsor (_Chronicle_, p. 155). Probably, in

that case, it was only of Barbour’s own time. I incline, however, to

the belief, from its associations in Lindsay’s verse, that it was a

natural feature--the circular crags enclosing the western division of

the modern King’s Park. It would thus be a place-name, like “Arthur’s

Seat.”

380 _the Park enveronyt thai._ Gray says the King was taken round the

Torwood and by the plains of Lothian (Lownesse, p. 143).

381 _held in hy._ The _Lanercost_ chronicler says that they had “as

guide a Scottish knight who knew by what route they could escape” (p.

227).

409 _wes tane in._ The _Lanercost_ chronicler writes that Hereford and

those with him were making for Carlisle when they were captured at

Bothwell Castle: “For the sheriff, the keeper of the castle, who up

to that time had held the castle for the King of England, seeing that

his countrymen had been victorious in the war, suffered the more noble

of them who had come there to enter the castle as if to have a safe

retreat, and when they entered seized them,” afterwards surrendering

them to Bruce (p. 228). In the anonymous chronicle used by Stevenson

we have a similar account. Hereford and a few nobles were allowed to

enter the castle, where they found themselves in custody. The rest

remained outside the walls, and were suddenly set on by the Scots, who

slew them, except a few who surrendered (_Illustrations of Scottish

History_, p. 2). Barbour says three-fourths were taken or slain (416).

In _Ann. Lond._ Hereford is said to have been accompanied by a thousand

men-at-arms (p. 231). The _Lanercost_ estimate is 600 horse and 1,000

foot, Umfraville being of the company (_ibid._). Walsingham gives the

total of earls, barons, and baronets captured and slain as 154; of

clerics and squires an excessive number (_Historia Angl._, i., p. 154).

The name of the keeper was Gilbertson as in E; he appears on record as

“Fitz-Gilbert” (_Bain_, iii. No. 243, etc.). He joined Bruce and was

the ancestor of the great Hamilton family. Bothwell Castle is on the

Clyde.

417 _Moris de Berclay._ In _Vita Edw._ (p. 206) he is among those

captured at Bothwell. According to the _Lanercost_ historian, it was

Pembroke (Valence) who fled “on foot” with the Welshmen, and escaped

(p. 228). In _Ann. Lond._ de Valence is said to have fled _nudis

pedibus_ (bare-footed); that is, apparently, he removed his foot and

leg armour (p. 230).

456 _Thai dispendit haly that day, In spoulyheing._ The author of _Vita

Edw._ declares that it was the preoccupation of the Scots with the

plunder that allowed many English to escape. In his precise way, he

estimates that the valuable equipment which fell to the Scots was worth

£200,000 (p. 206), or at the ratio of 1:15 about £3,000,000 present day

(_cf._ note on 667-8).

463 _spuris rede._ _I.e._, gilt or gold spurs worn only by knights.

The 700 pairs of C would give us 700 knights slain; E’s 200 is

probably nearer the truth. In _Ann. Lond._, (p. 231) we get a list of

thirty-seven knights slain at “the battle of Stirling.” Of the foot and

squires, it is said, the most part (_maxima pars_) was not slain. Baker

says about 300 men-at-arms (_viri militares_) were among the slain

(57). Bower gives 200 knights slain besides Gloucester (_Scotich._

Goodall, edition 1759, ii., p. 250). Walsingham, from his MS. source,

fixes the number of knights and squires who fell at 700 (_Historia

Anglicana_, p. 141); Capgrave the lords, barons, and knights slain and

captured at 154. More than 500 were reported dead who were afterwards

found to be captives (_Chronicle_, p. 180) and had to be ransomed

(_Vita Edw._, p. 206). Fabyan gives forty-two noblemen slain, and

sixty-seven knights and baronets, while twelve “men of name” were taken

prisoner (_New Chronicles_, p. 420).

466 _Gilbert of Clar._ About twenty-three years of age (_Ann. Lond._,

p. 231). He fell in the first charge (_Vita Edw._; _Baker_). Baker says

the Scots would have gladly taken him alive for ransom had they known

who he was, but that he did not wear his surcoat (_toga_) with his coat

of arms (p. 57). _Cf._ lines 510-11. _That men callit_, says Barbour,

having in mind Ralph de Monthermer, his step-father who had previously

borne the title.

468 _Payne Typtot._ Paganus Typetot (_Vita Edw._) or Tybetot (_Ann.

Lond._). “Paganus Typetoft,” or “Typetot,” is the name in _Chron. de

Lanercost_.

472 _Wilyhame Vepownt._ Sir William de Vepont (Veteriponte) was a

Scotsman in the service of England till 1312, having been imprisoned on

capture during the Comyn resistance in 1302. He was under Valence in

Ayr in 1307 (_Bain_, ii., Nos. 1,283, 1,294; iii., No. 263). _Walter

the Ros_ was serving England in Linlithgow in 1312 (_Bain_, iii., p.

411).

486 _at rebours._ _I.e._, treated badly, held “in great dislike”

(Skeat). See Glossary. Edward had a son, Alexander, by Isabella of

Atholl (_Exchq. Rolls_, II. cxxxii.).

489-90 _Erll Davy of Adell._ Lord Hailes did not know “what judgment to

form of this story,” in view of the fact that sentence of forfeiture

was not passed against Atholl till 1323 (_Annales_, ii. 58 note). But

his lands were forfeited by October, 1314, and granted to Sir Neil

Campbell (Robertson’s _Index_, p. 26; ii. _Scots Peerage_), and he,

then being in England, received three manors from Edward II. “till he

recovers his Scottish possessions” (_Bain_, iii., p. 75). Atholl’s

career is, however, puzzling. His wife was Johanna, daughter of the

murdered Comyn of Badenoch. Up till 1312 he is a supporter of England,

and in December of that year even seems to have sat in the English

Parliament. But in the previous October he is among those present in

Bruce’s Parliament at Inverness (_Acta. Parl. Scot._, vol. i., 103);

next appears as Constable of Scotland, and, early in 1313, is a witness

to charters to the Abbey of Arbroath (_Scots Peerage_). Then comes a

blank till October, 1314, as above. There is thus room for Barbour’s

story: Atholl did give a short-lived support to the national cause,

and a forfeiture of his lands did follow soon after Bannockburn. He

remained an active adherent of England till his death, January, 1327.

495 _Wilyhame of Herth._ Apparently William Mareschal of Erth (_Bain_,

iii. 343; _cf._ note on 61). Sir William de Erth was a supporter of

Comyn in the Barons’ War, and capitulated with him and others at

Strathorde on February 9, 1304 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1,741). William de

Erth, knight, was alive in 1333 (_Bain_, iii. 1,099). Erth, or Airth,

is on the east of Stirlingshire, on the Forth.

510 _somdeill anoyit._ _Cf._ note on 466.

512 _till a kirk he gert hym be Brocht._ John de Trokelowe says that

Bruce sent the bodies of Gloucester and Clifford to King Edward while

at Berwick, to be buried as he wished, and this without demanding any

payment as ransom (_Annales_, p. 87).

533 _Betung_ in C is certainly wrong; E gives the correct form

_Twenge_. Marmaduke de Twenge appears on the list in _Foedera_ and

elsewhere. He was the hero of Stirling Bridge (1297), who cut his way

back over the bridge.

531 _trete hym curtasly._ Trokelowe says that Bruce caused his noble

prisoners to be treated so becomingly and courteously (_decenter ac

civiliter_) “that the hearts of many who were opposed to him he turned,

in a wonderful way, to feeling an affection for him” (_Annales_, p. 87).

544 _become of his dwelling._ “Became one of his company,” as in _Bk._

IV. 481, where Bruce says of Douglas and his men in Arran: “Thai ar all

of my duelling.”

553 _Lowrens_ = Lawrence. Probably the same Sir Lawrence de Abernethy

who in 1338 had provisions sent him by Edward III. for the Castle of

Hawthornden. He was thus “Inglis man” again (_Bain_, iii., p. 235, No.

1,291).

578-85 _He convoyit thame so narrowly, etc._ “Some, however, lagging

in the flight, were slain by the Scots, who followed them swiftly

(_velociter_)” (_Chron. de Lanercost_, p. 227). “The King escaped with

great trouble” (_a graunt payn_, _Scala._, p. 143).

587 _Wynchburch._ On the road from Linlithgow to Edinburgh.

592 _so feill._ According to the _Lanercost_ historian, the King was

accompanied by many knights and footmen (p. 227).

612 _Erll Patrik._ Of March. See note on _Bk._ XI. 46. “Patrick Earl of

March received him honourably, etc., for at that time he was his man”

(_soun homager_. _Scala._, 143.).

615-16 _A bate_, etc. “When he came thither (Dunbar) he embarked on a

ship, and with his own company put in at Berwick” (_Vita Edw. Sec._,

p. 205). “Thence the King went by sea to Berwick and afterwards to the

south” (_Scala._, 143). “At Dunbar the King, with his special friends,

embarked on a boat (_scapham_) for Berwick” (_Lanercost_, p. 227).

Barbour says they landed at Bamborough on the coast of Yorkshire, and

in line 645 gives the number who thus accompanied the King as seventeen.

619-21 _The laiff_, etc. “The others (see above), not having a ship,

come (to Berwick) by land” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 205). The King,

says the _Lanercost_ writer, left all the others to their fate, who,

however, came safe and sound to England (p. 228).

631 _The Kyng eschapit._ According to Baker, “no mortal ingenuity,

neither the swiftness of the horses nor the cover on the way

(_involucra locorum_) could have kept the King from capture by the

Scots,” had not Christ Himself, at the intercession of His Mother,

brought him out of Scottish territory, as both the King and his

companions afterwards confessed. In his peril Edward vowed to found a

monastery dedicated to the “Mother of God,” where twenty-four friars

might study theology (_Baker_, p. 58); and, in fulfilment thereof,

established Oriel College at Oxford (_Hailes_, ii. 57 note).

667-8 _The castell and the towrys ... doune gert he myne._ Stirling

Castle thus lay in ruins till 1336-7, when it was rebuilt for Edward

III. “after the conquest,” probably on the old plan. Stone walls

and towers were erected, a “peel” of wood, to the north the walls

(_parietes_) of which were plastered over, and various inner buildings

for the garrison, etc., also of wood daubed with mortar and roofed with

turf (_Bain_, iii., pp. 364-8). The rebuilding and repairs cost £280,

equal to about £4,000 now (_Bain_, lviii.).

676 _he gaf._ See note on 409.

687 _The Erll wes changit._ In _Vita Edw. Sec._ (pp. 208-9) is recorded

the exchange of the Earl for the wife of Bruce and other Scottish

captives, including the Bishop of Glasgow. On October 2, 1314, “Robert,

Bishop of Glasgow, the Countess Carrick, wife of Robert de Brus, with

his sister and daughter and Donald de Mar,” were at Carlisle Castle,

“to be taken thence to a place arranged by the Earl of Essex and

Hereford and the Sheriff” (_Bain_, iii., No. 393). Mar is, no doubt,

the “young earl” referred to in the _Vita Edw._, which says further

that Edward gave to his sister, Hereford’s wife, all the Scottish

captives since the time of Edward I.--fifteen and more--to procure the

release of her husband (p. 208).

695 _wes King._ Robert II.

697 _Davy._ David II. (June 7, 1329 to February 22, 1371). He scarcely

deserved Barbour’s epithet “worthy.”

702 _Fif yheir._ In 1375 Robert was in the fifth year of his reign; he

would not have “passit” it till February 22, 1376. He was born March

2, 1316, and in 1375 was in his sixtieth year. The year in Scotland,

however, began on March 25, so that Barbour’s cross-dating really

stands for what we should call the early spring of 1376. He was then

engaged on _The Bruce_.

705-6 _the gud King Robert._ _I.e._, Robert I. the Bruce, dead

forty-six years. It is curious to find this elaborate dating “of

the compyling of this book” here, and not at the end. Evidently the

mention of the marriage of the Steward, the reigning King’s father, is

Barbour’s cue. There is no reason to suppose that this was a subsequent

insertion, and we may conclude that the poem was completed somewhat

later.

736 _our-raid all Northumbirland._ “They (the Scots) plundered

the northern bounds of England as far as Richmond and returned,

devastating the country with fire and carrying off with them many

captives” (_Gesta Edwardi_, p. 47). _Cf._ Barbour, lines following. On

July 1, 1314, the Bishop of Durham writes the King regarding Scottish

preparations for an invasion of England, of which he has heard. On

October 7, 1314, the Prior and Convent of Durham pay the Earl of Murray

eight hundred marks to secure the bishopric immunity from invasion

for a stated period (_Letters from Northern Registers_, Nos. cxliv.,

cxlix.). According to the _Lanercost_ chronicler, the Scots entered

by Berwick, and burned almost all Northumberland, spared Durham for a

monetary consideration, penetrated to the Tees and to Richmond, and

returned, via Lanercost, with a great body of cattle and captives (pp.

228, 229).

BOOK XIV.

4 _Scotland to litill wes._ According to the Annalist, it was the Scots

who were not satisfied with their own country; but this is merely

a rhetorical comment (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 344). The anonymous

Chronicle in Stevenson’s _Illustrations_ says that Edward Bruce,

elated by the success of the Scots, aspired to the name of King (_ad

nomen regium aspirans_, p. 3). Fordun’s version is the same as that

of Barbour: “Edward Bruce was not willing to live in peace with his

brother unless he got half the kingdom for himself, and for this reason

the war was started in Ireland” (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxxiii.).

8 _had treting With the Erischry._ It was afterwards (1316-17) made a

charge against Walter de Lacy and Hugh de Lacy, Earl of Ulster, that

they had sent messengers and letters to invite Edward Bruce to Ireland.

The legal documents in the case are given in _Chartularies, etc., of

St. Mary’s Abbey_ (vol. ii., pp. 407-9). This charge is also noted in

the _Annals of Ireland_ (Fragment), under February 2, 1317, where it is

said that, on inquiry, the Lacys were acquitted (p. 298). Nevertheless,

they and their relatives were fined £200 (_Preface_, p. cxxix). The

_Chronicle_ in Stevenson appears to refer to the same case, when it

says that Edward Bruce was persistently (_sæpissime_) invited by a

certain Irish magnate with whom he had been educated in his youth (p.

3).

21 _Maii._ “The Scots first entered Ireland on May 26, 1315” (_die

Sancti Augustini Anglorum, mense Maii._ _Annals of Ireland_, p. 344).

The _Annals of Ulster_ fix his landing at the beginning of the year

(ii., p. 423); as do also _Annals of Loch Cé_ (i., p. 563). Edward

Bruce had a fleet of 300 ships (_Annals of Clonmacnoise_, p. 268).

25 _Philip the Mowbray._ _Cf._ _Bk._ XIII., line 544. Mowbray’s name

does not appear in the _Annals_ as accompanying Edward Bruce, nor that

of Soulis or Ramsay, but others are mentioned (p. 344). Mowbray is

mentioned later (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 299), and in _Knighton_, i., p.

411.

28 _Schir Johne Steward._ Brother of Sir Walter Steward. See _Bk._

XVIII. 33 (_Annals_, 344).

29 _Ouchtirhouss_, or Auchterhouse, is in the south of Forfarshire.

From the _Wallace_ we learn that this was Alexander Ramsay, son of Sir

John Ramsay Wallace’s friend.

“His sone was called the flour of courtlyness;

As witnes weill in to the schort tretty

Eftir the Bruce, quha redis in that story.”

(_The Wallace_, _Bk._ vii. 900-2.)

31 _Fergus de Ardrossane._ Ardrossan is on the coast of Ayr. Fergus

had at first joined Bruce, was captured, and procured his release by

going over to Edward II., from whom he in 1312 received the “barony of

Bisshoplande,” near Kirkintilloch (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 51, 227, 265).

Probably he reverted to Bruce after Bannockburn. He is among those

mentioned in the _Annals_ (p. 344). He received a fresh grant of the

lands of Ardrossan and others apparently in 1316 (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, pp.

10, 51).

33 _Wokingis Firth._ This name is evidently corrupt. Innes identifies

it with Larne Lough, and so also do Bain and Skeat, citing from Reeves

(_Eccles. History of Down and Connor_) forms such as Wolderfrith,

etc., and the present Olderfleet Castle on that Lough (_Bain_, iii.

xxxiv, note). In a letter of Edward II., 1311, we have “Wolrikesford,

near Knacfergus (Carrickfergus), in Ulster,” whence a fleet is to sail

against Robert Bruce (_Bain_, iii., No. 216). In 1327 King Robert is

to get corn from the Ulster men delivered at “Ulringfirth” (_ibid._,

922). The _Annals_ say, first, that the Scots put it at “Clondonne,” or

Glen Dun, in Antrim, south of Torr Head, the nearest point (eighteen

miles) to the Scottish coast, and, immediately after, that they entered

Ireland “near Cragfergus, in Ulster” (p. 344). Robert Bruce was at

“Glendouyne” when he executed the agreement mentioned above. Probably

the Scots touched at Glendun, and then coasted down to Larne Lough.

38 _sex thousand men._ Six thousand is the number in the _Annals_ (p.

344).

47 _Maundvell._ The Scots “drove out Sir Thomas de Maundevile and other

loyal men from their own land” (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 344). The

Bysets were descended from John Byset, who was banished from Scotland

by Alexander II., and who got land in Antrim under the de Burghs. The

Logans were large proprietors in the north of Ireland (Reeves’s _Down

and Connor_ in _Innes_), as also were the Savages (_ibid._). John Logan

and Sir Hugh Byset are the heroes of a great slaughter of the Scots

in Ulster on November 1, 1316 (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 298). Sir Hugh

afterwards joined the Scots (_Bain_, iii., No. 632).

80 _In that battale._ Near the river Bann (_Annals_, 344). “_tane or

slane._”--The Earl of Ulster, Richard de Burgh, was put to flight; his

son, William de Burgh, and John de Statona were captured, and many

English slain. The Scots were successful (_Annals_, pp. 344-5).

102 _the kyngis._ _Reguli_, petty kings or important chiefs, a usual

Gaelic equivalent. _Cf._ _Bk._ XVIII. 9 and note.

105 _Makfulchiane_ (C), _Makgullane_, _Makgoulchane_ (H). Jamieson says

Irish Macleans (MacGillian); Innes suggests MacCoolechan: “MacEthelan”

is among the chiefs in _Foedera_ (iii., p. 476). Most likely we have

to do with _O’Fuillchain_ in the form _MacFuillchain_, from which, by

_MacFhuillchain_, could also come _MacGuillchain_, as in H.

106 _Makartane_, _Makmartane_ (C), _Macarthane_ (H). “Macartan” was one

of “the septs of Ire, son of Miletus” (_Annals of Clonmacnoise_, p. 30).

113 _Endwillane._ Innes suggests “the Pass of Emerdullam” (1343), which

he identifies with Moiry Pass, where Moiry Castle is about a quarter

of a mile from Kilnsaggart, or Kilsaggart. Apparently this is Moiry

Castle, north of Dundalk.

133 _At Kilsaggart._ Kilnasaggart (“cell of the priest”), about a

quarter of a mile from Moiry Castle; for which see on _Bk._ XVI. 62.

135 _Dundawk._ Dundalk, within the English Pale. For spelling, _cf._ in

XI. 437 and _Appendix_ G.

138 _Richard of Clare._ Barbour has been censured by his editors,

following the cue of Lord Hailes (_Annals_, ii. 70, note), for the

prominence given to Richard de Clare in the opposition to the Scots.

True, as Hailes pointed out and reasons from, he was not the Justiciar

of Ireland, a post occupied at this time by Sir Edmund de Butler

(_Historic and Munic. Docts., Ireland_, p. 328); after November 23,

1316, by Roger de Mortimer (_Patent Rolls_); and so was not technically

“in all Irland luf-tenand.” Nevertheless it is perfectly certain that

Clare took the leading part, at this stage at least, in the defence

of English interests, and that Barbour’s statement to this extent

is justified. Thus, in a letter to Edward of February 15, 1316, it

is mentioned, with respect to the operations of the Scots, that the

writer, to protect the King’s honour, will take counsel with certain

lords and Richard de Clare, a reference which Bain (Index) interprets

to mean that Clare was in command in Ireland. The writer, too, thinks

it worth mentioning that Clare was not at the battle (of Arscoll).

Again, on May 16, Clare is pardoned an ancestral debt for his great

labour and cost repelling the disturbance stirred up in Ireland by

the Scottish enemies” (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 469, 488; _Patent Rolls_,

p. 459). And there is a further grant of same date to de Clare, “in

consideration of his great labours as above,” of certain privileges,

castles, and lands, “to hold during pleasure, and the continuance of

the disturbance by the Scots, in aid of his maintenance on the King’s

service” (_Patent Rolls_, p. 459).

142 _Erll of Kyldare._ The Geraldines, or Fitz-Geralds, had been Earls

of Kildare since 1294 (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 323 and Index).

143 _The Bremayne with the Wardune._ This pair appear in later

operations as “Richard de Birmingham” and “Robert de Verdon” (_Annals_,

p. 350). But on May 18, 1316, Nicholas de Verdun gets 200 marks for

losses sustained against the Scots (_Patent Rolls_).

145 _The Butler._ Edmund de Butler, Justiciary (_cf._ on 138).

146 _Moris le Fyss Thomas._ Maurice Fitz-Thomas, who married, in 1312,

the daughter of the Earl of Ulster, and afterwards (1329) was created

Earl of Desmond (_Annals_, p. 341).

172 _on the morn._ June 29, 1315 (_Annals_, p. 345).

188 _Half-deill ane dyner._ In the _Alexander_ Clarus says of the army

of Alexander:

“And thay ar anely till dynare

To our great hoste” (pp. 308-9).

224-6 “The Scots took the town, spoiled and burned, and slew all who

resisted” (_Annals_, 344).

252 _Kilross._ “(Cill-rois of Adamnan) is now Maghross, or

Carrickmacross” (_Innes_).

254 _Richard of Clare._ According to the _Annals_, Edmund de Butler (p.

345).

257 _A gret hoost._ “A great army”; and Richard de Burgh with “an

innumerable army” as well. They came together to the district of

Dundalk (p. 345).

270 _to ges._ Barbour usually “guesses” ten thousand to “a battle,” as

here and elsewhere.

280 _gadering of the cuntre._ _I.e._, “mere countrymen not skilled

soldiers.” This great army was raised from Munster, Leinster, and

Connaught (_Annals_, p. 345), and Edward Bruce’s description is no

doubt right.

289 _stedis trappit._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 130.

300 _fled scalit._ “They fled--how is unknown” (_Annals_, p. 345). The

date is _circa_ July 22, 1315.

313 _Judas Machabeus._ See note on _Bk._ I. 466.

329 _Odymsy._ “Fyn O’Dymsy” among those summoned to Bannockburn

(_Foedera_, iii. 476). O’Dempsy was “dux Reganorum,” or chief of the

_Ui’ Riagain_; Iregan in Queen’s County (_Annals_, p. 333). In the

_Annals of Clonmacnoise_ Bruce is taken north “by the procurement of

O’Neal and Ulstermen” (p. 269).

332 _To se his land._ _I.e._, in Leinster. He, of course, takes them

out of the way (_cf._ on 360).

337 _A gret revar._ Skeat holds that this is the Blackwater flowing

into the southern end of Lough Neagh, which was the boundary between

the English Pale and the independent country of the Tyrone O’Neils,

and was of old known as the Avon More, “the great river.” But this

is inconsistent with lines 369-371, where one of the rivers is the

northern Bann, “ane arme of se,” and Skeat’s ingenious explanation

of the latter phrase, taking sea = Lough, Beg or Neagh, is quite

superfluous. In fact, he is astray as to vital details, as witness what

is said on Thomas Dun (line 376). Barbour himself is unsatisfactorily

vague in his geographical matter, and none of the _Annals_ makes any

mention of the trick here descanted upon, nor of the intervention of

the pirate Thomas. But the main features can be found in the _Annals of

Clonmacnoise_, pp. 269-271, and _Annals of Loch Cé_, 265-7. The Scots

and the Ulster men (Antrim and Down) were at Innis Kaeyne (Innishkeen),

seven miles west of Dundalk. The English marched to Louth, just south

of them. The Scots retired through Ulster (Antrim and Down), not, as

Skeat suggests, by the west shore of Lough Neagh, until they came

to Coleraine, not far from the Bann estuary. Then they crossed the

river by the bridge, which they broke down so that the English who

followed them could not cross, and the Bann lay between the two armies.

Thereupon the English plundered on the Ulster side, apparently among

the sympathizers with the Scots, finally retreating to Connor (_cf._

lines 396, 460). In the interval must have occurred the attempted

drowning out of the Scots and the passage back over the river by means

of Thomas of Dun, who had sailed up the estuary of the Bann (line 371).

354 _The ysche of a louch._ “The outlet of a loch”; from the hurried

nature of the operation necessarily a small loch or a narrow outlet;

possibly, too, a loch since drained off. It cannot be Lough Beg, for

that would be too far away for Thomas Dun. On the other hand, they must

have been brought some distance up the west side of the Bann, for after

they had crossed it was still not known where they were (line 386),

and they soon got in touch with the English, who were ten miles from

Connor, to which they afterwards retreated (460).

360 _With mekill payne._ To add to the difficulties of this passage,

the misleading of the Scots seems to be claimed for the Lacys in the

case regarding them (see on line 8). The Lacys explain that on the

occasion on which they had a conference (_parliamentaverunt_) with

Edward Bruce they, by their cunning (_per eorum cautelam_), led Edward

Bruce with his army among the Irish who were felons to the King--that

is, apparently, the North Ulster men (see on 337). Among them Edward

Bruce marched for fourteen days, and lost a great number of men and

horses on the march towards Leinster, to which he could have come in

two days if he had been rightly directed (_Chartularies of St. Mary’s_,

I., p. 408). It is scarcely likely that Edward Bruce was twice tricked

in this way, and the Irishman, Dempsy or another, may have been the

agent of the Lacys. But to be able to follow the whole operation we

should require much more information than is available.

373 _Ullister._ Ulster in the ancient sense of Antrim and Down.

376 _Thomas of Dun._ Skeat compiles an hypothetical biography for

this “scummar of the se,” but Thomas was an uncomfortably well-known

personage. He was the most notorious pirate on the west coast, as

John Crab was on the east (see _Bk._ XVII. 239). We learn from Bain’s

_Calendar_ that on September 12, 1315, Thomas Dun and others, “with

a great ‘navye’ of Scots,” plundered a ship in Holyhead Harbour (No.

451). He kept on his depredations with a crew of Scots (No. 549;

_Patent Rolls_, i., p. 696). He was captured in July, 1317, and gave

information about an intended attack by the Earl of Moray on the Isle

of Man (No. 562). Thereafter he disappears from notice, probably via

the gallows. He was hovering about between Ulster and Scotland at this

time, and Edward was ordering the Mayor and bailiffs of Drogheda to

chase him (_Hist. and Munic. Docts., Ireland_, p. 377).

380 _Thai knew him weill._ See previous note.

382 According to the _Annals_, Edward Bruce cautiously or cleverly

(_caute_) crossed the Bann in pursuit of the English army, retiring to

Connor (_Annals_, p. 346).

383 _in biggit land._ “Land with houses on it”--_i.e._, cultivated.

389 _With a gret host, Richarde of Clar._ In the _Annals_ it is the

Earl of Ulster (Richard de Burgh), with the Justiciar (Butler) and

other magnates, who had undertaken to bring Edward Bruce to Dublin

alive or dead. So, too, in _Annals of Clonmacnoise_ and of _Loch Cé_ it

is De Burgh, the “Red Earl.”

394 _Coigneris._ Connor, to the north of the town of Antrim. “Conyers”

in _Annals_.

405 _Alane Stewart._ Cousin of Walter Stewart, and ancestor of the

Darnley Stewarts, Earls of Lennox. He is mentioned later in the

_Annals_ among the Scottish leaders (p. 359).

406 _Schir Robert Boyde._ Both E and H read _Robert_, probably

correctly, as there is no notice of the _Gilbert_ of C.

447 _On this wis._ This, or one of the later skirmishes, must be that

referred to in the _Annals_ when the Earl and some of his side were put

to flight, and several captured (p. 359).

460 _Thair wayis towart Coigneris._ After Edward Bruce crossed the Bann

the English army withdrew to Connor (_Annals_, p. 359).

515 _Fize Warin._ No doubt the Alan FitzWarin captured later by the

Scots (_Annals_, 349). See on xv. 75.

522 _Nycholl of Kylkenane._ Kilkenane was before the Reformation a

parish in Island Magee, the outer limb of Larne Lough (_Innes_). A

“Michael of Kylkenan” is on record in 1310 (Reeves, _History of Down_,

etc., _ibid._). Hart’s edition here gives _Michell_, which is perhaps

the correct reading.

BOOK XV.

8 _In battale._ The date of the English defeat at Connor is on or

shortly after September 10, 1315. The _Annals_ are not clear on the

point, and the capture of William de Burgh on the 10th seems to refer

to one of the earlier skirmishes mentioned in the previous book

(_Annals_, p. 346).

39 _The barell-ferraris._ See _Glossary_. _Cf._ “_Barell-ferrers_ they

brochede, and broghte them the wyne” (_Morte Arthure_, line 2714).

56 _Quha mast_, etc. “Who most would get the upper hand.”

63 _That evir durst_, etc. “No one dared to wait for his comrade.”

75 _Fizwarine._ The _Annals_ suggest that he was not captured till

early in the following year, and he is not mentioned among the captives

at “Conyers” (pp. 349, 346).

83 _Mont-peleris._ Apparently Montpelier, then famous for its School of

Medicine, an Arab foundation.

98 _Syne thidder._ The account in the _Annals_ states that “Baron de

Donull” made head against the Scots, but that they chased his men

boldly as far as “Cragfergus” (p. 346). The castle had been provisioned

against the Scots (_Bain_, iii., No. 479).

100 _Palmesonday._ April 4, 1316. The garrison was suffering great

privations from lack of food (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 297).

101 _Tysday._ Tuesday in Easter-week, 1316, was April 13.

105 _Paske evin._ Saturday night, April 10.

107 _Devilling._ Dublin. According to the _Annals_, Maundeville came

with men from Drogheda, arriving at Carrickfergus on April 8, and

inflicting a defeat upon the Scots, who lost about thirty men (p. 350).

111 _The Mawndvell, ald Schir Thomas._ So also in _Annals_ (p. 350).

131 _the day._ April 11. The _Annals_ place this (the second) attack on

the Scots upon Easter-eve, April 10 (_in vigilia Pasche._, p. 350).

Similarly _St. Mary’s Annals_, p. 282. Nothing is said about a breach

of truce. Barbour, however, gives evidence of having been thoroughly

well informed. See below on 205-9.

137 _the Kyng._ _I.e._, Edward Bruce, apparently not crowned King till

some weeks later, May, 1316, “a little after the feast of Philip and

James” (May 1). The _Annals_ really seem to fix it in 1315 (p. 345),

but they have already stated that Edward did not land till May 26. The

chronology is confused (_cf._ on _Bk._ xiv. 21). See also line 161.

181 _Gib Harpar._ Probably Gilbert the Harper, or minstrel. His fate is

told in _Bk._ XVIII.

183 _of his stat._ These words suggest that he was of some special

class.

192 _reft the liff._ Sir Thomas Maundeville was slain (_Annals_, p.

350; _St. Mary’s Annals_, p. 282).

205-9 Skeat evidently thinks that these lines refer to the same

incident as that described above in lines 190-2, and actually prints

in his rubric “as I said” as a summary of Barbour, though Barbour has

nothing to suggest these words. But the person previously slain is

“_the_ Mawndvell”--_i.e._, Sir Thomas himself, whom Barbour has already

so denominated (111). The present victim is a Maundeville whose “propir

nayme” he does not know, but who, we learn from _St Mary’s Annals_, was

“John Maundevyll,” brother of Sir Thomas (p. 282).

259 _The castell till him yhalde._ Carrickfergus Castle was surrendered

(_Annals, Fragment_, p. 297; _Bain_, iii. 970) apparently in September,

1316 (_Fragment_, _ibid._). Thus, if begun after Connor, the siege must

have occupied the Scots for a year--the greater part of 1316.

260 _Till sauf thame thair liffis._ The defenders were granted life and

limb (_vita et membrum._ _Fragment_, p. 297).

272 _the Tarbard._ Tarbert, Kintyre: Gaelic _Tairbeart_, a portage, an

isthmus.

274 _draw thar schippes._ According to the _Magnus Saga_, chap. xx.,

Magnus, King of Norway, agreed with the King of Scotland, Edgar, in

1102, that he should have “all the islands to the west of Scotland,

between which and the mainland a helm-carrying ship could pass.” Magnus

then had “a small ship” drawn across the isthmus at Tarbert, with

himself sitting at the helm, and so secured Kintyre. “There is a narrow

ridge between it (Kintyre) and Scotland, so that ships are often drawn

across it.”

292 _Ald prophesy._ This probably derives from the incident told of

above.

299 _Johne of Lorne._ Barbour is quite wrong as to the career and fate

of John of Lorn or Argyll (“de Ergadia,” “Daragille,” in records). He

had escaped to England in 1309 (see _Bk._ 128), and was Admiral of

Edward’s fleet in the west by 1311 (_Bain_, iii., No. 203). In the

summer of 1314 he went to the Irish coast with a fleet (355), and was

in command there in 1315-1316 (No. 479, _Hist. and Municip. Docts.,

Ireland_, p. 344). He returned from the Irish service in 1316 “impotent

in body,” and received a pension from Edward II., but died a year and a

half later, probably towards the end of 1317, in London (_Bain_, iii.,

No. 912).

318 _the Forest._ Ettrick Forest.

321 _Eumond de Calion, a Gascoune._ Correctly, as in records, “Remon

Caillau,” or “Reymound Cailough” (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 470, 477). He

was perhaps a relative of the Bishop of Durham who died in the same

year, 1316, “Recardus Kellow” (_Lanercost_, p. 233). Other Gascons

are mentioned as having taken part in this sally--Arnant de Poillant,

Pierres de Logar, etc. (_ibid._). The information in _Bain_ is

contained in letters from the Governor of Berwick (see next note), and

petitions to the King from some of the townspeople.

325 _He had than Berwik in keping._ No; Sir Moryz or Maurice de

Berkele(y) was “warden of Berwick-on-Tweed.” Caillou was only one of

“the King’s sergeant-at-arms” (_Bain_, iii., No. 477)--_i.e._, an

officer of the royal household.

327 _a gret cumpany._ A “great part of the garrison” went out on this

foray. They had been forbidden to go out by the warden, but Berwick

was in desperate straits for want of food, and they replied that “it

was better to die fighting than starve” (_Bain_, 477). The date of the

foray is February 14, 1316.

329 _the nethir end of Tevydaill_, etc. Teviotdale, locally so

pronounced. The forayers went as far as “within two leagues (miles)

of Melros Abbey” (_Bain_, 477). The Merse is South Berwickshire, the

“March,” or frontier.

333 _Schir Adam of Gordoun._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 46. He became a

“Scottis man” apparently after Bannockburn. His lands of Gordon were in

East Lothian.

335 _drif away thar fe._ “They took many prisoners and cattle” (_Bain_,

470).

*337-*338. These lines mean that Gordon saw only small bodies

(“scaill”; _cf._ line 344*) of the English in retreat, and the “swains”

in possession of the prey--_i.e._, driving the cattle. _Cf._ lines

*353-*354 and 339-341. “Scaill” is a noun here as in *353.

*354 _a childrome._ The scattered bands assembled in one body to

deal with the Scots in pursuit, and sent on the cattle in front. For

“childrome,” or “schiltrome,” see note on _Bk._ XII. 249.

341 _made a staill._ “Staill” is certainly to be preferred to “scaill,”

which is contrary to the sense of the passage. Skeat, in his note,

admits as much. _Cf._ similar use in _Bk._ XVII. 97. The forayers

“made a stand” to defend the cattle from the Scots. The fight was at

Scaithmoor. (_Scala._, p. 143).

351 _on his luf, etc._ “Let each man think on his love.”

375-6 _thai wer, etc._ “Though the English were very many more than the

Scots.” Barbour’s usual reckless use of “thai.”

377 _wes ded._ The writer in _Bain_ did not know whether Caillou was

dead or only a prisoner (No. 470).

381 _sum has slayne._ The foragers lost 20 men-at-arms and 60 foot,

killed or prisoners (_Bain_, No. 470). “The Gascons were slain to a

man” (_furount mors toutes playnes de Gascoins._ _Scala._, p. 143). The

Scots, of course, recovered the castle, and the Berwick garrison were

soon dying of hunger on the walls (_ibid._, No. 477).

392 _hap him fell._ “If it so happened.”

393 _That._ _I.e._, the killing of the “cheftune,” or leader of his

opponents.

405 _full gret invy._ Neville appears to have had a weakness in this

way. He had already slain a cousin of Robert Bruce in a quarrel as to

which was the greater lord (_Scala._, p. 143). He was known as “the

Peacock of the North,” which significantly describes him (_Bain_, iii.,

p. xxv).

435 _Befor Berwyk._ The fight between Douglas and Neville took place at

Berwick (_Scala._, p. 143; _Gesta Edw. de Carn._, p. 56). The _Gesta_

dates it June, 1319; Barbour seems to place it in 1316, but says

nothing definite; nor does Gray, “another time” (_Scala._, p. 143),

introducing it, like Barbour, after the Skaithmoor fight, but unlike

Barbour, also after Lintalee.

477 _no mycht till us._ “Douglas with his yeomanry shall have no power

compared with ours.”

503 _Schir Ralf the Nevell, etc._ There is on record a petition by

“Rauf de Neville” to the King asking for assistance in ransoming

himself, and explaining that he, with two of his brothers, was taken

prisoner on the day on which his brother Sir Robert was killed by the

Scots (_Bain_, iii., No. 527).

504 _the Baroun of Hiltoun._ Apparently Sir Robert de Hilton, who is

a witness in 1310 to a grant by the Bishop of Durham of a manor in

Scotland (_Bain_, iii., No. 1147). Hilton is near Berwick.

505 _othir of mekill mycht._ “Many of his (Neville’s) company were

captured, and the rest put to flight” (_Gesta_, p. 56). _Cf._ line 510.

BOOK XVI.

8 _in Scotland for till pas._ Barbour, as he himself explains, now goes

back to the beginning of the siege of Carrickfergus after the victory

at Connor. According to the _Annals of Ir._, Moray crossed to Scotland

on September 15, 1315, to procure more soldiers, “at which time the

said Bruce was besieging the Castle of Carrickfergus” (p. 346). Moray

was back in November with five hundred men (p. 347). Barbour mentions

but one trip on which he returned with King Robert (line 43), but that

would have to be a year later. Further, he dates this journey _after_

the fall of Carrickfergus (see on 38).

16 _till his schippes._ He had four pirate vessels laden with Irish

plunder, of which one was sunk (_Annals of Ir._, p. 346). The Scots had

sent back their own ships (_Bk._ xiv. 35).

38 _Till Cragfergus._ According to Barbour’s chronology, Robert Bruce

crossed to Ireland at some time after the fall of Carrickfergus, as

related in the previous book. But the news of King Robert’s arrival

appears to have reached Dublin about the first week in September, 1316.

Carrickfergus fell some time later in the same month (_Frag._, p.

297). The _Annals of Ulster_ date the arrival about the end of 1316 or

beginning of 1317 (II., p. 429, and note). The _Annals of Clonmacnoise_

(p. 279) and the _Annals of the Four Masters_ (III., p. 515) place it

in 1317, by which time Carrickfergus, of course, was in possession of

the Scots.

62 _Inderwillane._ “Dr. Reeves believes this to be an old garbled name

for that pass, known later as _Bealach an Maghre_, or Moyry Pass. It

was on the old road; indeed, the only possible one, from Leinster to

Ulster. It is in the parish of Killevy, county of Armagh, but only a

few perches from the boundary of Lowth” (_Innes_).

63 _the moneth of May._ Must have been much earlier (see on 262).

74 _The wardane thair._ See on _Bk._ XIV. 638.

119 _Schyr Colyne Cammell._ Sir Colin Campbell, Bruce’s nephew, as son

of his sister Marie by her marriage with Sir Neil Campbell (Robertson’s

_Index_, p. 26; 11, 18). Bain strangely says that of Sir Neil’s two

wives on record neither was a Bruce (_Calend._, ii., lix). Marie’s

marriages are somewhat ravelled (see on _Bk._ viii. 397), but this one

is certain. Colin got the grant of Lochaw (Robertson, _ibid._). There

was another nephew of the same marriage, John (_Index_, p. 19; 105),

who also went on this occasion to Ireland (_Annals_, p. 344).

131 _That he dynnit on his arsoune._ “Knocked heavily against his

saddle.” _Cf._ _Alexander_, where Gaudifer is struck with spears.

“Quhill on his arsoune dintit he” (p. 99).

132 _tyt hym doune._ “The King bade (the others) remove him quickly

from his horse,” apparently because his horse was killed (line 126)

and he stunned; or, as Skeat suggests, that he should fight on foot,

instead, I suppose, of being rash on horseback.

141 _That we sall have, etc._ “That we shall have plenty to do

presently.”

150 _In four battellis, fourty thousand._ _Cf._ on _Bk._ XIV. 270. The

numbers, of course, are improbable; but see next note.

179 _So hard ane fichting._ This battle I cannot trace in the _Annals_,

but Butler, the Justiciary, is said to have assembled an army of

30,000 against the Bruces, which did nothing; not, however, till April

(_Fragment_, p. 301).

182 _thre yheir._ Spring, 1315, to October, 1318.

185 _trappit horse._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 130.

187 _quhen lest wes he._ “He was always at the very least one to five.”

262 _forrouth Devillyn._ The Scots and the Ulster men were at Swords,

eight miles north of Dublin (_Hist. and Municip. Docts._, p. 451); at

Castleknock in the immediate neighbourhood on the west (_St. Mary’s

Annals_, p. 282; _Fragment_, 299), on the eve of St. Matthew’s Day,

February 23, 1317 (_Fragment_). They moved to a position in the

vicinity, where they stayed for four days, burned a part of the town,

and spoiled the churches (_ibid._).

265 _Lunyk._ Correctly Limerick, which is not, however, the “southmast

toune” in Ireland. The Scots came to Limerick, but were defeated at

Castle Connell (_Annals_, p. 353).

293 _Northwarde agane._ On May 1, 1317, Bruce took the road to Ulster

(_Fragment_, p. 302).

295 _Conage._ Connaught; _Myth_, Meath; _Irell_, _i.e._, Uriel or Oriel

= Louth, Armagh and Monaghan; _Munser_, Munster; _Lainenser_, Leinster.

Limerick is, of course, in Munster, which should come first.

301 _The kyngis._ See note on _Bk._ XIV. 102.

336 _hawch of Lyntoun-le._ A “haugh” is low-lying level ground,

generally beside water, river, or sea. “Lentalee, in the forest of

Jedworth” (Jedburgh), as Gray has it, is about two miles south of that

town. Gray groups this incident, as Barbour does, with the Scaithmoor

and Berwick fights, but in a different position (see note on _Bk._ XV.

435; and _Scala._, p. 143). “Lentelee” in Stevenson (_Illustrations_,

p. 3). “Near Jeddeworth” is the location of the “foray” in _Bain_

(iii., No. 576).

337 _a fayr maner._ The anonymous chronicler in Stevenson says

that Douglas was passing the time (_moram traxit_) in a sort of

fortification (_municioni quadam_) with 200 men (_Illustrations_, p. 3).

339 _gert purvay him richt weill._ The English found “much victuals” in

the place (_Stevenson_, p. 3).

342 _wonnand then._ The date of the fight is about April 23, 1317

(_Stevenson_, p. 3).

343 _Schir Thomas._ Sir Thomas Richmond was not an earl, but a

Yorkshire knight, owner of Burton-Constable, and a well-known figure

on the Border (_Bain_, iii., p. xxv, No. 178). The “Earl” in command

was the Earl of Arundel, appointed guardian of the district between

the Trent and Roxburgh on February 2, 1317 (_Rotuli Scotiæ_, i. 169;

_Illustrations_, p. 3). “Sir Edmund, Earl of Arundel, warden of the

March” (_Bain_, iii., No. 576).

352 _War passit than of the cuntre._ That is, King Robert and many

with him were in Ireland. So, too, in _Stevenson_: “The leaders of the

Scots being then engaged in war in Ireland, and Scotland being almost

destitute of men” (_Illustrations_, p. 3).

354-55 _the cuntre was Febill of men._ _Cf._ previous note.

357 _of the marchis._ But _cf._ note on 343.

360 _ten thousand men._ In Stevenson’s chronicler “thirty thousand men”

(_Illust._, p. 3). Officially it was called “a foray” (_Bain_, iii.,

No. 576). The English exaggeration is worse than Barbour’s.

363 _Till hewe doune Jedward forest._ Since the time of the Romans

and the disastrous march of Septimius Severus (third century) the

forests of Scotland had been recognized as the natural defences of the

country. They are, for the most part, the “strengths” which figure so

prominently in Barbour. See on Jedward, _Bk._ VIII. 427.

375 _And of archeris a gret menyhe._ _Cf._ note on 377.

380 _The entre._ As in the wood of the King’s Park (_Bk._ XI. 446).

383 _a penny-stane cast._ A “penny-stane” was a flat stone used as a

quoit, hence “as wide only as the throw of a quoit.”

384 _Douglas thiddir yheid._ “Douglas abandoned his position and

retired” (_Illustrations_, p. 3).

406 _on thame schot thai._ In _Stevenson_ this, the main attack,

follows the surprise at Lintalee (p. 4).

418 _reft the liff._ Richmond was slain (_Scala._, p. 143; _Stevenson_,

p. 4).

419 _Ane hat._ Hailes notes that “In _Histoire de Bretagne par

Lobineau_, t. i., p. 665, there is a portrait of Arthur de Richemont,

Duke of Brittany, with a _furred hat_, such as is described by Barbour”

(_Annals_, ii., p. 82 note). Richmond was identified by the hat on the

word of a prisoner. See lines 480-5.

441 _ane clerk, Elys._ “A clerk called Helias” (_Stevenson_, p. 3).

Stevenson says he was a “noble ‘schavaldur.’” See on this _Bk._ V. 205

(note).

442 _thre hundreth enymys._ “With thirty comrades” (_Stevenson_, p. 3).

444 _herbery had tane._ Ellis and his companions occupied Douglas’s

house, and took their fill (_se saciavit_) of the victuals there

(_Stevenson_, _ibid._).

450-1 _with suerdis.... Thai servit thame._ They despatched them with

the sword (_reliquos gladio jugulavit._ _Stevenson_, p. 4). The head of

Ellis was cut off, and placed in a humiliating position beside the body

(_ibid._).

458 “That addition to the repast was overmuch.”

472 _Till wend hamward._ “The said Earl (Arundel) retreated southwards

without doing more” (_Scala._, p. 143).

504 _forrouth._ Before, in _Bk._ IX. 570-630.

509 _Schir Johne de Sowlis._ _Cf._ _Bk._ XIV. 25, and note.

512-4 _With fifty men_, etc. _I.e._, Soulis had the fifty, Harcla the

three hundred.

518 _Schir Androu ... has tane._ Harcla was a prisoner with the Scots

at some date in November, 1316, when he asks the King of England for

help towards his ransom (_Bain_, iii. 514, 515, 697). He was ransomed

with difficulty (_Scala._, p. 149). He was executed in 1323 for

treasonable dealings with the Scots.

549 _besyde Enverkethyne._ Inverkeithing, Fife. Near Donibristle, says

Fordun’s continuator, showing that here he follows another source than

Barbour (_Scotic._, _Bk._ xii., chap. xxv.).

552 _The Erll of Fiff._ Duncan de Fife, the young Earl, with his mother

and step-father joined the Scots some little time before August 2,

1317, when his mother had her English manor forfeited (_Bain_, iii.,

No. 566). He came with a troop of five hundred armed men (_Scotic._, as

cited).

575 _Willyhame Syncler._ William St. Clair was the brother of Sir Henry

St. Clair of Roslin. He had been a canon of Dunkeld, and was elected

Bishop in 1312 (Dowden in _Scot. Hist. Rev._, vol. i., pp. 316-17). On

his return from Rome Edward II. tried to keep him in England (_Bain_,

iii. 301). In the _Wallace_ he figures as a Bishop already, and a

friend of the patriot (vii. 932; viii. 1225). He was among the four

bishops specially summoned to Rome to answer for their support of Bruce

in defiance of the Church.

592-3 _aucht weill to ma Of yhow._ “Should think highly of you!”

596 _The gilt spurs._ The sign of knighthood; to hew them off was a

ceremony of degradation (_cf._ line 598). So, too, in _Scotic._, as

cited.

635 _that yheit held unslayn._ “That had held or kept themselves from

being slain.”

676 _the Scottis Se._ The Firth of Forth. See on IX. 309.

BOOK XVII.

13 _Redis Swyr._ The pass over Cheviot to the valley of the Rede, a

tributary of the Tyne. By it went the road from Jedburgh, and in it is

the site of the Battle of Otterburn, 1388. _Swyr_ is A.S. _swira_ or

_swera_, the neck.

15 _Outakin Berwik, it allane._ “One town in Scotland was left to the

King” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 234). On September 20, 1317, and January

30, 1318, certain burgesses were going to England and France to

purchase provisions “for the munition of the town” (_Bain_, iii., Nos.

575, 588). To save expense (_Scala._), the defence of the town itself

had been entrusted to the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses (_ibid._, No.

593; _Vita Edw._, p. 234; _Scala._, p. 148). According to Stevenson’s

Chronicler, the citizens had begged to be entrusted with the defence

because of their ill-treatment by the royal garrison, August 1, 1317

(p. 5).

17 _That capitane was._ Roger de Horslee, Keeper of the Castle (_Bain_,

iii., No. 607). He had been appointed, August 19, 1317, to command the

castle when the city was committed to the burgesses (_Stevenson_, p. 5;

_Rot. Scot._, i., p. 175). _Cf._ on 224.

19 _tretit thame richt ill._ On February 4, 1318, Edward appointed a

commission of three to “inquire into the disputes arisen, or likely to

arise, between the burgesses and the garrison of Berwick, to the danger

of the town” (_Bain_, iii., No. 589). _Cf._ note on 15.

23 _a burges, Sim of Spaldyng._ “Peter de Spalding” in _Scala._, p.

144; _Lanerc._, p. 234; _Illustr._, p. 5; _Trokelowe_, p. 103, etc.

The _Annales Paulini_ adds John Drory and other accomplices (p. 282).

“Peter de Spalding” is on the roll of the garrison of Berwick in 1312

(_Bain_, iii., p. 399). He was an Englishman living in the town, and

received a large sum of money in addition to the promise of lands

(_Lanercost_, pp. 234-235). “A royal sergeant retained by the citizens

in the defence of the town.” Douglas, it was said, “corrupted” him with

promises of £800 (_Stevenson_, p. 5). Spalding’s request for his money

was “obnoxious” to the Scots, and he was put to death on a trumped-up

charge of treason (_ibid._).

28 _the marschall._ Sir Robert Keith.

35 _the Kow-yhet._ Still the Cow-port (gate) in the middle of the north

side of the town.

45 _Ane or othir suld wrethit be._ _I.e._, “if he chose anyone to help

him, somebody else was sure to be offended.” Apparently he would have

to choose between Moray and Douglas. _Cf._ lines 55-7.

64 _Duns park._ A favourite rendezvous in that neighbourhood for the

Scots army. The “park” would be wooded. In June, 1315, Bruce was

reported to be collecting an army in “the Park of Duns,” either to

invade England or to besiege Berwick (_Bain_, iii., No. 440).

67 _Athir with ane quheyne of men._ Bruce gets out of the dilemma by

choosing both leaders, each to bring a small party of his men.

72 _the day._ April 2, 1318 (_Lanerc._, p. 234; _Ann. Paul._, p. 282).

_Circa_ March 25 (_Illustrations_, p. 5). Edward is preparing to retake

Berwick on April 18, 1318 (_Rot. Scot._, i., p. 181).

94 _the nycht._ The Scots entered “about midnight after the Sabbath

day” (_Lanerc._, p. 234). Edward, “much enraged,” reports that the

mayor and bailiffs “allowed the Scottish rebels to enter and take

possession,” “through carelessness,” and orders goods belonging to the

community of Berwick to be everywhere arrested; April 13, 15 (_Bain_,

iii., Nos. 593, 594).

97 _hald a staill._ “Occupy a position.” _Cf._ _Bk._ XV. 341.

105 _till the gude._ “For the goods.” Singular form as plural; see

Grammar. _Cf._ also _twa part_ in 103 for two parts.

125 _gat the castell._ “Got to the castle.”

128 _in the bargane slane._ Few were slain apart from those who

resisted (_Lanerc._, p. 235; _Stevenson_, p. 5). According to Baker, in

the capture of the town and castle no one was slain who was willing to

submit (_qui voluit obedire_, p. 59).

134 _the baner._ Apparently the Scots had assembled (“stuffit”) round

their banner in the “staill” (97).

150-1 _Wilyhame ... of Keth, and of the Gawlistoune._ Sir William Keith

of Galston, known by either surname, of Keith or of Galston (152).

Galston was in Kyle, Ayrshire, and there were Keiths in it at least a

hundred years after (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, p. 228; 17).

176 _all that fell_, etc. “All that would serve to provision the town.”

_Cf._ on 15.

185 _the Mers and Tevidaill._ The part of Berwickshire next the Border,

“the March,” and Teviotdale.

198 _on the sext day._ Gray says the castle held out for eleven weeks,

and as his father was then in garrison at Norham, he is probably about

right. The castle surrendered for lack of food (_Scala._, p. 144).

The account in Stevenson’s _Chronicle_ also implies a siege longer

than five days; for he speaks of King Robert assailing the castle with

siege-engines, and failing, and of the Scots then settling down to

starve out the garrison (_Illust._, p. 5). Horslee was at Newcastle

with the garrison on July 20--that is, about sixteen weeks after the

fall of the town--so that the surrender of the castle must have taken

place somewhat earlier in the month. Horslee and his garrison had to

be supported by the town, and the account therefore would begin with

their arrival (_Bain_, iii., No. 607). _Cf._ on line 226.

200 _till thair cuntre syne went thai._ Life and goods were granted

them on surrender (_Stevenson_, p. 5). _Cf._ previous note.

203 _soyn eftir._ But, according to the account in _Stevenson_, King

Robert assisted at the attack on the castle. See on 198.

222 _At = that._ “That he took in hand to hold Berwick.”

224 _Bath the castell, and the dungeoune._ In his former references

Barbour has used the term “castle” to include both the tower or

“donjon” or keep and the surrounding wall, apart from the wall of the

town proper. The wall (or “wallis”), he says in 169, 170, was not then

in a very defensible state. Here he goes back to an older and more

technical usage before these two independent elements--donjon and

enclosure fortified with a wall--had quite coalesced. The evidence

for this differentiation is given at length by Mr. Round in his

_Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O. One of the citations is precisely

parallel to Barbour’s expressions here, the description of a grant of

Dublin--town, castle, and donjon--in 1172 to Hugh de Lacy:

“Li riche rei ad dunc baillé (has then entrusted)

Dyvelin en garde, _la cité

E la chastel e le dongun_,

A Huge de Laci le barun.”

These, then, are the three elements here: the town, which had its own

wall; the “castle,” strictly speaking, or walled enclosure; and the

“donjon” within the latter.

226 _Ryde in-till Inglande._ The _Lanercost_ writer places this raid

in the month of May, and, it would seem, after the fall of the castle

(see on line 198). The Scots on this occasion penetrated England

farther than usual, reaching Ripon, Knaresborough, and Skipton, in

Craven--_i.e._, covering a large part of Yorkshire (p. 235). The _Gesta

de Carn._ also dates this raid in May, “soon after Easter,” and says

the Scots went as far as Bolton Abbey (p. 55).

227 _gret plente of fee._ They brought back “a crowd of cattle

past numbering” (_Lanerc._, p. 236). They searched the woods of

Knaresborough for the cattle hidden there, and got possession of them

(p. 235).

228-9 _sum cuntreis trewit he For vittale._ _I.e._, “he made a truce

with some districts in return for a supply of victual.” The Scots

spoiled Ripon, but refrained from burning the town on payment of 1,000

marks (_Lanerc._, p. 235).

236 _But burges and but oblesteris._ Skeat takes exception to

“burgesses,” but the town had previously been defended by the burgesses

(_cf._ on 15), and some, no doubt, were willing “to obey” the Scots

(_cf._ on 128). E reads _burdowys_, which Jamieson supposed to mean

“men who fought with clubs,” while Skeat suggests that it is “_burdouis

for burdonis_--_i.e._, mules!” Mules are a less probable part of

the garrison than burgesses. “Oblesteris” are _arblasters_--_i.e._,

crossbow-men, a minor but constant part of both English and Scottish

armies of the time.

239 _Johne Crab._ A famous sea-rover of the east coast, as on the west

was Thomas Dun (_Bk._ XIV. 376, note). In 1319 Edward was complaining

to the Count of Flanders of his “outrages,” and the Count answered

(November 19) that “Crabbe” had been banished for murder, and that

“he will punish him on the wheel if he catches him” (_Bain_, iii.,

No. 673). He was captured in 1332 near Roxburgh, and because the

“ungrateful Scots” refused to ransom him he transferred his services to

the English (_Lanerc._, p. 270), and for his assistance at the Siege

of Berwick in 1333 was pardoned “all his homicides, felonies, etc., by

sea or land” (_Bain_, iii., 1090). He therefore cannot be the “Cryn, a

Fleming, an admiral of the sea, a robber,” killed by Sir Thomas Gray

in 1321-2, as is supposed by Sir Herbert Maxwell (_Robert the Bruce_,

p. 267, note; _The Scalacronica_, trans., p. 63, note). Crab is on

record till 1347 (_Bain_, No. 1504). But “Cryn” may be his nephew “John

Crabbekyn” (_Bain_, iii., No. 417). The Scots slew his son (_Lanerc._,

p. 270). A John Crab gets lands from Bruce in Aberdeen, which, with

those in Berwick, are transferred to another in the reign of David II.

(Robertson’s _Index_, 15, 21, etc. ... 32, 9), apparently on his going

over to England. He is not, therefore, likely to be the John Crab, a

burgess of Aberdeen in later times, and a member of Parliament (1365,

1367), as the editor of the _Exchequer Rolls_, II., postulates (p.

lxxxii., note: Index).

245 _engynis and trammys._ “Siege-engines and structures of wood.”

246 _grec fyre._ In all probability “Greek fire,” as Skeat suggests;

“t”and “c” are almost indistinguishable in the MSS. of the time. “Greek

fire” was the mother of gunpowder; it was a liquid made of sulphur and

saltpetre, with the addition of inflammable oils, and its purpose was

to set woodwork on fire (_cf._ Oman’s _Art of War_, pp. 546, 547). It

was used at the Siege of Stirling in 1304 (_Bain_).

247 _Spryngaldis and schotis._ The _springal_ (_espringale_) was a

great crossbow on a frame, whose cord was drawn back by a winch; the

“shots” were its bolts, or “long darts”: _springaldis, ad longa spicula

emittenda_ (_Lanercost_, p. 231) at the siege of Carlisle in 1315.

250 _gynis for crakkis._ Contrivances for making explosions--_i.e._,

guns, which at first seem to have been valued for this quality.

271 _ger dik thame._ _I.e._, the English were to surround their own

encampment at Berwick with a rampart for further security, and to keep

off the Scots who might come to its relief.

278 _thoucht all suth._ “Thought quite rightly.”

285 _Of Lancister the Erll Thomas._ Bain says that, though Lancaster

was clearly summoned (_Fœdera_, iii., p. 784), “Walsingham, who was

not contemporary, seems the only authority for his presence, and

if his men had been there they would have been found on the roll,”

where they are not given (iii., p. xxvi). But a letter from Hugh le

Despenser, the younger, printed by Stevenson in his notes to the

_Chronicle of Lanercost_, expressly names the Earl of Lancaster as

having been present (p. 422). Despenser also was at Berwick, and his

letter (Anglo-French) is dated September 21 at Newcastle. Strangest

fact, Bain, who knew the _Chron. de Lanerc._, overlooked the mention of

Lancaster having accompanied the King to Berwick on p. 239. In _Vita

Edw. Sec._, too, Lancaster is among those at Berwick (pp. 241, 244).

Also in _Annal. Paul._, p. 286; _Illustrations_, p. 56. _Cf._ notes

below. Maxwell, too, cites Barbour only for Lancaster’s presence (p.

265, note).

286 _That syne wes sanctit._ See note on 874.

295 _all this menyhe._ According to the pay-sheet, August 1 to

September 24, 8,080 men, apart, however, from the following of

Lancaster (_cf._ on 285 and 852) and the sailors (_Bain_, iii., No.

668). In _Annal. Paul._ 30,000 horse! (p. 286).

298 _Ordanit ane felde._ The “Magdalen Fields” surrounding the town.

“The army was spread ont, on the land side, round the circuit of the

town” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 242).

306 _all the havyn wes stoppit._ “On the side of the sea the sailors

present from the Cinque Ports (_Quinque Portubus_) so watched the

entries and exits that no one could possibly get out” (_Vita Edw._, p.

242).

318-9 _sib him ner, Or ... his allye._ “Either near relatives or those

closely attached to him by some personal tie.” “Allye,” Fr. _allié_,

is a trisyllable. It does not seem to signify, as Skeat suggests,

allied “by various marriages,” but only the latter part of the phrase,

“relatives and personal friends.”

335 _our Ladeis evin._ September 7, 1319. So Despenser, in his letter,

says Edward came before Berwick on September 7, and “laid siege to the

town, with all his host, by sea and by land” (_par myer et par terre._

_Lanerc._, p. 422). The English army entered Scotland on August 29

(_Ann. Paul._, p. 286).

343 _coveryngis._ Special protective dresses, such as the miner’s

“basket” of wicker for those breaching the wall.

344 _howis ... staff slyngis._ The first were possibly picks on

long poles, so resembling hoes, used for pulling down defences. The

staff-sling consisted of a wooden shaft about a yard long, to one end

of which was attached a sling. The slinger held it by the other end

with both hands, and so could discharge a stone or bullet with great

force.

359 _ilk kyrneill._ Each casement or open interval of the battlement.

In the repairs of the castle in 1344 the portion of the wall renewed

was to be 8 feet broad at “the kernels” (_Bain_, iii., No. 1434).

380 _Sa law._ Edward I. had begun to surround Berwick with a stone

wall, but Hugh de Cressingham, his Treasurer (1297), had not spent on

it the money given for its completion (_Hemingburgh_, ii., p. 127).

409 _the brighous._ A barbican or outwork on which the drawbridge

rested. In January, 1316, Bruce tried to enter Berwick _inter brighous

et castrum_ (_Lanercost_, p. 232).

421 _scho ebbit._ _I.e._, the tide ebbed, and she grounded. A ship

grounding in a very low tide (neap) is still said to be “neaped.”

501 _he wald nocht sa soyne assale._ The English chroniclers say he

would not venture to fight with the army of their King (_Lanerc._, p.

239; _Illust._, p. 6). On September 9 Edward writes to the Chancellor

that “he hears that Robert de Brus and his allies and supporters

(_fautours_) are bound by oaths and hostages to relieve the garrison of

Berwick on a fixed day, and will do everything they can” (_Bain_, iii.,

No. 664). He therefore summons to Berwick the whole array of York, but

Bruce took his own way of relieving.

505 _lordis twa._ As here, Moray and Douglas (_Lanerc._, p. 239; _Gesta

de Carn._, p. 57).

508 _xv. thousand._ “A very great army” (_Illustr._, p. 6); “no

small army” (_Gesta de Carn._, p. 57); “xx. thousand of the Scottis”

(_Capgrave_, p. 184).

515 _thair wiffis._ In their previous raid (see on 226) the Scots took

captive both men and women (_Lanerc._, p. 236).

528 _it wes pite._ “The Scots were raiding savagely in England”

(_Scotis in Anglia sæventibus._--_Trokelowe_, p. 103). “Clearing

(_depopulantes_) Northumbria, the bishopric of Durham and Alvertonshire

(York), they came as far as Burghbrig” (_Illust._, p. 66). “They burnt

the country and took captives and booty of animals, advancing as far as

Burghbrigge” (_Lanercost_, p. 239). “Burning and spoiling the country

on all sides” (_Gesta de Carn._, p. 57).

535 _Burrow-brig._ Boroughbridge, on the Ure, near its junction with

the Swale, Yorkshire; see previous note. According to Fordun, Moray

was at “Boru-brig” at the end of the month of August (_Gesta Annalia_,

cxxxiv.).

536 _Mytoun thar-by._ Myton is on the Swale, near its junction with the

Ure, and so a little east of Boroughbridge.

541 _Prestis, clerkis, monkis, and freris, etc._ There were two abbots,

monks, friars, many priests, with countrymen and townsfolk (_Illustr._,

p. 7; _Lanerc._, p. 239; _Scala._, p. 148).

544 _Weill twenty thousand._ Ten thousand in _Trokelowe_, p. 103; both

numbers excessive.

546 _The Archbischop of York._ William de Melton (_Gesta de Carn._,

p. 57; and _Lanercost_, _Illustr._, etc., as cited). He lost much

furniture in the battle, including silver and brass plate (_North.

Reg._, p. 295).

552 _other byschoppis._ Only the Bishop of Ely, then staying at York

(_Illust._, p. 7; _Lanerc._, p. 239).

559 _in-till battellis twa._ “The Scots gathered together, as their

wont was, in a single schiltron” (_Lanerc._, p. 239). They “divided” to

take up the chase (_ibid._).

573-4 _sic abasing Tuk thame._ The English accounts give it that

their men had no proper leader nor skill in war, while the Scots were

excellently equipped in both respects. The strangely assorted array

advanced in no proper order of battle, so that the Scots said: “These

are not soldiers, they are sportsmen; they won’t be much good” (“_Hi

non bellatores sed venatores; non multum proficient._”--_Vita Edw._,

p. 244). The Scots then gave a great shout, and the English in terror

turned and fled (_Lanerc._, p. 239).

583 _weill ane thousand._ All accounts agree that there was a

considerable slaughter of the priestly and inexpert warriors, but the

English estimates of the slain are much higher than Barbour’s: more

than a thousand, besides the drowned (_Ann. Paul._, p. 287); “2,000

slain with the sword” (_Illustr._, p. 7); 3,000 (_Trokelowe_, p. 103);

4,000 (_Lanerc._, p. 239); besides those drowned in the Swale, about

a thousand, says the _Lanercost_ writer (_ibid._); “more than the

sword slew” (_Gesta de Carn._, p. 58). There were also many captives,

afterwards redeemed; _cf._ line 579 (_ibid._, _Vita Edw._, p. 244). A

chantry chapel was afterwards erected for the souls of the slain, and

endowed by their friends; to this end a piece of ground was asked from

the King in October, 1325 (_Bain_, iii., No. 875).

597 _Of gret gestis ane Sow._ Probably, as Skeat hints, for

“gestis”--_i.e._, joists, great beams, which is more likely than Fr.

_gestes_, “deeds” to which it is hard to give, in this connection,

a suitable meaning. The famous “Sow” is referred to in _Lanercost_

(_suem_), p. 239. See below. It was otherwise known as the _cat_,

and was constructed of stout beams, being strictly a penthouse or

shelter for the men mining the wall. So here in line 600, and in the

_Lanercost_ account (_ad murum suffodiendum_, p. 239). But in the

present case it is combined with the _beffroi_, or movable tower (lines

601-2), giving the “sow-castle” or “cat-castle” (_cf._ Oman’s _Art of

War_, pp. 548, 549). Hailes and Skeat miss this point.

598 _stalward heling._ A strong covering of hides, or, possibly, of

iron plates.

634 _the Rude-evyn._ The eve of the Exaltation of the Rood, September

13.

674 _draw the cleket._ Probably then “she” was a _mangonel_, in which

a movable beam, between uprights, was pressed back by ropes, and then

suddenly let go from a catch (“cleket”), discharges a stone; or a

_trebuchet_, in which the same result was obtained by poising the beam

in the middle, and loading the other end with a heavy weight, which

added to the force of the missile.

689 _set thar-to juntly._ “Set close up to.” _Cf._ line 704. In the

_Wallace_, Stirling Bridge “off gud playne burd was weill and _juntly_

maid” (vii. 1148).

690 _bend in hy._ _Cf._ on 674.

691 _wappyt._ The correct Scots form. C has _swappit_. _Cf._ _Gest.

Historiale_, “_wappid_ (knocked) to ground” (7297), and “A _wap_ wi a

corner-stane o’ Wolf’s Crag wad defy the doctor” (Scott’s _Bride of

Lammermoor_, Border edit., P. 349).

713 _top-castellis._ “Fighting-tops” on the mast, in addition to the

structures rising fore and aft above the deck, “fore-castle” and

“stern-castle.”

756 _The barras._ The “barriers,” a fortified post at the outer end of

the drawbridge. See _Glossary_.

757 _and brynt it doune._ Skeat, in his rubric, explains that they

“burnt the drawbridge”--a foolish thing to do if they wanted to cross

the ditch! But what seems to have happened was this: the besiegers

first seized the “barras,” then brought “doune” the bridge by burning

the tackle, probably of ropes and beams, by which it was drawn up

against the gate, and so were able to cross, and make their attempt to

burn their way through the gate itself. So, too, they could retreat

(790) over the fallen bridge. _Cf._ in _Morte Arthure_:

“Brittenes (destroys) theire barrers with theire bryghte wapyns,

Bett down a barbycan, and the brygge wynnys.”

(2469-2470).

828 _on the morne._ _I.e._, of September 14, seven days after the

first attack. Despenser says that the news from England came “before

he had been at Berwick (_demorce_) eight days” (as cited), practically

corroborating Barbour.

829 _Thar come tithandis._ So in Despenser’s letter; in _Lanercost_ (p.

239); _Gesta de Carn._ (p. 58).

842 _His consell fast discordit then._ The _Lanercost_ writer says the

King wished to send a part of his army into England to deal with the

Scots, and keep on the siege with the remainder; but the nobles were

unwilling to divide their army and not fight with the returning Scots,

and so the whole army started south for this purpose (p. 239).

852 _Loncastell._ Despenser attributes the raising of the siege to the

“procurement” of Lancaster (_Lanerc._, p. 422). Stevenson’s chronicler

says the siege would have been successful “had not disturbers of

the peace sown discord between the King and the Earl of Lancaster”

(_Illust._, p. 6). As is here suggested, the friction had been going

on for some time according to the author of the _Gesta_, who explains

in detail how the mischief-making was done (p. 57). In the _Vita Edw.

Sec._ various accounts are collected regarding Lancaster’s action,

including the “vulgar” story that he had been bribed by Bruce, and

there is a discourse of several pages on treason and avarice (p. 244

_et seq._).

855 _he._ Here is the King; in 858 _he_ is Lancaster. The King was

inclined to side with the Southerners, whose homes, of course, were in

no danger from the Scots. _Cf._ previous note.

862 _his way he tais._ According to the _Vita Edw._, the King went one

way to meet the retreating Scots, Lancaster another (as cited).

864 _fell eftir sic debat._ In 1321 Lancaster and his supporters took

up arms against the King and his advisers, the Despensers, on account

of misgovernment. Each party blamed the other for the misfortunes of

the Scottish war. In March of the following year the Lancastrians were

defeated at Boroughbridge by Sir Andrew de Harclay, himself afterwards

executed for alleged treasonable dealings with the Scots. Lancaster was

captured, and beheaded at Pomfret (_cf._ line 868).

869 _on the hill besyde the toune._ “On a certain little hill”

(_monticulo_) beside Pomfret (_Lanerc._, p. 244).

871 _syne drawin and hangit._ Though this was in the sentence, it

was, by special favour of the King, not carried out. Lancaster, being

a relative, was simply beheaded. In any case the drawing and hanging

would have come before the beheading. See on IV. 322.

872 _a fair menyhe._ Many others suffered capital punishment for their

share in this rising. The _Lanercost_ writer gives one baron and three

knights as having been drawn and hanged in Pomfret at this time, with

further details of other victims (p. 245). _Cf._ also _Baker_, pp. 65,

66. The names of five hanged on the same day at Pomfret are given in

_Annal. Paul._, p. 303.

874 _martir was, Wes sanctit and myraclis did._ Lancaster was popularly

regarded as a saint, a martyr for righteous government; he having been

also a liberal man to the Church and the poor. There were, of course,

doubters of his sanctity (_Vita Edw. Sec._: contin., p. 290). A chapel

was erected on the hill on which he was beheaded; crowds of pilgrims

flocked to it, and miracles were said to be worked by God through him

(_Lanerc._, pp. 244-5; _Fœdera_, iv., p. 421). There was a special

service for him--an “Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster,” printed in

Wright’s _Political Songs_ (pp. 268-272). Edward III., whose accession

was the triumph of the opposition to his father, requested the Pope to

give Thomas regular canonization (_Fœdera_, iv., p. 421). Capgrave says

he was canonized in 1389, when all concerned in his execution were dead

(p. 253).

889 _thai tuk westward the way._ The Scots in England retired about

September 14, going westwards (_versus occidentem tendentes_) by

Airedale and Wharfdale, and so home by “Gratsehals” (_Gesta Edw.

Carn._, p. 58). When they heard the siege was raised they returned

to Scotland by Staynmore and Gillesland and “those western parts”

(_Lanerc._ p. 240). _Cf._ also _Illustrations_, p. 7.

891 _With prayis, and with presoneris._ “With prisoners and plunder of

cattle” (_Lanerc._, p. 240). Also _Gesta Edw._, p. 58; _Vita Edw._, p.

244. _Prayis_ is a plural signifying different kinds of “prey.”

922-3 _brynt had The brig._ _Cf._ on 757.

940 _Berwyk his toune._ As the reading from E shows, this is a

possessive of a type usually confined to proper names. _Cf._ III. 232;

VI. 435, etc.; and _Grammar_.

946 _Till help his brothir._ Wrong by a year. The siege of Berwick was

in September, 1319; Edward Bruce was killed in the previous year. The

succours here sent were dispatched in September or October, 1318. See

on _Bk._ XVIII. 3, 110.

BOOK XVIII.

3 _A day forrouth thair arivyng._ So, too, Gray declares that Edward

Bruce “from over-boldness (_pur surquidery_) was not willing to wait

his reinforcements (_soun poair_) which had lately arrived, and were

within six leagues (miles) of him” (_Scala._, p. 143)--_i.e._, within

a day’s march. Gray, it will be observed, applies the same quality

to Edward Bruce as Barbour does in line 183. The same explanation

occurs in the _Annals of Clonmacnoise_ (pp. 281, 282). The _Lanercost_

chronicler, on the contrary, says that the “great army” which had

“newly come” from Scotland to his assistance had joined Edward before

his advance to Dundalk (p. 238).

8-9 _twa thousand, Outane the Kyngis of Erischry._ The _Annals of

Ireland_ give the Scots 3,000 (p. 359), so that Barbour is probably

about right. The chronicler in Stevenson’s _Illustrations_ makes the

Scots 30,000 (p. 3)! The “Irish Kings” here include MacRory, “King” of

the Hebrides (“Insi-Gall”), and MacDonald, “King” of Argyll, who were

both slain (_Annals of Ulster_, ii., p. 433; _Annals of Clonmacnoise_,

p. 281. _Cf._ note on line 443).

12 _Richard of Clare._ Barbour is misinformed; Richard de Clare was

killed five months before, May 11 (_Annals of Ulster_, ii., pp. 433 and

432, note 5; _Annals of Ireland_, p. 35). The English were commanded by

Sir John de Birmingham (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 359; _Baker_, p. 58).

17 _tuenty thousand._ Such a number of horse is obviously absurd, as is

also the total of “forty thousand” below.

33 _Men sayis._ _Cf._ on 3: “My brothir” is Walter, the High Steward.

75 _nane of us._ Not true of the Scots-Irish. _Cf._ note on 8-9.

89 _fourty thousand neir._ _Cf._ line 93, and note on 17. The

_Lanercost_ chronicler says the English were but “a few country-folk”

(_paucis et popularibus_; p. 238), probably an exaggeration the other

way.

95 _cot-armour._ The surcoat over his armour, bearing his coat-of-arms.

101 _till assemmyll._ The battle took place near the hill of Faughard

or Fagher, about two miles from Dundalk. The spot where Edward Bruce

fell is still shown by the natives. The date is given by Hailes,

Bain, and others, following the version of the _Annals_ in Camden’s

_Chronicle_ as October 5; but in the later edition of the _Annals_ and

in the _Annals of Ulster_ and of _Clonmacnoise_ it is precisely fixed

as Saturday, October 14, 1318, from which the _Lanercost_ chronicler

differs by a day only, October 13 (_Lanercost_, p. 238; _Annals of

Ulster_, p. 433; _Annals of Ireland_, p. 359; _Annals of Clonmacnoise_,

p. 281); Fordun also October 14 (_Skene_, i., p. 348).

104 _ruschit with thair fais._ In the _Lanercost Chronicle_ it is

explained that the Scots were in three battles too far apart, and that

thus each as it attacked was disposed of before the next could come to

its assistance. Edward was with the third battle (p. 238).

110 _Johne de Sowlis als._ But John de Soules appears to have been dead

_circa_ 1316, when the husband of his “daughter and heir” petitioned

Edward II. for his Scottish lands (_Bain_, iii., No. 530). The date,

however, is doubtful.

113 _That few ... war slayne._ According to the _Vita Edw. Sec._, five

hundred stout men-at-arms (_valentes armati_) were slain, besides

Edward Bruce (p. 238); almost all were slain, says _Lanercost_,

except those only who escaped by flight (p. 238); not a single one

escaped, declares _Knighton_ (i., p. 412), but this is absurd. Two

thousand, almost all the Scots, were slain, but a few got away (_Annals

of Ireland_, p. 360). Only a few escaped out of thirty thousand

(Stevenson, _Illustrations_, p. 3).

117 _Johne Tomassun._ No doubt the same John Thomson (_Johannes

videlicet Thomæ_), a stout commoner (_valens vernaclus_), who in

1333 was holding out in the “peel” of Lochdoon against Edward III.

(_Scotichr._, lib. xiii., chap. xxviii.).

123 _Johne cummyn._ Skeat prints the verb with a capital, as if

“cummyn” was a personal name. Obviously “Johne” is Thomson.

125 _Schir Philipe the Mowbray._ The defender of Stirling Castle before

Bannockburn: mortally wounded (_Annals of Ir._, p. 360).

167 _strak his hed of._ The _Lanercost_ writer says Edward Bruce was

beheaded after death, and his body divided into four parts, which were

sent to the four chief towns of Ireland (p. 238). According to Barbour,

it was Gilbert Harper’s head. For the beheading, see also _Trokelowe_,

p. 103, and Stevenson’s _Illustrations_, p. 3.

183 _owtrageous succudry._ _Cf._ extract from _Scalacronica_ in note on

3.

215 _Richard of Clare._ But see note on 12.

224 _Johne Mawpas._ According to the _Annals_, John Mawpas slew Edward

Bruce, and was himself found dead over his body. John de Birmyngham

brought the head to Edward III. (p. 360). Probably he thus earned the

reward offered for injury to Edward in life or limb, on September 3,

1316 (_Patent Rolls_, p. 551).

225 _Quhilk._ Koeppel points out that this is the only example of

this word otherwise than in the form _the quhilk that_, and therefore

suggests that E gives the original reading (_Englische Studien_, x.

381).

230 _tuk purpos._ 1322. Barbour passes over four years, and says

nothing of a destructive raid of the Scots on the West March in

June-July of this year, in which they went as far south as Preston

(_Lanercost_, p. 246; _Knighton_, i., p. 428; _Bain_, iii., No. 761;

_Fœdera_, iii., p. 960).

235 _richt gret hoost._ “A very great army” (_Lanercost_, 247). “With

a very large army ... having an armed foot-soldier from each town in

England, besides his knights and esquires” (_Scala._, p. 149. So also

_Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon_, p. 78; _Knighton_, i. 428; _Baker_, p.

66).

249 _with-draw all the catele._ “The Scots fled with all their

possessions, at their approach (_a facie eorum_), to safe places;

stripped their own land wholly bare, and cleared the districts of all

the goods” (_Trokelowe_, p. 125). “The Scots, having cleared away or

conveyed with them beyond the Scottish Sea (the Forth) everything that

could be easily carried, left for the English a land bare of victuals”

(_Baker_, p. 66). Edward told the Archbishop of Canterbury that he

found neither “man nor beast” (_Bain_, iii., No. 778). So also in

_Knighton_, i., p. 428.

253 _with his hoost als still he lay._ “The Scots, in their usual

fashion, withdrew, and did not dare to fight with him” (_Lanercost_,

p. 247). The English traversed the country, meeting with no resistance

(_Baker_, p. 66).

254 _At Culros._ In Fife, on the Forth, opposite Boness (_cf._ note on

249).

261 _in Lowdiane._ Edward was at Gosford, in Haddingtonshire, on August

5 (_Bain_, iii., No. 761). He had taken the coast-road in order to do

more damage (_ibid._, 778).

262 _till Edinburgh._ _Scala._, p. 149; _Fordun_; _Skene_, i., p. 349.

There is a record of a grant by Edward at Edinburgh on August 22, and

of payments made at Leith on August 23, so that he may have been there

longer than three days; _cf._ above on 261 (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 764,

765). On August 17, however, a pardon is dated from Lauder (_ibid._,

763).

264 _Thair schippes._ At some date in August, probably later than

above, for the King, it would appear, had left, a cargo of medicine

came by sea to Edinburgh (Leith) from Newcastle (_ibid._, 766). Fordun

speaks of a vast multitude of ships (_copiosa multitudine_: _Fordun_,

i. 349).

268 _Thair vittale._ “Having used up the food on land, and that by sea

everywhere failing them” (_Trokelowe_, p. 125).

276 _Tranentis corne._ Tranent is between Musselburgh and Haddington.

283 _derrest beiff._ In Bower, “That this beef was too dear,” Warenne

punning in the Latin, _Quod illius tauri caro erat nimis cara_

(_Scotichr._, ii., p. 278).

289-290 _of fasting had gret payne, etc._ “A very great part of the

army was wasted with hunger, and a great number perished from want of

food,” and so they returned (_Trokelowe_, p. 125). The _Lanercost_

writer speaks of lack of victuals, and illness, dysentery, among the

soldiers, from both of which many died (p. 247). _Scalacronica_ concurs

(p. 149), also Fordun (_Skene_, i. 349). The English were thus forced

to retreat (_ibid._). Knighton puts the English losses at about fifteen

thousand (i., p. 428); 30,000 (!) from starvation (_Flores Hist._,

iii., p. 210).

291 _In-till Melros._ “The King’s hobelers (light horse) foraging at

Melrose were defeated by James Douglas” (_Scala._, p. 149). _Cf._

lines 292-3. Knighton says the English came to Melrose, when, most

unexpectedly, the Scots rushed on them from the mountains, and slew

three hundred and more (i., p. 428). According to Fordun, the English

slew and wounded several of the monks, and committed other sacrilege

(_Gesta Annal._; _Skene_, i., pp. 349, 350).

339 _by Driburgh._ They burned the monastery to the ground (_Fordun_,

_ibid._).

341 _till Ingland._ Edward is at Fenham, on the coast of

Northumberland, by September 4, or thereabout (_Bain_, iii., No. 767).

346 _our the Scottis Se._ _Cf._ note on 249.

349 _Auchty thousand._ Certainly an exaggerated number. Each “battle,”

as almost invariably with Barbour (_cf._ note on _Bk._ XI.), represents

ten thousand men. Bruce had, however, a considerable force (_exercitu

non modico_; _Gesta Edw. de Carn._, p. 79), having, according to

Gray, assembled the whole power of Scotland, of the Isles, and of the

Highlands (_dez autres pays hautz_; _Scala._, p. 149). Exactly parallel

is the statement in _Lanercost_, p. 247.

352 _on to Ingland._ By the Solway on October 1, 1322 (_Lanercost_, p.

247; _Gesta Ann._, p. 350).

355 _to Byland._ Byland is in the North Riding of Yorkshire, near

Helmsley, on the right bank of the Rye. In _Gesta Edw._ “Bella-landa”

(p. 79). The affair at Byland was on October 21 (note in _Stevenson_

from Cotton MS., c. 1325, p. 55); October 14 (_Flores Hist._, iii., p.

210).

356-7 _wes liand The King of Ingland, etc._ So placed, too, in _Gesta

Edw. de Carn._: the King “in monasterio de Bella-landa,” and the army

on a high mountain above the monastery (p. 79); by Fordun (_Skene_,

i. 350); and by Higden (_Polychron._, viii., p. 316). Trokelowe, too,

suggests the same, saying the Scots followed the King as far as Byland

Abbey, in the district of “Rye Valley” (_Realis Vallis_, p. 125). The

escape was “near Byland, close to the Abbey of Rievaulx,” when the King

was crossing over (_Flores Hist._, iii., p. 210). But the _Lanercost_

chronicler locates the King in Rievaulx Abbey (Rievaulx = Realis

Vallis), on the opposite bank of the Rye (p. 247); and an order from

Edward to the Earl of Pembroke “to raise the country towards Byland” is

dated from Rievaulx, October 13 (_Bain_, iii., No. 790). In Stevenson’s

_Chronicle_, too, the King is at Rievaulx, while Pembroke (Valence) and

Richmond and other lords are at “Beghland” (_Illustrations_, p. 7).

365 _Ane craggy bra._ _Cf._ preceding note. “A strength (_un

forteresce_) on a hill near Biland” (p. 149). “A certain mountain

between the Abbey of Biland and the Abbey of Rievaulx” (_Lanercost_, p.

247).

366 _a gret peth._ “A certain path (_viam_) on the mountain, narrow and

confined” (_arctam et strictam_; _Lanercost_, p. 247). “A very narrow

road where scarce ten could go abreast” (_vix 10 in fronte meabile._

Stevenson’s _Illustrations_, p. 7).

373-4 _Went to the path, etc._ The Earl of Richmond, John of Brittany,

was sent with his followers to examine the Scottish army “from a

certain mountain, etc.” (_cf._ on 365. _Lanercost_, _ibid._).

409 _Thomas Ouchtre(d)._ “Arthyn,” as in C., is not known, and is

clearly wrong, for Sir Thomas Ughtred, or Ouchtred, was captured here,

as Barbour says in line 426 (_Bain_, iii., No. 806).

419 _Stanis apon thame._ “He (Richmond) strove with them by throwing

down stones” (_per lapides projectos._ _Lanercost_, p. 247).

427 _he wes tane._ _Cf._ on line 409.

443 _all the Erischry._ _I.e._, the Highlanders and Islesmen, who spoke

Gaelic or Irish. _Cf._ on line 349.

454 _aboun the bra._ The Scots ascended above them (_super eos._

_Lanercost_, _ibid._).

458 _the hycht has tane._ “The Scots ascended between the trees through

the middle of the grove” (_Gesta Edw._, p. 79). The fight took place

“on the summit of a hill near Byland” (_ibid._, p. 82).

462-4 _Johne Bretane, etc._ _Cf._ on line 373.

469 _thar wes tane._ John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, a prisoner

in Scotland, October 27 (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 792, 793). Still detained

in Scotland, December 10 (_ibid._, No. 795). Captured at Byland

(Stevenson, _Illustrations_, p. 7).

472 _lord of Souly._ Henry, Lord of Sully, a prisoner (_Bain_, No.

796): “the lord of Sully, a baron of France” (_Scala._, p. 149);

“the lord of Sully (_Siliaco_), an ambassador of the King of France”

(_Baker_, p. 66).

478 _yheit at Biland._ But _cf._ note on 356-7.

480 _in full gret hy._ “The King himself scarcely escaped from Rivaulx”

(_Scala._, p. 149). “The King fled swiftly from Biland” (_Gesta Edw._,

p. 79; _cf._ also _Lanercost_, p. 248; _Baker_, p. 66). “To Scarborough

Castle” (Stevenson, _Illustrations_, p. 7).

489 _Till Yorkis yhettis._ The Scots made their way to York (_Scala._,

p. 150; _Lanercost_, p. 248; _Gesta_, p. 81).

493 _nane wald cum out._ The English were quite demoralized. They had

fled like “a hare before the hounds” (_Scala._, p. 150). “The people

were collapsing (_corruentem_) before the enemy like sheep without a

shepherd” (_Gesta_, p. 81).

498 _Rivens._ Rievaulx; see above.

500 _The King of Inglandis ger._ A note in _Bain_ describes the harness

lost at “Ryvaux” by the sudden attack of the Scots there on October 14

(iii., No. 791). According to _Lanercost_, the King in his hurry left

in Rievaulx Monastery his silver plate and great treasure, all which

the Scots carried off, spoiling the monastery besides (p. 248). The

royal treasure taken at Byland (_Higden_, viii., p. 316).

520 _Lang eftir._ In October, 1323, and May, 1324, negotiations for

Richmond’s release were still in progress (_Bain_, iii., No. 829; _Pat.

Rolls_).

543 _but ransoun free._ This seems to have been the transaction which

resulted in the “Emerald” charter of the Douglases, giving them

extraordinary powers of jurisdiction within their territories. The

grant was in lieu of 4,400 merks sterling, the ransoms of three (not

two) French knights and their valets captured by Douglas at Byland, and

liberated at the instance of the King of France, “our very dear friend”

(Fraser’s _Douglas_, _Bk._ iii., p. 11).

553 _Byrnand, slayand, and distroyand._ From all accounts the Scots

did terrible mischief. “They did damage at their pleasure, with no

one to oppose them” (_Scala._, p. 150). They spoiled and burned the

neighbouring districts, carried off the cattle, and wasted on all

sides with fire and sword (_Gesta Edw._, p. 80; _Trokelowe_, p. 126;

_Northern Registers_, p. 318).

555 _to the Wald._ The Yorkshire Wold (_Scala._, p. 150). “Le Wald”

(_Lanercost_, p. 248; Stevenson’s _Illustrations_, p. 7).

558 _The vale ... of Beauvare._ The valley of the river Hull in

which is Beverley. “They destroyed that country to about the town of

Beverley, which purchased immunity from being burned” (_Lanercost_,

p. 248). Murimuth and Baker say it cost Beverley four hundred pounds

sterling (_Baker_, p. 66).

561 _Till Scotland._ They returned on October 22 (_Gesta_, p. 80).

In _Lanercost_, November 2 is given as the date (p. 248). It may be

inferred, from a reference in _Bain_ to the Earl of Richmond as “a

prisoner in Scotland” on October 27, that the Scots had got home by

that date.

BOOK XIX.

6 _a fell conjuracione._ Barbour post-dates this conspiracy. It took

place in 1320.

11 _The lord of Sowlis._ Probably the grandson of Sir Nicholas Soulis,

one of the competitors in 1292. Sir Nicholas claimed through his

mother, a niece of Alexander III. (_Bain_, ii., liv.). His forfeited

lands in Liddesdale were given to Bruce’s illegitimate son Robert

(Robertson’s _Index_, p. 12; 54, etc.); others to Robert Stewart, son

of Walter (_ibid._, 10; 13).

16 _Male-herbe._ As in E, is the correct form; or Malerb (_Fordun_),

Malherbe (_Scala._) and on record in _Bain_, and in _Robertson_, where

the Stirlingshire lands forfeited by “Gilbert de Malherbe” are gifted

to another (_Index_, 21; 19). The land of “Malerbe” was in Perthshire

(_Reg. Mag. Sig._, pp. 30, 61). The other names occur in these sources

also, as in Barbour.

19 _David the Brechyne._ _Cf._ on _Bk._ VIII. 402; IX. 293. Some of the

forfeited lands of Brechin, such as Rothmay, Brechine, Kinloch, etc.,

were granted to Sir David de Barclay (_Robertson_, pp. 26, 34).

23 _Throu ane lady._ The lady in the affair was Countess of Strathearn

(_Gesta Annal._, cxxxv.). But Gray (_Scala._, p. 144) gives a different

discoverer, Murdoch of Menteith, who was in the English service as

late, at least, as January, 1317 (_Bain_, iii. 534). The Countess could

not have turned King’s evidence, as she was condemned to imprisonment

for life (_Fordun._ _Ibid._). In an extract from the Cotton MS. in

_Stevenson_, Menteith is again given as the discoverer (_Illust._, p.

55).

45 _playn granting._ Soulis made a full confession (_Scala._, p. 144).

49 _plane parliament._ At Scone, August, 1320 (_Fordun_; _Skene_, i.

348; _Scala._, p. 144). It was known as the Black Parliament.

51 _Till his penance till Dumbertane._ “Confined in Dumbarton Castle

for punishment in prison” (_a sa penaunz en prisoun._--_Scala._, p.

144); “for life” (_Fordun_; _Skene_, i. 348). Gray says that Dumbarton

was the only castle in Scotland not now dismantled (_ibid._).

56 _thai drawin war._ As in Fordun: “first drawn with horses and

finally executed” (_Skene_, i. 348). Gray says Brechin, Logy, and

Maleherbe were hanged and drawn in Perth. Fordun adds Richard Brown, a

squire.

74 _Scottis man._ Umfraville was a prisoner since Bannockburn. At this

date (1320) he was still in Scotland, though on July 24, 1314, Edward

was granting safe-conducts to some of his friends for a journey to

France in quest of money for his ransom (_Bain_, iii., No. 374). On

April 20, 1320, there is a safe-conduct for Sir Ingelram de Umfraville,

“a Scottish knight passing through England on his affairs beyond seas,”

with a considerable following, which was cancelled for one in October

(_ibid._, 694). Meantime his name is on the record of the Arbroath

Parliament in April, 1320 (see below). On January 26, 1321, he is being

restored to his estates, “as Ingelram, who was a prisoner in Scotland,

has escaped, and shown that he never left his allegiance” (_ibid._,

721). These facts have been held to invalidate Barbour’s statement

(Maxwell’s _Robert the Bruce_, pp. 276-7), but they have obviously a

suspicious air. He appears to have somewhat prolonged his escape; there

was clearly a doubt as to his loyalty; and the date fits in curiously

with the narrative. Finally, it has to be explained how Umfraville’s

name appears in the list of signatories to the famous letter to the

Pope from the barons and Community of Scotland on April 6, 1320: “While

there exist a hundred of us we will never submit to England” (_Acts

Parl. Scot._, i., p. 114).

125 _the Kyngis curtasy._ _Cf._ note on _Bk._ XIII. 531.

131 _oftsis._ There had been frequent negotiations for peace since

immediately after Bannockburn (_cf._ _Fœdera_ iii., p. 495).

186 _war trewis tane._ The truce was arranged at Thorpe, near York, to

last for thirteen years (see line 188) from June 12, 1323.